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PRINCETON  THEOLOGICAL  SEMINBRY 


BY    THE     HEIRS    l>h     THK    l.ATK 


lprofC00or  "foenrg  Garringron  BlejanOer,  2>.D.,  %%,'S>. 


sec 


LIFE  AND  COEEESPONDENCE 


OF 


JOSEPH    REED 


LIFE 


CORRESPONDENCE 


JOSEPH   REED, 


MrLITART  SECBETAKT  OF  WASHINGTON,  AT  CAMBRIDGE ;  ADJUTANT- 
GENERAL  OF  THE  CONTINENTAL  ARMT ;  MEMBER  OE  THE 
CONGRESS   OF   THE   UNITED  STATES;   AND  PRESIDENT  OF  THE 
EXECUTIVE  COUNCIL  OF  THE  STATE  OF 
PENNSYLVANIA. 


BY   HIS   GRANDSON, 

WILLIAM    B.    REED 
VOL.  II. 


PHILADELPHIA: 

LINDSAY   AND   BLAKISTON. 

1847. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1847, 

By  William  B.  Reed, 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  for  the  Eastern  District  of 
Pennsylvania. 


C.   SHERMAN,    PRINTER, 

19  St.  James  Street. 


CONTENTS  OF  VOL.  IL 


CHAPTER    I. 

1778.     ' 


Mr.  Reed's  services  in  Congress — Politics  of  Pennsylvania — Disputes  as  to 
the  Constitution  of  1776 — Parties — Action  of  the  Provincial  Convention — 
Tory  Feeling  in  Philadelphia — General  Arnold  in  Command — Mr.  Reed 
at  Camp — Appointment  of  Cadwalader  to  Command  of  Cavalry — Trial 
of  Carlisle  and  Roberts — Mr.  Reed  elected  President  of  Pennsylvania — 
Letters  to  Greene — Congratulations  of  Washington  and  Wayne  -         17 


CHAPTER    II. 
1779. 

President  Reed's  Administration — State  of  Parties  and  public  feeling — Re- 
vision of  Constitution  of  1776 — Constitutionalists  and  Republicans — 
Dispute  with  Arnold — Letter  to  Miss  Shippen — Difficulty  between  Con- 
gress  and  Executive  Council — Arnold's  defence — Discontent  of  Pennsyl- 
vania line — Letters  of  McDougall  and  St.  Clair — Act  for  relief  of  Sol- 
diers— Letters  of  the  Officers — Defence  of  Frontiers — Indian  Depreda- 
tions— Post  at  Fort  Pitt — General  Potter's  Letter  from  Penn's  Valley    -    45 


CHAPTER    III. 

1779. 

State  of  affairs  in  America — Washington  at  Middlebrook — Letters  to  Pre- 
sident Reed,  March  1779 — Depredations  of  the  Enemy  in  Connecticut — 
VOL.  II.  1 


CONTENTS. 

Southern  Campaign — Attack  on  Savannah — Count  d'Estaing — John 
Rutledge — Affairs  in  England  in  1779 — Alarm  on  Coast  of  England — 
D'Orveilliers — Paul  Jones — Duke  of  Richmond's  Speech — President 
Reed's  correspondence  with  Wasiiington — Defence  of  the  Frontiers — 
Generals  Hand  and  M'Intosh — Proclamation  of  22d  April,  1779 — Party 
Spirit — Mode  of  Enlistment — Deserters — Embargo — Massachusetts  De- 
legation— General  Potter's  Letter — Letter  to  General  Hand    -         -         -   72 


CHAPTER    IV. 
1779. 

Correspondence  of  the  Executive  Council  with  Washington — Arnold's  Trial 
Defence  of  the  frontiers — Mr.  Reed's  Letters  to  Washington,  24th  and 
25th  April,  1779 — Recommendation  of  General  Potter — Washington's 
Letter  27th  of  April,  as  to  Arnold — Court  Martial  ordered — Reed's  Letter 
to  Washington,  May  1st — Silas  Deane's  affairs — American  Commis- 
sioners— Washington's  Letter,  May  8 — Reply  of  Council — Expedition 
against  the  Indians — Irregularities  of  Continental  officers — Washington 
to  the  Council,  May  20th — Sullivan's  Expedition  against  the  Indians 


CHAPTER    V. 
1779. 

Military  Correspondence — Henry  Lee's  letter  of  July  6th — Battle  of  Stoney 
Point — Lee's  letter  describing  the  attack — Arrival  of  the  news  at  Phila- 
delphia— Thanks  of  President  Reed  and  the  Assembly — General  William 
Irvine — His  correspondence  with  President  Reed — Affairs  on  the  North 
River — Wayne's  Letters — Charles  Lee's  Political  and  Military  Queries 
—Washington's  Letter  to  Reed,  July  29th,  1779— Wayne's  Letter,  6th 
August — Washington's  views  of  Pennsylvania  affairs — Correspondence  of 
Wayne,  Henry  Lee,  and  Irvine — William  Bradford — His  career  and  cha- 
racter— George  Bryan — Letter  from  Baltimore,  August,  1779 — Dispute 
as  to  Boundary  Line  with  Virginia,  and  its  adjustment  ...  108 


CONTENTS.  XI 

CHAPTER    VI. 

1779. 

Public  feeling  in  Philadelphia — The  Embargoes — Tender  laws — Price  regu- 
lations— Mr.  Reed's  Opinions — Resolutions  of  Congress — Washington's 
Opinion  as  to  Forestallers — Proclamation  of  Council — Memorial  to  Con- 
gress — Town  Meetings  in  Philadelphia — Progress  of  Popular  Discontent 
— Committee  of  Prices — Robert  Morris — Presentment  of  the  Grand  Jury 
— The  attack  on  Mr.  Wilson's  house — Allen  M'Lane — President  Reed's 
interposition — St.  Clair's  Letter — Mrs.  Reed — Town  Meeting — Act  of 
Amnesty — Letters  of  Paine  and  M.  Gerard  -         -         -         -         -         -  137 

CHAPTER    VII. 

1779—80. 

Legislative  measures  of  President  Reed's  Administration — Messages  of 
September  and  November,  1779 — Proprietary  Estates — The  Divesting 
Act  of  1779 — State  of  the  Proprietary  family — Richard  Penn — Gover- 
nor John  Penn — History  of  the  Divesting  Act — Compensation  to  the 
Penns  in  Pennsylvania  and  Great  Britain — The  College  Charter — The 
Episcopal  Clergy — Dr.  William  Smith — Seabury  and  Odell — Founda- 
tion of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania — The  American  Philosophical 
Society — The  Abolition  Act  of  1780 — Its  history — Slavery  in  Pennsylva- 
nia— High  Court  of  Errors  and  Appeals        ...--.  158 

CHAPTER    VIII. 

1779—80. 

Executive  Administration  of  Pennsylvania — Contemplated  Attack  on  New 
York — Co-operation  of  the  French  Fleet — Washington's  Letter,  4th  Oc- 
tober, 1779 — Colonel  Persifor  Frazer — Washington's  Letter,  22d  October 
— President  Reed's  Reply  of  15th  of  November — Clothing  Department — 
New  York  enterprise  relinquished — State  of  affairs  at  Camp  in  the  winter 
of  1779 — Greene's  Letters — Assemblies  at  Camp — Letters  from  Frank- 
lin and  Gates — Horace  Walpole's  Godson      ------  179 


XU  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER    IX. 

1780. 

State  of  Affairs  in  Europe  and  America — Surrender  of  Charleston — Wash- 
ington at  Morristown — Depreciation  of  the  Currency — George  Bryan — 
Mr.  Reed's  Letters  in  May,  1780 — Favourable  news  from  Europe — Jona- 
than Dickinson  Sergeant — Distress  at  Camp — Irvine's  Letter — Revolt  of 
Connecticut  Troops — Washington's  Letter  of  28th  May — His  opinions  of 
Foreign  Affairs — Duke  of  Richmond's  Letter  to  Mr.  Burke — Washing- 
ton's Requisition  on  Pennsylvania — Lafayette's  Letter  31st  May,  1780 — 
The  Assembly  confers  Extraordinary  Powers — Martial  Law  -         -  196 


CHAPTER    X. 

1780. 

Martial  Law  proclaimed — Reed's  Letter  of  20th  June — Bank  of  North 
America — Reed's  Letter,  22d  June — Greene's  Letter — Paine's  Letter  to 
Mr.  Reed — State  of  feeling  in  Pennsylvania — Correspondence  of  Wash- 
ington and  Reed  on  Public  Affairs — Mr.  Reed's  exposition  of  Pennsylva- 
nia Affairs — Birth  of  his  youngest  son,  George  Washington  Reed — His 
career  in  the  Navy  of  the  United  States — His  death  in  1813  -         -  214 


CHAPTER    XI. 

1780. 

Difficulties  of  Executive  Administration — President  Reed's  Letters  to  Lan- 
caster and  Bucks  Counties — William  Henry  of  Lancaster — Gait's  Life 
of  West — Arrival  of  the  Division  of  the  French  Army  under  Rocham- 

beau Militia  Camp  at  Trenton — President  Reed  takes  the  field  in  person 

William  Moore,  Vice-President — Letter  to  Washington,  17th  August, 

from  Trenton — Letters  to  Mrs.  Reed — Greene's  resignation  as  Quarter- 
master-General— Letter  to  Reed,  29th  of  August — Washington's  Letter 
of  the  20th  August — Abandonment  of  the  attack  on  New  York — Mr. 


CONTENTS.  Xlll 


Reed's  Letter  to  Chief  Justice  M'Kean— Revenue  Plans — Land  Office- 
Letter  to  Washington — Mr.  M'Kean's  Letter — General  Wayne— Presi- 
dent Reed's  return  to  Philadelphia         -         .         .         .         .         .         .  234 


CHAPTER    XII. 

1780. 

Mrs.  Reed's  Character— Her  Correspondence  during  the  War — Subscrip- 
tions  of  the  Philadelphia  Ladies  for  the  relief  of  the  Soldiers — Barb6 
Marbois'  Letter  to  Mrs.  Reed — Letters  from  Washington  to  Mrs.  Reed — 
Lafayette's  subscription — Mrs.  Reed's  Illness  and  Death — Mrs.  Bache — 
Wayne's  Letter — Arnold's  Treason — Letter  from  Major  Andre  to  Mrs. 
Arnold — Charles  Thomson's  Letter  to  Mr.  Jay — General  Schuyler's 
Letter— Andre's  Execution — Washington's  Letter,  18th  October,  1780  -  253 


CHAPTER,  XIII. 

1780—81. 

Elections  in  fall  of  1780 — Mr.  Reed  chosen  President  the  third  time — Mes. 
sage  of  Council — Commission  on  Revenue  System — Reed,  Bayard,  and 
Rittenhouse — Their  Report — Letter  to  Mr.  Bryan — Wayne's  Letter — 
Mr.  Searle's  Mission  to  Europe — Financial  Affairs — Tender  Laws — Let- 
ter to  Mr.  Henry — Protest  in  Assembly — Mr.  Reed's  Letter  to  James 
Searle — Dissolution  of  the  Paper  Money — Message  to  the  Assembly — 
Repeal  of  Tender  Laws — President  Reed's  Letters  to  Armstrong  and 
Washington — Vindication  of  Pennsylvania — French  Travellers  in  Ame- 
rica— Chastellux  and  the  Abbe  Robin — Review  of  the  French  Army — 
Chastellux's  Visit  to  Mr.  Reed — Philosophical  Society    ....  280 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

1781. 

Revolt  of  the  Pennsylvania  Line — Its  causes — Wayne's  Letters  describing 
the  Progress  of  Discontent — Washington's  Letter  to  Gouverneur  Morris 
— Destitution  at  Camp — President  Reed  and  Committee  of  Congress 
visit  the  Camp — Wayne,  Stewart,  and  Butler — Mr.  Reed's  Letters  on  the 
Revolt  and  its  Suppression — Sir  Henry  Clinton's  Spies  executed — Refu- 


XIV  CONTENTS. 

sal  of  Troops  to  receive  Reward — Washington's  Letter  to  President 
Weare — Embargo  on  Port  of  Philadelphia — Armstrong's  Letter Ar- 
nold's invasion  of  Virginia — Action  of  the  Assembly  on  the  Revolt Plan 

to  assassinate  Washington,  Reed,  Clinton,  and  Livingston — Character  of 
Governor  Livingston  of  New  Jersey     .         ....         .         .  312 


CHAPTER    XV. 
1781. 

Greene  and  Henry  Lee — Greene's  character — His  Letter,  19th  September, 
1780 — Takes  command  of  the  Southern  Army — Letter  9th  January, 
1781 — Difficulties  of  his  position — Wants  of  the  Army — Henry  Lee's 
Letter  to  Mr.  Reed — Lord  Cornwallis's  Military  Operations — Ad  van- 
tage  of  Regular  Troops — Greene's  Letter  of  18th  March— Retreat  to 
North  Carolina— Returns  to  South  Carolina — Battle  of  Guilford  Court 
House — Letter  from  Camden,  May  4th — State  of  Affairs  in  the  South — 
Wayne  goes  South — Mr.  Reed's  Letter  on  Public  Affairs,  June,  1781 — 
Plan  of  Military  Operations — Grayson's  Letters — Proposed  History  of 
the  Revolution — Greene's  Letter  from  High  Hills — Battle  of  Camden — 
Washington  advances  to  Virginia — Wayne's  Letters — Surrender  of 
Cornwallis — Action  of  Pennsylvania  Executive 339 


CHAPTER    XVI. 

1781—82. 

The  termination  of  Hostilities — Military  Correspondence  concluded — Mr, 
Reed's  Letter  to  Greene,  November  1,  1781 — His  view  of  Public  Affairs 
in  Pennsylvania — Organization  of  the  Executive  Departments — Morris, 
Livingston,  and  Schuyler — Deane's  intercepted  Letters — Lafayette's  Let- 
ter of  Farewell — Desolate  interval  after  the  War — Greene's  Letters, 
February,  1782,  and  18th  July,  1782 — Greene's  Letter  to  Clement  Bid- 
die       370 


CONTENTS.  XV 


CHAPTER    XVII. 

1782. 

Party  feeling  in  Pennsylvania — Valerius  and  Mr,  Dickinson — Mr.  Reed's 
controversy  with  General  Cadwalader — Mr.  Reed  resumes  the  practice 
of  the  law — Defeat  of  Count  De  Grasse  by  Rodney— ^Mr.  Reed's  letter  on 
the  subject — Greene's  letter  of  29th  August,  1782,  to  Mr.  Pettit — Wyo- 
ming Question  argued  at  Trenton  by  Reed,  Wilson,  Sergeant,  and  Brad- 
ford — Letters  from  Trenton — Decree  in  favour  of  Pennsylvania — Mr. 
Reed's  Letter,  14th  March,  1783,  to  Greene — Peace  proclaimed — Greene's 
letter  23d  April 382 


CHAPTER    XVIII. 
1784—1785. 

Revolt  in  Pennsylvania — Congress  retire  to  Princeton — Decline  of  Mr. 
Reed's  Health — His  last  visit  to  Europe — Dr.  Witherspoon's  Mission  for 
Princeton  College — Greene's  Letter  to  Lafayette — Lafayette's  Letter  in 
1824 — Arrival  in  London — Correspondence  with  Mr.  Adams  at  the 
Hague — Mr.  Reed's  Letter  to  General  Greene — Affairs  in  Great  Britain 
— To  Mr.  Adams,  February,  1784 — The  Earl  of  Buchan — His  visit  to 
America — Mr.  Gerry's  Letter — Arthur  Lee — Greene's  Letter  14th  May, 
1784 — Henry  Laurens — Mr.  Reed's  Letter  to  William  Bradford — Mr. 
Reed's  Return  to  America — Illness  and  Death 397 

Affendix,   -        -        -        -        -        -.-        -        .        -.  421 


LIFE 


CORRESPONDETsCE 

OF 

JOSEPH  REED. 


CHAPTER   I. 

1778. 


Mr.  Reed's  services  in  Congress — Politics  of  Pennsylvania — Disputes  as  to  the 
Constitution  of  1776 — Parties — Action  of  the  Provincial  Convention — Tory 
Feeling-  in  Philadelphia — General  Arnold  in  Command — Mr.  Reed  at  Camp — 
Appointment  of  Cadvvalader  to  Command  of  Cavalry — Trial  of  Carlisle  and 
Roberts — Mr.  Reed  elected  President  of  Pennsylvania — Letters  to  Greene — 
Congratulations  of  Washington  and  Wayne. 

On  the  15th  of  July,  1778,  Mr.  Reed,  as  we  have  seen,  re- 
sumed his  place  in  Congress.  He  remained,  with  short  inter- 
vals, at  his  post  till  the  month  of  October,  when,  on  his  election 
to  the  Council  of  Pennsylvania,  he  resigned.  During  this  time, 
his  services  seem  to  have  been  unceasing.  He  was  a  member 
of  every  important  Committee ;  and,  being  the  only  speakino" 
member  from  his  State,  seems  to  have  takeri  a  lead  in  every 
discussion.  He  was  one  of  the  Signers  of  the  Articles  of  Con- 
federation, though  not  present  when  the  amendments  proposed 
to  that  ill-assorted  instrument,  on  the  part  of  Pennsylvania, 
were  considered  and  decided.*     It  is  not  an  easy  matter,  it 

*  These  amendments  and  the  vote  on  them  will  be  found  in  the  Journals  of 

Congress,  vol.  iv.  p.  379.     They  were  unimportant,  with  perhaps  one  exception. 

The  ninth  article  provided  for  "a  Committee  of  States,"  to  sit  during  the  recess 

of  Congress,  who,  ajnong  other  things,  were  to  make  requisitions  for  the  State 

VOL.  II.  2 


18  THE  OLD  CONGRESS. 

may  be  observed,  from  the  materials  which  have  survived,  to 
measure  with  anything  like  precision,  the  actual  services  of  the 
most  distinguished  men  in  the  Old  Congress.  The  Journal  is 
painfully  meagre,  being  meant  apparently  to  record  as  little 
as  possible.  The  deliberations  were  secret,  and  the  dis- 
cussions of  course  conversational.  There  being  at  no  time 
more  than  forty  members  present,  and  very  often  not  more 
than  half  that  number,  it  is  a  great  error  to  think  of  the 
Congress  of  those  days,  as  having  the  least  resemblance  to  the 
declamatory  assembly  of  our  own  times.  No  one  made  a  set 
speech,  simply  because  there  were  none  to  listen.  No  one 
printed  either  what  he  had  orjiad  not  spoken,  because  it  was 
much  more  safe  to  bury  in  profound  confidence,  the  dangerous 
secrets  of  revolutionary  debate.* 

Mr.  Reed,  throughout  his  term  of  service  in  Congress,  so  far 
as  we  can  judge  from  the  journal,  and  the  manuscript  reports 
of  the  numerous  committees  on  which  he  was  appointed,  was  an 
active  member  of  that  body.  Francis  Dana,  Gouverneur  Mor- 
ris, and  Reed,  during  the  sessions  of  1778,  were  clearly  the 
prominent  men. 

The  history  of  the  next  three  years  of  his  life,  dating 
from  the  time  at  which  he  resigned  his  seat  in  Congress,  is  the 
History  of  Pennsylvania.  Placed,  as  will  presently  be  seen, 
by  the  suffrages  of  all  parties,  at  a  time  when  political  feeling 
was  at  fever  heat,  at  the  head  of  the  Executive  Department  of 
the  State  Government,  he  threw  into  the  discharge  of  this  trust 
all  his  energies,  and  laboured  in  the  public  cause  with  an  inten- 
sity of  devotion  which  it  is  difficult  to  describe,  and  which  led 
to  the  utter  prostration  of  his  health,  and  premature  termination 
of  his  life.  He  became  the  centre  of  the  party  which  supported 
the  existing  frame  of  Government,  and  the  accredited  leader  of 
the  Constitutional  Whigs. 

quotas,  on  the  basis  of  white  population.  The  Pennsylvania  amendment  pro- 
posed to  strike  out  the  word  white.  It  was  lost.  Three  states  voting  for  it — 
seven  against  it,  and  one  divided. 

*  Occasionally,  however,  even  in  this  small  conclave,  there  were  some  signs  of 
disorder  and  transient  indecorum,  as  in  the  case  of  Mr.  Burke  of  North  Carolina, 
narrated  in  The  Secret  Journal,  vol.  i.  pp.  62 — 66. 


POLITICS  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 


19 


It  will  be  necessary,  in  describing  the  state  of  feeling  which 
existed  at  the  beginning  of  Mr.  Reed's  Presidency,  to  recur 
briefly  to  the  sketch,  already  given,  of  the  earlier  politics  of 
'76.*  No  one,  who  has  not  tried  it,  can  understand  the  diffi- 
culty of  illustrating  the  tangled  politics  of  those  days.  News- 
papers inferior  in  kind,  and  filled  with  anonymous  essays, 
written  with  extreme  asperity  by  adverse  partisans,  must  be, 
at  a  great  waste  of  time,  examined. f  Private  correspondence, 
manuscripts,  unfortunately  every  day  becoming  more  rare, 
must  be  scrutinized,  and  judged  with  full  allowance  for  the 
strong  prejudices  and  passions  of  the  writers ;  and  no  one, 
after  all,  can  be  sure  that  in  the  result  he  has  done  more  than 
approach  the  truth. 

This  is  not  the  place  for  a  discussion  of  the  merits  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Constitution  of  '76.  According  to  the  received 
opinions  of  our  times  it  was  very  defective.  At  the  time  of 
its  adoption,  many,  and  among  them  Mr.  Reed,  saw  these  de- 
fects plainly.  It  was  the  hurried  and  necessarily  imperfect 
work  of  actual  revolution,  when  men's  passions  were  heat- 
ed, and  judgments  swayed  by  transient  impulses  and  irrita- 
tions. Its  main  features,  so  far  as  they  became  subjects  of 
political  discussion  afterwards,  were  the  single  Legislative 
body,  an  Executive  Council,  and  a  President  and  Vice-Presi- 
dent, chosen  from  its  members,  an  enlarged  elective  franchise, 
with  no  property  qualification,  but  restricted  with  the  strongest 
oath  of  abjuration  and  of  allegiance  to  the  Government  thus  con- 
stituted ;J  and  lastly,  a  curiously  complex  and  exclusive  provi- 

*  Supra,  vol.  i.  chap.  vii.  p.  151. 

t  No  one  who  examines  the  files  of  Revolutionary  newspapers,  can  fail  to  be 
struck  with  the  talent  exhibited  in  those  anonymous  articles.  The  authors  were 
either  well  known  at  the  time  or  shrewdly  suspected,  and  evident  care  was  be- 
stowed on  their  political  Essays. 

t  Strange  as  it  may  seem  to  us,  whose  allegiance  is  implied  and  is  enforced 
by  no  express  obligation,  these  oaths  were  looked  on  with  great  jealousy.  One 
construction  given  to  this  oath  was,  that  it  was  designed  to  prevent,  and  did  by 
its  obligation  prevent  the  person  taking  it  from  attempting  to  amend  the  Con- 
stitution by  means  of  a  convention.  A  kindred  difficulty  occurred  in  1 778,  with 
a  portion  of  the  officers  of  the  Continental  army,  who  refused  to  take  an  oath 
prescribed  by  Congress,  because  they  thought  it  laid  them  under  a  restraint  from 
seeking  a  change  in  the  military  establishment, — Sparks'"  Washington,  v.  3G8, 


20  THE  CONVENTION  OF   1776. 

sion  for  amendment  by  the  election,  at  the  expiration  of  seven 
years,  and  not  before,  of  what  was  called  a  Council  of  Censors, 
who  were  not  only  to  recommend  amendments,  but  revising 
the  legislation  of  the  preceding  years,  to  point  out  if  any  viola- 
tions of  the  Constitution  had  occurred.  This  last  provision, 
an  ingenious,  if  not  eflective  mode  of  preventing  all  change 
when  change  was  most  dreaded,  was  the  prolific  parent  of 
much  painful  controversy.  Asa  mode  of  constitutional  amend- 
ment it  was  most  perversely  cumbersome  and  useless. 

The  cavils  of  the  opponents  of  the  Constitution  were  not 
confined  to  the  instrument  itself.  They  fancied  they  had 
great  cause  of  complaint  in  the  conduct  of  the  Convention 
which  framed  it,  and  its  alleged  usurpation  of  legislative 
authority.  The  last  subject  of  complaint,  I  have  examined 
with  some  care  as  a  curious  question  in  our  local  history,  and 
the  result  is  a  thorough  conviction  that  in  it  there  was  no 
justice  whatever. 

The  right  of  the  Convention  to  legislate  was,  if  there  can  be 
such  a  thing,  a  revolutionary  right.  A  constituency  gave 
the  power  and  looked  for  its  exercise,  nor  does  it  aflfect  the 
right  that  this  constituency  was  but  a  part  of  the  community. 
It  was  the  crisis  of  a  civil  war  when,  of  necessity,  the  com- 
munity was  divided,  and  one  part  sought  to  exclude  the  other 
from  any  share  in  public  affairs.  It  was  not  a  question  of 
majority  or  minority,  the  representative  body  though  elected 
!by  one,  representing  both,  but  it  was  the  representation  of  a 
revolutionary,  and  therefore  exclusive  party,  and  if  the  Conven- 
tion was  elected,  as  it  unquestionably  was,  by  one  party  or  set 
•of  men,  it  no  more  represented  the  other  party  than  it  did  the 
people  of  Great  Britain.  Yet  it  was  principally  those  who 
were  excluded,  or  who  excluded  themselves  from  voting  in  the 
ichoice  of  deputies,  who  most  loudly  complained  of  the  exercise 
•of  legislative  power  by  the  Convention.  The  only  question  is, 
did  such  a  constituent  body  either  expressly  delegate  or  tacitly 
approve  the  exercise  of  power  1  It  can  be  shown  it  did  both, 
certainly  the  latter. 

The  Convention  seems,  at  first,  to  have  regarded  the  resolu- 
tions of  the  Provincial  Conference,  under  which  they  acted,  as 


THE  CONVENTION  OF   1776.  21 

limited  and  precise  in  their  intent,  and  as  confining  them  to  the 
choice  of  Delegates  in  Congress,  and  the  institution  of  a  Council 
of  Safety,  whose   functions  were   wholly   military.     It   was 
clearly  not  thence,  that  it  claimed  the  right  to  legislate.     The 
assumption  of  power  seems  to  have  been  gradual,  justified  by 
an  overbearing  necessity,  and  the  approval  of  the  only  Federal 
power  in  existence,  the  Congress,  whose  authority,  by-the-by, 
had  grown  in  the  same  irregular  way.     For  w^e  find  at  the 
first  day's  session  of  the  Convention,  that  a  letter  was  received 
from  the  President  of  Congress,  directed  to  the  Convention, 
desiring  it  to  legislate  in  a  given  case.      From  time  to  time 
this  was  repeated,  and  the  assumption  of  power  by  the  Conven- 
tion   seems  to    have    been   slowly  and  diffidently  made,  the 
first  measures  adopted  being  rather  those  of  suggestion  and 
recommendation,    than    of    decided    and    positive    legislative 
action.     Gradually,  however,  it   assumed  and  exercised   the 
full   power  of  legislation  and  government.     Each  ordinance 
seemed  required  by  some  adequate  exigency.    The  first  was  to 
authorize  the  seizure  and  appraisement  of  arms  found  in  the 
hands  of  non-associators,  and  may  be  considered  a  measure  of 
revolutionary  police.     On  the  next  day,  Members  of  Congress 
were  elected.     The  subsequent  measures  of  legislation  during 
its  brief  existence,  were  the  Ordinance  for  punishing  counter- 
feiters of  Continental  currency,  and  for  defining  treason,  in 
courts   thereafter   to  be  instituted,   and  one   for  the  relief  of 
insolvent  debtors.     On   the  23d  July,   1776,  the   Council   of 
Safety  was  organized,  and  on  the  3d  of  September,  Justices 
of  the  Peace  throughout  the  State  were  appointed.     These, 
with  some  other  measures  of  less  general  interest,  formed  the 
bulk  of  the  legislation  of  the  Convention.     During  its  brief 
existence  it  was  of  necessity  the  sole  and  exclusive  government. 
No  sooner,  however,  had  the  Convention  closed  its  session, 
and  proclaimed  the  new  Constitution,  than  a  fierce  warfare  on 
all  its  doings  was  begun.     The  press,  then  confined  to  the  City 
of  Philadelphia,  teemed  with  essays  for  and  against  the  Consti- 
tution, its  opponents  evidently  excelling  their  adversaries  in 
bitterness,  if  not  in  ability.     According  to  their  notions,  the 
tyranny  of  Great  Britain  was  nothing  in  comparison  with  that 


22  ELECTION  OF  ASSEMBLY. 

of  the  Convention.*  All  sorts  of  objections  were  urged ;  real 
and  imaginary  grievances  were  dwelt  upon.  One  writer 
violently  censured  the  new  frame  of  government  because 
it  prescribed  no  other  religious  test  than  a  belief  in  God  ;f 
another,  complains  bitterly  of  the  failure  to  exclude  Jews, 
Mahometans,  and  Roman  Catholics.J  Graver  objections  were 
more  temperately  urged.  Its  real  defects  were  palpable  enough. 
Still  in  spite  of  all  this,  it  became  the  law  of  this  land, 
and  being  so,  and  the  first  election  under  it  approaching, 
the  anti-constitutional  party,  actuated  by  the  fierceness  of 
adverse  opinions,  determined  in  a  spirit  as  extreme  and 
revolutionary  as  that  of  which  they  complained,  to  disregard 
or  evade  it.  The  election  was  in  November,  1776.  The  plan 
of  the  opposition  in  the  city  was  to  elect  members  of  Assembly, 
but  no  Councillors,  and  thus,  if  possible,  defeat  the  constitutional 
government,  and  yet  create  a  body  of  the  fashion  of  the  old 
charter  assembly,  which  could  call  a  Convention  and  remodel 
the  Constitution.  Instead  of  voting  for  a  member  of  Council, 
they  voted  on  an  abstract  question,  whether  there  should  be 
Councillors  or  not.  The  electors  omitted  to  take  the  oath 
prescribed  by  the  Constitution.§  Of  course  the  anti-constitu- 
tional ticket  for  Assembly  prevailed,  and  it  was  decided  by  a 
vote  of  two  to  one  not  to  elect  Councillors.  This  was  clearly 
factious  and  indefensible  conduct.  The  same  course  was 
pursued  with  the  same  result  in  the  county  of  Philadelphia, 
whilst  in  other  counties.  Councillors  as  well  as  Assembly-men 
were  duly  elected,  agreeably  to  the  Constitution. 1|  It  was  in 
this  excited  state  of  things,  that  intelligence  was  received  of 
the  British  invasion  of  New  Jersey,  and  probable  approach  to 
the  Delaware.  Mere  party  differences  were  of  course  forgotten 
in  the  common  danger.     The  Assembly,  then  chosen,  met  and 

*  Hazard^s  Register,  vol.  iii.  p.  403. 

t  Towne's  Evening  Post,  16th  September,  1776. 

t  Evening  Post,  26th  September.  At  this  very  moment  one  of  the  most  gallant 
and  distinguished  officers  in  the  Pennsylvania  line  was  Colonel  Moylan,  a  strict 
and  conscientious  Roman  Catholic. 

§  Pennsylvania  Packet,  27lh  May,  1777. 

II  Evening  Post,  12th  November. 


ELECTION  OF  COUNCIL.  23 

was  organized  on  the  28th  November.  It  continued  its  dis- 
turbed and  uncertain  sessions  till  the  middle  of  December, 
when  it  was  literally  dispersed  by  the  impending  danger  and 
excitement,  not  to  reunite  till  the  14th  of  January,  1777,  from 
which  time  it  continued  to  act  with  regularity  and  apparent 
deliberation.  Several  of  the  opponents  of  the  Constitution 
refused  to  take  the  seats  to  which  they  had  been  elected,  and 
the  vacancies  were  filled  by  a  new  election,  held  under  the 
authority  of  the  Assembly  itself.*  The  failure  to  elect  an 
Executive  Councilman  for  Philadelphia,  was  on  the  14th  re- 
medied by  the  election  of  Thomas  Wharton,  jr.,  an  active 
and  patriotic  Whig  and  constitutionalist.  It  was  not,  however, 
such  were  the  difficulties  interposed  by  what  cannot  but  be  con- 
sidered an  ill-advised  opposition,  till  the  4th  of  March,  (1777,) 
that  the  Executive  Council  was  organized  by  the  election  of 
Mr.  Wharton  as  President,  and  George  Bryan  as  Vice-President. 
Thus,  at  last,  the  new  government  became  complete. 

During  the  summer  of  1777,  the  popular  discussion  of  the 
new  Constitution  continued  with  scarcely  less  acrimony  than 
before.  It  occupied  the  attention  of  the  Assembly,  which  body 
was  much  divided  in  opinion,  though  a  large  majority  was 
resolute  in  sustaining  the  new  form  of  government.  In  the  fall 
of  1777,  the  approach  of  the  enemy  again  put  an  end  to  these 
disputes,  generally,  it  must  be  observed,  raging  with  most 
asperity  in  the  City  and  County  of  Philadelphia,  and  other 
more  engrossing  matters  fully  occupied  the  time  and  attention 
of  the  new  Assembly,  which  met  at  Lancaster  in  November  of 
that  year.  In  all  these  violent  divisions  of  sentiment,  Mr.  Reed 
happily  for  himself  had  no  part. 

On  the  return  of  the  Americans  to  Philadelphia  in  June, 
1778,  a  very  peculiar  but  not  unnatural  state  of  feeling 
was  produced,  into  which  on  one  side  or  the  other  the 
adversary  sentiment  as  to  the  Constitution  soon  insinuated 
itself  Philadelphia,  though  the  colonial  metropolis,  was  at 
that  time  of  no  great  extent  or  population.  Village-like  in  its 
character,  there  were  very  well-defined  ranks  of  society,  such 

*  Journals  of  Assembly,  p.  110. 


24  OPINIONS  IN  PHILADELPHIA. 

as  in  a  village  are  apt  to  be  offensively  distinct.  These  social 
distinctions  had  been  rather  rudely  trampled  down  in  the  first 
disturbance  of  the  Revolution,  and  the  conduct  of  those 
connected  with  the  proprietary  or  other  pseudo-aristocra- 
tic connexions,  had  not  been  such  as  to  conciliate  popular 
regard.*     The  discipline  ofc  the  popular  confimittees  had  no 


*  Mrs.  Washington  on  one  occasion  said,  that  on  a  visit  to  Philadelphia  on  her 
way  to  camp,  none  or  but  few  of  the  ladies  of  the  City  called  on  her,  so  prevalent 
was  the  disaffection.  I  am  tempted  here  to  quote  a  passage  from  Christopher 
Marshall's  Diary  of  1775,  curiously  illustrative  of  the  state  of  popular  feeling  at 
the  outbreak  of  the  war,  as  well  as  of  the  decorous  discretion  which  marked  the 
conduct  of  the  wife  of  Washington. 

"  November  '2]sf,  1775. — In  company  with  Sampson  Levy,  Thomas  Combs, 
and  my  son  Benjamin,  we  viewed  the  inside  of  tlie  new  prison ;  thence  into 
Chestnut  Street,  to  view  the  arrival  of  Lady  Washington,  who  was  on  her  journey 
to  Cambridge,  to  her  husband.  She  was  escorted  into  the  City  from  Schuylkill 
Ferry,  by  tiie  Colonel  and  other  officers,  and  light  infantry,  of  the  Second  Bat- 
talion, and  the  company  of  Light  Horse,  &c. 

"  24th. — After  dinner,  as  I  had  heard  some  threats  thrown  out,  that  if  the  ball 
assembled  this  night,  as  it  was  proposed,  they  presumed  that  the  New  Tavern 
would  cut  but  a  poor  figure  to-morrow  morning,  these  fears  of  some  commotion's 
being  made  that  would  be  very  disagreeable  at  this  melancholy  time,  in  disturbing 
the  peace  of  the  City,  I  concluded,  if  possible,  to  prevent,  in  order  to  which,  I 
went  to  Col.  Hancock's  lodgings,  and  finding  he  was  not  come  from  Congress, 
and  the  time  grew  short,  being  three  o'clock,  I  walked  up  to  the  State  House,  in 
expectation  of  meeting  him.  That  failing,  I  requested  the  doorkeeper  to  call 
Samuel  Adams,  which  he  accordingly  did,  and  he  came.  I  then  informed  him  of 
the  account  received  of  a  ball,  that  was  to  be  held  this  evening,  and  where,  and  that 
Mrs.  Washington  and  Col.  Hancock's  wife  were  to  be  present,  and  as  such  meet- 
ings appeared  to  be  contrary  to  the  Eighth  Resolve  of  Congress,  I  therefore  re. 
quested  he  would  give  my  respects  to  Col.  Hancock,  desire  him  to  wait  on  Lady 
Washington  to  request  her  not  to  attend  or  go  this  evening.  This  he  promised. 
Thence  I  went  and  met  the  Committee  at  the  Philosophical  Hall,  which  was 
large  and  respectable,  being  called  together  for  this  only  purpose  to  consider  the 
propriety  of  this  meeting  or  ball's  being  held  this  evening  in  this  city,  at  the  New 
Tavern,  where,  after  due  and  mature  consideration,  it  was  then  concluded,  there 
being  but  one  dissenting  voice,  (Sharp  Delany,)  that  there  should  be  no  such 
meeting  held,  not  only  this  evening,  but  in  future,  while  these  troublesome  times 
continued,  and  a  Committee  was  appointed,  immediately  to  go  to  inform  the 
directors  of  this  meeting  not  to  proceed  any  further  in  this  affair,  and  also  to  wait 
upon  Lady  Washington,  expressing  this  Committee's  great  regard  and  affection 
to  her,  requesting  her  to  accept  of  their  grateful  acknowledgment  and  respect, 
due  to  her  on  account  of  her  near  connexion  with  our  worthy  and  brave  General 
now  exposed  in  the  field  of  battle  in  defence  of  our  rights  and  liberties,  and  request 
and  desire  her  not  to  grace  that  company,  to  which,  we  are  informed,  she  has  an 


THE  LOYALISTS.  25 

doubt  been  severe.  They  had  subjected  not  only  the  loyal  but 
the  quiet  and  temporising  inhabitants  to  harsh  processes.  The 
Friends  in  particular,  had  little  allowance  made  for  their 
amiable  principles  of  impracticable  peacefulness.  "  The  Com- 
mittee of  Suflerings"  had  often  implored  mercy  in  vain.  Many 
of  this  society,  its  leading  and  most  eminent  members,  together 
with  a  number  of  influential  citizens  of  other  modes  of  thinking, 
had  on  the  approach  of  the  enemy  been  arrested  and  sent  into 
distant  exile  in  Virginia.  To  all  who  sympathized  with  these 
wrongs,  the  arrival  of  the  British  army  and  the  occupation 
of  Philadelphia  were  far  from  unwelcome.  This  was  their  day 
of  consolation.  But  when  the  Americans  repossessed  them- 
selves of  the  City,  new-  exasperation  occurred.  The  patriot 
citizens  who  had  been  driven  from  their  homes,  and  who,  in 
the  camp  at  Valley  Forge,  or  in  some  accidental  place  of 
refuge,  had  been  enduring  great  sufferings  and  privations,  who 
had  seen  the  neighbouring  country  literally  laid  waste  with  fire 
and  sword,*  felt  all  their  former  antipathies  to  the  loyal  party 

invitation  this  evening,  &c.  &c.  Came  home  near  six.  After  I  drank  coffee,  I 
went  down  to  Samuel  Adams's  lodg-ing-s,  where  was  Col.  Dyer.  Spent  some  time 
pleasantly,  until  Col.  Harrison  came  to  rebuke  Samuel  Adams  for  using  his  in- 
fluence  for  the  stopping  of  this  entertainment,  which  he  declared  was  legal,  just 
and  laudable.  Many  arguments  were  used  by  all  present  to  convince  him  of  the 
impropriety  at  this  time,  but  all  to  no  effect ;  so,  as  he  came  out  of  humour,  he  so 
returned,  to  appearance, 

"November  25th. —  At  half  past  eleven,  went  to  the  Committee  Room  at  the 
Coffee  House;  came  away  near  two.  At  this  time.  Major  Bayard,  one  of  the  four 
gentlemen  appointed  to  wait  on  Lady  Washington,  reported  that  they  had  acted 
agreeably  to  directions,  that  the  lady  received  them  with  great  politeness,  thanked 
the  Committee  for  their  kind  care  and  regard  in  giving  such  timely  notice,  re- 
questing  her  best  compliments  to  be  returned  to  them  for  their  care  and  regard, 
and  to  assure  them  that  their  sentiments  on  this  occasion,  were  perfectly  agreeable 
unto  her  own. 

"  November  21th. — About  ten,  Lady  Washington,  attended  by  the  troop  of  horse, 
two  companies  of  light  infantry,  &c.  &c.,  left  this  City,  on  her  journey  to  the 
camp,  at  Cambridge." 

*  Mr.  Boudinot  in  a  letter  to  President  Wharton  from  camp,  November  24th, 
1777,  says:  "The  enemy  are  burning  and  destroying  all  the  houses  round  the 
City,  as  Peel  Hall,  Mrs.  Master's  place,  John  Dickenson's,  &c.  Two  of  your 
acquaintances  were  here  yesterday  from  the  City,  who  gave  the  most  shocking 
accounts  of  their  proceedings.  They  say  that  it  is  expected  every  day  when 
Kensington  will  be  burned.     They  also  threaten  Frankford.     I  doubt  not  their 


26  GENERAL  ARNOLD. 

revive  with  new  intensity.  Tiieir  hatred  to  a  disaftccled  Ame- 
rican was  even  more  fierce  than  to  an  English  enemy.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  conduct  of  the  loyalists  and  their  friends 
was  imprudent  in  the  extreme.  They  assumed  the  air  of 
injured  and  oppressed  men,  and  very  soon  and  artfully  identify- 
ing themselves  with  the  Anti-Constitutional  party,  took  an  atti- 
tude of  defiance  to  the  constituted  authorities. 

Unfortunately  for  the  cause  of  good  order,  Arnold  was  the 
individual  selected  to  take  command  in  Philadelphia  on  its 
recapture.  His  influence,  never  that  of  a  peace-maker,  seems 
to  have  been  at  once  exercised  to  stimulate  existing  animosities. 
He  involved  himself  at  once  in  all  sorts  of  illegitimate  specula- 
tions.* Fond  of  display  and  ostentatious  indulgence,  he  grati- 
fied his  tastes  by  uniting  himself  with  the  leading  families  of 
the  City,  in  rank,  wealth,  and  fashion,  and  with  those  who 
were  almost  without  exception  connected  by  sympathy  with 
the  Royal  cause.  The  festival,  brilliant  at  least  for  those  days, 
of  the  Meschianza,  given  by  the  British  officers  at  Philadelphia, 
had  not  been  without  its  influence,  and  the  lady  whom  Arnold 
soon  after  courted  and  married,  had  been  a  bright  beauty 
of  that   gay   scene.f     The  favour  shown   by  the  American 

good  will  to  this  humane  undertaking.  We  are  informed  that  the  injury  wan- 
tonly done  to  the  City  and  around  it  amounts  to  more  than  half  a  million  of 
money." — MS.  Letter. 

*  As  early  as  the  23d  of  June,  four  days  after  he  took  command,  Arnold  entered 
into  a  very  suspicious  partnership,  by  which  goods  not  wanted  for  the  public, 
were  to  be  purchased  with  the  public  money,  and  sold  for  the  benefit  of  himself 
and  his  partners.  The  evidence  of  this  nefarious  transaction,  the  first  of  a  series 
of  iniquities,  is  yet  extant. 

t  In  August,  1779,  Governor  Livingston,  a  true  and  thorough  man  of  New  Jer- 
sey,  wrote  to  his  daughter  at  Philadelphia  :  "The  complaisance  with  which  we  treat 
the  British  prisoners,  considering  how  they  treat  us  when  in  captivity,  of  which  you 
justly  complain,  is  wiiat  the  Congress  can  never  answer  to  their  constituents, 
however  palliated  with  the  specious  name  of  humanity.  It  is  thus  that  we  shall  be 
at  last  humanised  out  of  our  liberties.  Their  country,  their  honours,  the  spirits 
of  those  myriads  who  have  fallen  a  sacrifice  to  the  severity  of  their  treatment  by  the 
enemy,  and  their  own  solemn  oath,  call  upon  that  august  assembly  to  retaliate 
without  further  procrastination.  I  know  there  are  a  number  of  flirts  in  Phila- 
delphia,  equally  famed  for  their  want  of  modesty  as  their  want  of  patriotism,  who 
will  triumph  in  our  over-complaisance  to  the  red  coat  prisoners  lately  arrived  in 
that  metropolis.     I  hope  none  of  my  connexions  will  imitate  them  in  the  dress 


COMMITTEE  AT  CAMP.  27 

General  to  the  inveterate  loyalists,  and  the  new  combinations  in 
politics  which  they  were  dexterous  enough  to  form,  were 
calculated  to  increase  this  insolent  confidence,  and  led  ne- 
cessarily to  the  vigorous  measures  of  chastisement  to  which 
the  authorities  were  compelled  to  resort,  and  which  will 
presently  be  referred  to. 

In  the  middle  of  August,  1778,  Mr.  Reed  again  went  to 
Head-Quarters,  then  at  White  Plains,  as  one  of  a  Committee  of 
Congress,  under  a  Resolution  of  the  10th  of  that  month,  ap- 
pointed to  aid  the  Commander-in-chief  in  effecting  a  new 
arrangement  of  the  army.  He  remained  at  camp  probably 
during  all  the  months  of  August  and  September.*  On  the  7th 
of  September,  as  Chairman  of  this  Committee,  he  addressed  the 


of  their  heads,  or  the  still  more  Tory  feelings  of  their  hearts. — Sedgicick^s 
Livingston,  337. 

"  I  am  convinced,"  Washington  wrote,  "  that  more  mischief  has  been  done 
by  the  British  officers  who  have  been  prisoners,  than  by  any  other  set  of  people ; 
during-  tlieir  captivity  they  have  made  in  the  country  they  have  confirmed  the 
disaffected,  converted  many  ignorant  people,  and  frightened  the  lukewarm  and 
timid,  by  their  stories  of  the  power  of  Britain.  I  hope  a  general  exchange  is  not 
far  off  by  which  means  we  shall  get  rid  of  all  that  set  of  people ;  and  I  am  con- 
vinced that  we  had  better,  in  future,  send  all  officers  in  upon  parole  than  keep 
them  among  us." 

*  During  this  period,  the  disastrous  expedition  to  Rhode  Island  under  Sullivan 
was  attempted,  in  relation  to  which  I  am  tempted  to  copy  the  following  letter 
from  General  Greene  to  Mr.  Pettit. 


Camp,  August  22,  1778. 
Dear  Sir, 

Your  two  long  letters  came  to  hand  last  night.  I  was  on  board  the  French 
fleet.  I  have  only  time  to  tell  you  the  devil  has  got  into  the  fleet.  They  are 
about  to  desert  us  and  go  round  to  Boston.  The  garrison  would  be  all  our  own 
in  a  few  days  if  the  fleet  and  French  forces  would  only  co-operate  with  us.  But 
alas,  they  will  not.  They  have  got  a  little  shattered  in  the  late  storm,  and  appre- 
hension  of  a  junction  of  Byron  and  Howe's  fleets  may  prove  their  ruin ;  they  are 
therefore  determined  to  quit  us  immediately.  I  am  afraid  our  expedition  is  now 
at  an  end,  like  all  the  former  attempts.  •  It  will  terminate  with  disgrace,  because 
unsuccessful.  Never  was  I  in  a  more  perplexing  situation.  To  evacuate  the 
Island  is  death ;  to  stay  may  be  ruin. 

The  express  is  waiting  at  the  door,  and  I  am  obliged  to  defer  giving  you  the 
particulars  till  a  more  favourable  opportunity,  and  to  renew  my  promise  of  writing 
more  fully  in  my  next. 


28  GENERAL  CADWALADER. 

following  letter  to  the  President  of  Congress  on  the  subject  of 
the  separate  command  of  cavalry  which  Washington  had 
oflered  to  him  in  '77,  and  which  was  now  vacant. 


TO  GENERAL  WASHINGTON. 

Camp  at  White  Plains.  Sept.  7,  1778. 
Sir, 

Your  Committee  beg  leave  to  solicit  your  attention  to  the  situation  of 
your  cavalry  while  destitute  of  a  general  officer.  Each  Regiment  having 
its  own  Colonel,  and  he  only  attending  to  the  concerns  of  his  particular 
regiment,  a  general  confusion  and  neglect  must  take  place,  for  want  of  an 
authority  which  can  extend  its  influence  to  the  whole,  and  correct  those 
abuses,  and  that  profusion  of  expense  which  hitherto  has  been  incurred  by 
this  corps,  nor  do  we  conceive- it  possible  for  the  public  to  derive  the  same 
service  from  tliem  in  their  present  state  that  it  would  do  if  under  the  gene- 
ral direction  of  an  active  and  intelligent  officer.  The  present  Colonels, 
thougii  men  of  merit,  are  upon  such  terms  with  each  other,  that  it  is  proba- 
ble the  appointment  of  either  would  occasion  the  loss  of  the  other  three; 
there  may  also  be  other  reasons  to  determine  another  choice,  and  we  can 
think  of  no  person  so  proper  or  so  likely  to  be  acceptable  to  the  present  offi- 
cers as  General  Cadwalader.  At  least  it  is  the  wish  of  the  Committee  that 
the  experiment  may  be  made,  the  other  gentleman  recommended  by  the 
General  having  turned  his  views  to  civil  life,  and  wholly  declining  this  ser- 
vice now.  If  the  Committee  are  so  happy  as  to  meet  the  opinion  of  Con- 
gress with  respect  to  General  Cadwalader's  appointment,  they  beg  leave  to 
suggest  the  expediency  of  immediately  making  the  choice,  and  leaving  it  to 
him  to  accept  or  refuse  ;  as  they  have  reason  to  fear  a  previous  consultation 
will  be  more  likely  to  defeat  than  advance  their  views. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  the  greatest  respect  and  regard. 
Sir,  your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

Joseph  Reed, 

Chairman.* 


My  best  respects  to  General  Reed  if  at  camp,  and  to  Colonel  Cox  in  your  next 
letter.    Where  is  poor  Blodget? 

Yours  affectionately, 

N.  Greene. 

Charles  Pettit,  Esq.,  White  Plains. 

*  Journals  of  Congress,  1778,  p.  529,  554.     See  also  Sparlis''  Washington,  vii. 
pp.  230-1. 


I 


THE  TREASON  TRIALS.  29 

On  the  reading  of  this  recommendation  in  (/ongrcss,  it  was 
at  once  complied  with,  and  General  Cadwalader  elected.  He 
however  declined  the  appointment  on  the  ground  that,  in  his 
opinion,  very  erroneous  as  it  proved  to  be,  the  war  was  near  a 
close. 

Whilst  at  Camp,  Mr.  Reed  was  very  unexpectedly  called  to 
the  performance  of  a  professional  duty,  which  involved  him 
necessarily  in  much  of  the  bitter  animosity  which  have  been 
described  as  existing  in  Philadelphia.  The  executive  authority 
of  Pennsylvania  had  deemed  it  their  duty  to  bring  to  justice  a 
number  of  individuals  who  had  been  most  notorious  and  active 
in  their  disaffection  and  adherence  to  the  enemy.  They  were, 
in  several  instances,  men  of  character  and  relatively  high 
station  in  life.  On  the  17th  of  August,  the  Assembly  seconding 
cordially  the  action  of  the  Vice-President  and  Council,  resolved 
to  retain  and  employ  counsel  to  assist  the  Attorney-General  in 
the  prosecution  of  public  offenders. 

On  the  21st  of  August,  the  Vice-President  informed  Mr. 
Reed  that  he  had  been  selected  for  this  duty,  in  a  letter  ad- 
dressed to  him  at  Head-Quarters. 

"The  Council,"  said  the  letter,  "are  unanimously  of  opinion 
with  the  Attorney-General,  that  you  can  render  the  State  more 
essential  service  in  the  important  trials  now  coming  on,  than 
any  other  person  within  their  knowledge ;  and  therefore  they 
now  apply  to  you  for  your  assistance,  which  they  have  no 
doubt  that  your  principles  and  inclination  will  conspire  to  in- 
duce you  to  give.  They  propose  to  allow  you  £2000  for  the 
coming  year  for  this  service.  You  will  easily  see  that  authority 
here,  in  view  the  important  trials  of  traitors  which  will  occupy 
the  Court  during  the  next  winter."* 


*  The  Attorney-General  was  Jonathan  Dickinson  Sergeant,  who  had  been  ap- 
pointed  on  the  organization  of  the  Judiciary  under  the  new  government,  in  July, 
1777.  Until  that  time  he  had  lived  and  practised  law  at  Trenton  in  New  Jersey, 
and  was  a  member  from  that  state  in  the  Continental  Congress.  It  may  be  noted 
as  a  curious  illustration  of  the  prevalent  opposition  in  Philadelphia  to  the  new 
Constitution,  that  it  was  found  necessary  to  appoint  strangers  to  so  responsible 
posts  as  those  of  Attorney -General  and  Chief  Justice,  Mr.  Sergeant  had  been  an 
active  patriot  in  the  early  revolutionary  movements  in  New  Jersey.  In  Pennsyl- 
vania,  he  was  an  ardent  Constitutionalist,  and  rose  to  great  eminence  at  the  bar. 


30  molesworth's  case. 

The  duty  thus  delegated,  though  unsought  and  unexpected, 
was  faithfully  discharged.  Among  the  persons  implicated  in 
these  charges,  were  two  whose  trial  and  fate  excited  much 
interest,  and  natural  though  most  misdirected  sympathy.  These 
were  Abraham  Carlisle  and  John  Roberts,  who  were  tried  in 
October,  1778,  and  on  conviction,  were  executed.  Much  ob- 
loquy has  been  cast  on  those  who,  either  professionally  or  in 
the  discharge  of  other  official  duty,  are  supposed  to  have  con- 
tributed to  this  result.  But  looking  back  through  nearly  seventy 
years,  with  due  allowance  for  errors  of  judgment  and  conduct 
in  times  of  high  excitement,  it  is  impossible  to  question 
that  these  men  were  properly  brought  to  justice,  fairly  tried, 
and  justly  condemned.  It  is  not  unimportant  to  bestow  a  word 
or  two  on  this  subject,  these  being,  with  one  exception,  the 
only  instances  in  the  history  of  revolutionary  Pennsylvania, 
where  the  scaffold  was  resorted  to  by  the  civil  authorities,  and 
the  extreme  process  of  the  law  applied :  instances  too,  in  relation 
to  which,  as  has  been  said,  much  misdirected  sympathy — a 
remnant  of  which  perhaps  endures  to  this  day — was  awakened. 

The  other  instance  referred  to  was  that  of  Molesworth,  exe- 
cuted as  a  spy  in  1777.  It  is  rather  a  curious  incident  of 
local  history,  that  has  never,  as  I  am  aware,  been  in  print,  and 
for  the  details  of  which  I  am  indebted  to  the  original  papers 
now  at  Harrisburg.  It  illustrates  the  fidelity  of  our  revolu- 
tionary men  in  humble  life.  James  Molesworth  was  an  English- 
man, born  at  Wolverhampton  in  Staffordshire,  who,  coming  to 
this  country  before  the  Revolution,  was  employed  as  a  clerk  in 
the  Mayor's  office  at  Philadelphia.  Being  thrown  out  of  em- 
ployment, he  wandered  through  New  Jersey,  attempting,  ac- 
cording to  his  own  account,  some  small  mercantile  adventure, 
and  in  the  spring  of  1777  reached  New  York,  where  the  British 
commanders  were  planning  their  southern  campaign.  Mr. 
Galloway,  who  in  the  preceding  winter  had  gone  over  to  the 
enemy,  and  who,  with  the  restless  and  morbid  activity  for 

He  died  of  the  yellow  fever  in  1793,  having  remained  in  Philadelphia  to  render 
assistance  during  that  period  of  pestilence.  He  was  the  father  of  Hon.  John 
Sergeant  of  Philadelphia,  and  of  Thomas  Sergeant,  lately  one  of  the  Judges  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  Pennsylvania. 


MOLESWORTH  S  CASE. 


31 


which  he  seemed  always  to  be  distinguished,  was  their  busy 
counsellor,  aiding  them  with  local  information  relating  espe- 
cially to  the  approach  to  Philadelphia.  He,  it  appears,  fell  in 
whh  Molesworth,  and  took  him  at  once  to  the  British  Admiral. 
Lord  Howe  was  then  planning  an  expedition  to  the  Delaware. 
Molesworth  in  his  confession  said  that  a  lieutenancy  in  the  army 
was  offered  him,  on  condition  of  his  rendering  the  service 
which  Galloway  and  Lord  Howe  required  of  him.  He  agreed 
to  go  to  Philadelphia,  and  secure  the  services  of  several  pilots 
acquainted  with  the  navigation  and  defences  of  the  Delaware, 
who  were  to  return  with  him  to  New  York.  "Lord  Howe," 
says  he,  "  instructed  me  to  get  one  or  two  pilots,  and  particu- 
larly a  chevaux  de  frise  pilot,  to  bring  the  vessels  up  the  Dela- 
ware Bay.  I  was  to  return  to  New  York  as  fast  as  I  could.  I 
was  asked  many  questions  about  the  Fort  and  the  galleys. 
Lord  Howe  authorized  me  to  stand  on  no  cost,  but  did  not  fix 
any  sum."* 

Molesworth  at  once  set  out  on  his  perilous  errand,  and  taking 
a  circuitous  route  by  Basken  Ridge  and  Brunswick,  reached 
Philadelphia  safely.  This  was  soon  after  the  battle  of  Prince- 
ton, when  the  British  army  was  manoeuvring  in  the  upper  part 
of  New  Jersey,  and  while  apprehensions  of  new  offensive  move- 
ments southward  were  in  full  life.  Philadelphia  and  her  com- 
mittee of  patriot  vigilance  had  too  recently  escaped  danger  to 
abate  their  watchfulness.  On  reaching  the  city,  Molesworth 
took  retired  lodgings,  and  very  soon  put  himself  in  communi- 
cation with  two  men  of  the  name  of  Shepard  and  Thomas,  and 
two  women,  Abigail  McKay  and  Sarah  O'Brien,  to  whom  he 
disclosed  parts  of  his  plan,  and  his  desire  to  engage  the  pilots. 
The  women,  by  their  own  admission,  seem  to  have  had  no  scruple 
in  aidino;  him.  Whether  Molesworth  was  alone  in  the  mission 
is  not  very  clear.  In  his  dying  confession,  he  made  no  distinct 
allusion  to  a  companion  at  this  time,  though  he  admitted  that 
on  previous  occasions  he  had  one  of  the  name  of  Watson,  alias 
Caton.  The  women,  McKay  and  O'Brien,  when  examined  by 
the  Board  of  War,  stated  that  they  had  frequently  seen  with 

*  This  is  an  extract  from  Molesworth's  examination,  27  March,  1777,  attested 
by  Richard  Peters,  Secretary  of  the  Board  of  War. 


32  molesworth's  case. 

Molesworth  a  large  man  with  black  hair  and  a  blanket  coat, 
who  w\as  described  to  them  as  a  British  naval  officer.  No 
other  trace  appears  of  such  an  agency. 

Three  pilots  were  sent  for,  who,  after  being,  as  was  thought 
sufficiently  tampered  with  by  the  women,  had  interviews  suc- 
cessively with  Molesworth.  They  were  John  Eldridge,  An- 
drew Higgins,  and  John  Snider.  They  w^ere  described  as  per- 
sons who  could  be  trusted,  and  Molesworth  at  once  and  with- 
out much  reserve,  unfolded  his  scheme.  He  told  them  the  ves- 
sel which  they  were  expected  to  pilot  was  the  Eagle,  and  that 
the  fleet  would  at  once  follow,  hoping  to  arrive  in  the  Delaware 
about  the  10th  of  April, — that  arrangements  had  been  made 
among  the  disaffected  in  the  City,  and  among  the  garrison,  on 
the  arrival  of  the  fleet,  to  have  the  guns  at  the  Fort  secretly 
spiked,  and  the  various  bridges  at  the  ferries  around  the  town, 
cut  away.  He  then  told  them  that  if  they  agreed  to  the  pro- 
posals, they  must  be  ready  to  leave  the  City  with  him  the  same 
night,  horses  being  provided  for  the  purpose. 

He  promised  large  rewards  to  be  paid  on  reaching  New 
York,  and  gave  in  hand  to  one  of  them  fifty  pounds,  which  an 
unknown  confederate  in  the  neighbourhood  supplied.  The 
scene  of  this  interview  was  at  a  house  near  the  corner  of  Front 
and  Union  Streets.  The  Pilots  do  not  seem  to  have  hesitated 
for  a  moment,  but,  concealing  their  intentions  from  Molesworth, 
promptly  revealed  the  whole  matter  to  the  City  Guard,  who, 
about  10  o'clock  at  night,  arrested  Molesworth  at  his  lodgings. 

His  male  confederates,  whoever  they  were,  escaped.  The 
women  were  seized  and  imprisoned  in  the  City  Gaol,  Moles- 
worth was  tried,  confessed  his  guilt,  and  was  soon  after  executed 
at  Philadelphia.  His  confession,  attested  by  Colonels  Walter 
Stewart  and  Thomas  Proctor,  is  now  before  me.  It  was  a  case 
of  dark  and  conceded  crime,  fully  deserving  the  extreme  pe- 
nalty of  the  law.  Had  Molesworth  been  spared,  the  execution 
of  Andre  would  have  been  unpardonable  butchery. 

Yet,  as  in  the  cases  presently  to  be  referred  to,  there  were 
those  who  persuaded  themselves  that  this  man,  who  would  have 
led  an  exasperated  enemy  to  our  homes,  and  whose  errand  was 
to  make  smooth  the  path  of  the  mercenary  invader,  was  a  mar- 


THE  TREASON  TRIALS.  33 

tyr.  He  received  some  transient  honours  of  martyrdom, 
for  whilst  the  British  were  in  possession  of  Philadelphia 
his  remains  were  removed  from  the  Potter's  Field,  to  one 
of  the  burial  grounds  of  the  City.  On  the  return  of  the 
Americans,  popular  resentment  was  very  naturally  aroused 
against  those  who  had  shared  in  this  perverse  testimonial  to 
the  memory  of  Molesworth,  and  they  were  compelled  to  pub- 
lish apologies  for  their  conduct,  which  will  be  found  in  the 
newspapers  of  the  times. 

It  is  easy  at  this  distance  of  time,  and  indulging  in  tranquil 
speculations  on  the  past,  to  censure  these  excesses  of  popular 
resentment ;  but  to  form  a  candid  judgment,  some  effort  should 
be  made  to  recall  the  actual  scenes  of  those  days — the  stimu- 
lants of  honest  indignation,  the  sight  of  ruin  and  devastation, 
which  Philadelphia  presented  to  the  eyes  of  her  long-exiled 
citizens — the  fresh  trail  of  the  invaders,  mercenary  soldiers,  sent 
here  to  earn  their  bloody  wages.  These  all  must  be  realized 
before  fair  judgment  can  be  formed.  The  correspondence  and 
diaries  of  the  time  give  some,  though  faint  glimpses  of  the  actual 
state  of  things  when  the  enemy  retired. 

"  On  the  25th  of  June,"  says  Marshall,  in  his  Journal,  "  took 
a  long  walk  by  myself  to  our  once  rural,  beautiful  place  near  the 
barracks.  Now  nothing  but  wanton  desolation  and  destruc- 
tion, that  struck  me  with  horror  and  detestation  of  the  promoters 
and  executors  of  these  horrid  deeds.  My  mind  was  so  pained, 
that  I  returned  to  the  City."  "  On  the  26th,"  he  continues,  "en- 
gaged in  viewing  some  of  our  and  others'  houses,  with  wonder 
and  amazement  on  the  scenes  of  malice  and  wanton  cruelty,  yet 
my  late  dwelling-house,  not  so  bad  as  many  others;  yet  grief 
seized  me  in  beholding  the  ruins,  viz. :  houses  quite  demolished, 
of  which  ours,  near  the  Bettering  House,  was  quite  gone,  with 
the  brick  walls,  chimneys,  the  doors,  cases,  windows  and  roofs 
either  destroyed  or  carried  away  entirely,  &c."* 

The  course  of  justice  in  the  Treason  Trials  of  1778,  was,  so 
far  as  we  have  now  materials  of  judgment,  dignified  and  mer- 

*  I  make  this  extract  from  the  MS.  Journal  in  tlic  liands  of  Mr.  Duane.     It  is 
to  be  hoped  that  the  whole  Diary,  extending  from  January,  1774,  to  September, 
1781,  will,  at  some,  not  distant  day,  be  published. 
VOL.  II.  3 


34  CARLISLE  AND  ROBERTS. 

ciful.  The  cases  of  Carlisle  and  Roberts  did  not  stand  alone. 
Though  the  only  persons  punished,  they  were  not  the  only  ones 
brought  to  trial.  At  the  fall  Sessions  of  the  Supreme  Court,  in 
Philadelphia  County  alone,  there  appear  to  have  been  forty-five 
bills  for  treason  sent  to  the  Grand  Jury.  Of  these,  twelve  were 
ignored.  All  the  others,  twenty-three  in  number,  were  tried, 
and,  in  every  instance,  except  those  of  Abraham  Carlisle  and 
John  Roberts,  the  parties  were  acquitted. 

The  proof  against  these  individuals  was  conclusive.  That 
against  Carlisle  has  been  preserved  in  the  notes  of  the  Chief 
Justice  (M'Kean),  before  whom  the  cause  was  tried.*  It  esta- 
blished, beyond  all  question,  that,  under  a  commission  from  Sir 
William  Howe,  he  kept  one  of  the  gates  of  the  town,  and  as 
one  clothed  with  full  authority,  gave  passes  to  such  as  were  al- 
lowed to  go  beyond  the  lines.  His  whole  conduct  and  deport- 
ment was  oflensive  in  the  extreme,  and  far  beyond  the  line 
where  technical  treason  begins.  In  the  case  of  Roberts,  it  was 
shown  that  he  took  an  active  part  for  the  Royal  cause,  supply- 
ing provisions,  enlisting  men,  and  thus  rendering  himself  liable 
to  the  application  of  the  laws  which  had  been  enacted  to  prevent 
just  such  oflenders.  On  the  examination  of  Mr.  Galloway  before 
a  Committee  of  the  House  of  Commons,  in  1779,  he  gave  testi- 
mony in  relation  to  these  two  men,  which  can  leave  no  doubt 
of  the  actual  relation  at  least  of  one  of  them  to  the  British 
army.     It  is  as  follows  : — 

"  Question  by  Lord  Howe.  Did  you  not  advise  every  one  of 
your  friends,  who  you  thought  could  remain  in  safety  with  the 
rebels,  to  stay  at  Philadelphia,  and  were  not  the  persons  who 
followed  your  advice  afterwards  put  to  death? 

"  Jhuwer.  There  was  not  a  person  who  had  taken  an  active 
part  but  I  advised  to  come  away  with  the  British  army.  As  to 
Roberts  and  Carlisle,  the  persons  alluded  to,  the. first  never  con- 
sulted me.  Carlisle  I  positively  advised  to  leave  the  city,  because 
I  hneiv  he  would  not  be  safe." 

The  condemnation  of  these  men,  though  justified  by  Qvexy 
principle  of  law  and  public  justice,  produced  great  excitement 

*  These  notes  are  among  the  papers  of  the  Executive  Council  at  Harrisburg. 
Copies  are  in  the  possession  of  tiae  author.  The  cases  are  reported  in  1  Dallas, 
39.,  42. 


CARLISLE  AND  ROBERTS.  35 

in  Philadelphia.  Every  effort  was  made  to  save  them.  Memo- 
rials without  stint  were  addressed  to  the  Executive  Council. 
Citizens  of  all  ranks  seemed  to  be  moved  to  sympathy  with  them 
now  that  they  were  about  to  suffer  the  extreme  penalty  of  the 
law.  Both  jurors  and  judges  seemed  so  far  to  incline  to  mercy 
as  to  desire  a  delay  of  the  execution  till  the  meeting  of  the 
Assembly.  Mr.  Reed,  not  then  in  Council,  or  in  any  way 
connected  with  the  Government,  wrote  to  the  same  effect  to  the 
Vice-President.*  It  was,  however,  all  in  vain.  Satisfied  that 
they  had  had  a  fair  trial,  and  full  chance  of  exculpation,  and 
that,  in  the  existing  state  of  feeling  towards  the  American  cause, 
an  example  was  necessary,  the  Vice-President,  George  Bryan, 
and  the  Council,  refused  to  interfere,  and  under  their  warrant, 
on  the  4th  of  November,  1778,  both  prisoners  were  executed 
on  the  commons  near  Philadelphia.f 

*  The  grossest  perversion  of  Mr.  Reed's  conduct  is  to  be  found  in  the  Travels 
of  Brissot  de  Warville,  (Tome  ii.  243.)  Brissot's  sympatliies  seem  to  have  been 
actively  aroused  for  these  men.  He  espoused  earnestly  the  opinions  in  favour 
of  abolishing  capital  punisliment,  and  indulged  in  all  the  sentimentalism  of 
exaggerated  French  philanthropy.  Within  a  few  years,  as  a  Girondin  member 
of  the  National  Convention,  he  voted  for  the  death  of  the  King,  and  for  most  of  the 
extremities  which  his  wrong-headed  faction  perpetrated,  perishing  himself  on  the 
scaffold.  Speaking  of  Carlisle  and  Roberts,  he  says  :  "  Parmi  cos  derniers  (le  jure) 
deux  seulement  declarerent  Carlisle  et  Roberts  coupables.  Lesdix  autres  vouloient 
les  discharger  de  I'accusation.  Les  deux  ne  parvinrent  k  ramcuer  les  autres  k 
leur  avis,  qu'en  promettant  qu'on  leur  accorderoit  leur  pafdon  et  en  faisant  sentir 
la  necessite  d'un  example  apparent.  En  consequence  ou  presenta  un  rcquete  au 
Conseil  Executif  qui  convint  de  I'accorder  :  A  cet  epoque  Reed  fut  elu  President. 
C'etoit  le  plus  cruel  ennemi  des  Quakers;  il  se  hata  d'accepter  la  place  pour  pre- 
venir  le  pardon,  et  il  reussit:  les  deux  infortunes  furent  executes.  Reed  etoit  un 
homme  ambitieux;  il  avoit  I'ame  de  Cromwell.  II  se  montra  fervent  republicain 
parce  qu'il  esperoit  se  saisir  uu  jour  du  pouvoir.  On  m'a  assure  qu'il  mourut 
ronge  de  remords  pour  avoir  ordonne  cette  execution." — (Edition  de  Paris,  1791.) 
The  simple  answer  to  all  this  stuff  is,  that  Carlisle  and  Roberts  were  hanged  on 
4th  November,  and  Mr.  Reed  was  not  elected  President  till  the  1st  December, 
1778. 

t  In  the  Pennsylvania  Packet  of  November  7,  1778,  is  the  sentence  of  death,  as 
pronounced  on  Roberts  by  Chief  Justice  McKean.  It  is  as  follows:  "John 
Roberts,  you  have  been  indicted,  and  after  a  very  long,  a  very  fair  and  impartial 
trial,  been  convicted  of  high  treason.  You  have  had  all  the  indulgence  and  advan. 
tage  that  the  law  would  allow  you ;  you  have  had  a  copy  of  your  indictment  and 
of  the  panel  of  the  jury  ;  a  sufficient  time  for  your  defence  and  challenges. 

"  The  jury  who  have  found  you  guilty  were  such  as  may  be  justly  said  that  you 


36  CHIEF-JUSTICE  m'keaN. 

The  annual  elections  had  taken  place  in  the  month  of  Octo- 
ber, when   a    decisive   majority  of  friends  of  the  constitution 


yourself  approved  of,  for  though  the  law  gives  you  a  liberty  to  challenge  thirty- 
five,  you  have  challenged  but  thirty-three,  so  you  allowed  the  rest  to  be  an  indifl 
ferent  Jury  to  pass  between  the  state  and  you,  upon  your  life  or  death.  Your 
Counsel  have  moved  for  a  new  trial,  and  the  Court  have  disallowed  that  motion, 
being  fully  satisfied  you  have  been  convicted  upon  legal  and  clear  evidence ;  their 
next  step  is  to  proceed  to  judgment,  and  sorry  I  am  that  it  falls  to  my  lot  to  pro- 
nounce the  dreadful  sentence,  but  I  must  discharge  my  duty  to  my  country, 

"Treason  is  a  crime  of  the  most  dangerous  and  fatal  consequence  to  society  ;  it 
is  of  a  most  malignant  nature ;  it  is  of  a  criminal  colour,  and  of  a  scarlet  dye. 
Maliciously  to  deprive  one  man  of  life  merits  the  punishment  of  death,  and  blood 
for  blood  is  a  just  restitution.  What  punishment,  then,  must  he  deserve,  who 
joins  the  enemies  of  his  country,  and  endeavours  the  total  destruction  of  the  lives, 
liberties,  and  property  of  all  his  fellow-citizens  ?  who  wilfully  aids  and  assists  in  so 
impious  a  cause,  a  cause  which  has  been  complicated  with  the  horrid  and  crying 
sin  of  murdering  thousands  who  were  not  only  innocent  but  meritorious ;  and 
aggravated  by  burning  some  of  them  alive,  and  starving  others  to  death.  It  is  in 
vain  to  plead,  that  you  have  not  personally  acted  in  this  wicked  business ;  for  all 
who  countenance  and  assist  are  partakers  in  the  guilt.  Your  junction  gave  en- 
couragement to  the  invaders  of  your  country  ;  your  example  occasioned  the  defec- 
tion of  others;  and  you  exerted  yourself  in  forwarding  their  arbitrary  designs.  It 
is  in  vain  to  plead,  that  you  fled  to  the  enemy  for  protection  against  some  of  your 
neighbours,  who  threatened  your  life,  because  they  thought  you  a  Tory ;  for  you 
might  have  applied  for,  and  obtained  protection  from  the  civil  magistrate,  or  from 
the  army  of  your  country.  It  is  in  vain  to  plead,  that  you  intended  to  relieve 
some  friends  who  were  ordered  under  a  guard  to  Virginia,  for  government  was 
then  doing  a  necessary  and  usual  act  in  such  cases  for  its  preservation ;  the  re- 
straining men  whose  going  at  large  was  thought  dangerous  to  the  community, 
and  putting  them  for  a  time  under  a  general  confinement.  Your  offering  to  put 
yourself  at  the  head  of  a  troop  of  horse  of  the  enemy,  and  to  effect  this  rescue  at 
the  risk  of  your  life,  was  a  strange  piece  of  conduct  in  one  who  pretended  that  he 
was  conscientiously  scrupulous  of  bearing  arms  in  any  case.  Alas  !  happy  had  it 
been  for  you  had  yiju  fallen  under  the  like  indulgent  restraint,  and  been  also  sent 
to  Virginia. 

"  It  is  true,  and  I  mention  it  with  pleasure,  that  your  interest  with  the  Com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  British  army  was  frequently  employed  in  acts  of  humanity, 
charity,  and  benevolence.  This  must  afford  you  some  comfort,  and  your  friends 
some  consolation ;  but  a  good  General  would  have  done  the  same  things  to  a  van- 
quished  enemy ;  and  they  can  by  no  means  compensate  for  treason. 

"  You  will  probably  have  but  a  short  time  to  live.  Before  you  launch  into  eter- 
nity, it  behooves  you  to  improve  the  time  that  may  be  allowed  you  in  this  world: 
it  behooves  you  most  seriously  to  reflect  upon  your  past  conduct ;  to  repent  of  your 
evil  deeds,  to  be  incessant  in  prayers  to  the  great  and  merciful  God  to  forgive 
your  manifold  transgressions  and  sins,  to  teach  you  to  rely  upon  the  merit  and 
passion  of  a  dear  Redeemer,  and  thereby  to  avoid  those  regions  of  sorrow,  those 


THE  PRESIDENCY  OF  THE  STATE.  37 

were  chosen  in  both  branches  of  the  Government.  General 
Reed  was  elected  to  both  Assembly  and  Council,  the  former — 
which  he  declined — for  the  city,  the  latter  for  the  county  of 
Philadelphia;  and  on  the  1st  of  December,  1778,  the  Assembly 
having  been  organized  a  few  weeks  sooner,  he  was  elected  by 
an  unanimous  vote  President  of  the  Executive  Council. 

His  own  views  on  accepting  this  post,  as  well  as  what  he 
thought  -of  the  political  condition  of  the  State,  are  fully  stated 
in  a  confidential  letter  to  General  Greene,  dated  November  5th, 
1778. 

"  The  President's  chair  was  in  my  offer  all  last  summer,  but 
neither  ambition  nor  interest  inclined  me  to  accept  it ;  but  I 
now  plainly  see  there  is  a  settled  fixed  system  to  subvert  the 
Whig  interest,  and  that  in  a  very  little  time  the  very  name 
will  be  reproachful,  if  there  are  not  very  spirited  exertions. 
You  have  undoubtedly  heard  into  what  line  General  Arnold 
has  thrown  himself.  If  things  proceed  in  the  same  train  much 
longer,  I  would  advise  every  Continental  officer  to  leave  his 
uniform  at  the  last  stage,  and  procure  a  scarlet  coat,  as  the 
only  mode  of  insuring  respect  and  notice.  The  Whigs  are  not 
depressed  though  the  Tories  are  unhumbled,  and  I  still  hope 
and  believe,  if  our  own  friends  will  not  take  part  against  us, 

we  shall  rise  superior  to  all  their  efforts. General 

Lee  is  paying  his  court,  and  I  believe  successfully,  to  the  same 

doleful  shades  where  peace  and  rest  can  never  dwell ;  where  even  hope  cannot 
enter.  It  beliooves  you  to  seek  the  conversation,  advice  and  prayers  of  pious  and 
good  men  ;  to  be  importunate  at  the  Throne  of  Grace,  and  to  learn  the  way  that 
leadeth  to  happiness.  May  you,  reflecting  upon  these  things,  and  pursuing  the 
will  of  the  great  Father  of  light  and  life,  be  received  into  company  and  society  of 
angels  and  archangels,  and  the  spirits  of  just  men  made  perfect,  and  may  you  be 
qualified  to  enter  into  the  joys  of  Heaven,  joys  unspeakable,  and  full  of  glory. 

"The  Legislature  of  this  Commonwealth,  agreeably  to  the  lenity  evinced  by  all 
their  laws,  have  thought  proper  to  direct  that  persons  guilty  of  high  treason  should 
be  dealt  with,  and  proceeded  against,  as  in  other  capital  cases  :  and  therefore  the 
solemn  judgment  in  treason,  heretofore  prescribed  by  the  laws  of  Pennsylvania,  is 
now  done  away. 

"  The  judgment  of  the  Court  therefore  is, 

"  You  shall  be  taken  back  to  the  place  from  whence  you  came,  and  from  thence 
to  the  place  of  execution,  and  there  to  be  hanged  by  the  neck  until  dead. 

"  May  God  be  merciful  unto  your  soul." 


38  PUBLIC  FEELING  IN  PHILADELPHIA. 

adverse  interest,  at  least  if  we  may  judge  from  personal  civili- 
ties and  attention.  We  are  iittei"ly  out.  After  labouring  to 
convince  me  he  had.  great  merit  at  Monmouth,  and  I  to  con- 
vince him  that  he  had  behaved  very  ill,  which  I  knew  from  his 
own  mouth  and  my  own  observation,  we  have  parted  mutually 
unconvinced.  I  only  added  one  piece  of  advice  to  him,  to  for- 
bear any  reflections  on  the  Commander-in-chief,  of  whom,  for 
the  first  time,  I  have  heard  slander  on  his  private  character, 
viz.,  great  cruelty  to  his  slaves  in  Virginia,  and  immorality  of 
life,  though  they  acknowledge  it  is  so  very  secret  that  it  is 
difficult  to  detect  it.  To  me,  who  have  had  so  good  opportuni- 
ties to  know  the  purity  of  the  latter,  and  equally  believing  the 
falsehood  of  the  former,  from  the  known  excellence  of  his  dis- 
position, it  appears  so  nearly  bordering  on  frenzy,  that  I  can 
pity  the  wretches  rather  than  despise  them.  However,  they 
help  to  make  up  the  party.  New  characters  are  emerging  froni 
security,  like  insects  after  a  storm.  Treason,  disaffection  to 
the  interests  of  America,  and  even  assistance  to  the  British 
interest,  is  called  openly  only  error  of  judgment,  which  can- 
dour and  liberality  of  sentiment  will  overlook.    These  are 

sentiments,  and  that  all  distraction  should  be 


laid  aside  under  a  perfect  oblivion  for  past  offences,  if  such 
practices  deserve  the  name  of  offences.  Out  of  the  great  num- 
ber of  pilots,  guides,  kidnappers,  and  other  assistants  of  the 
British  army,  two  of  the  most  notorious  were  convicted,  but  it 
would  astonish  you  to  observe  the  weight  of  interest  excited  to 
pardon  them,  and  virtually  every  other,  for  none  could  be  more 
guilty — but  these  being  rich  and  powerful,  we  could  not  for 
shame  have  made  an  example  of  a  poor  rogue  after  forgiving 
the  rich.  The  same  gentlemen  publicly  pronounced  their  exe- 
cution a  horrid  barbarity,  infamous  carnage,  &c.  So  much 
and  so  soon  do  party  views  change  the  minds  of  men,  and  of 
so  little  consequence  do  they  estimate  the  lives  and  safety  of 
officers  and  soldiers,  who  are  so  often  destroyed  by  these 
treacherous  practices,  when  the  consideration  of  power  and 
ambition  intervene. 

•'  There  is  a  considerable  majority  of  real  Whigs   in  the 
House — a  number  of  new  converts  to   the  Independence  of 


LETTER  TO  MR.  INGERSOLL.  39 

America — and  a  few  real  inveterate,  but  concealed  Tories. 
The  Council,  who  are  also  the  Representatives  of  the  people, 
are  Whigs  to  a  man  ;  the  only  disadvantage  that  the  Whigs 
have  is  the  want  of  speakers. 

"  I  am  yet  at  a  loss  to  say  what  will  be  the  result  of  our 
present  measures.  I  am  in  the  Council,  and  shall  now  accept 
the  Chair,  if  offered  to  me,  with  a  tolerable  salary,  because  I 
see  plainly  that  unless  I  make  this  sacrifice  of  my  interest  and 
care,  the  Whig  interest  must  be  materially  injured.  Will  you 
not  think  it  extraordinary  that  General  Arnold  made  a  public 
entertainment  the  night  before  last,  of  which  not  only  common 
Tory  ladies,  but  the  wives  and  daughters  of  persons  proscribed 
by  the  State,  and  now  with  the  enemy  at  New  York,  formed  a 
very  considerable  number.     The  fact  is  literally  true." 

On  the  15th  of  December,  he  wrote  to  Mr.  IngersoU  of  Con- 
necticut, an  ancient  and  valued  friend. 

"  I  received  your  favour  of  the  3d  inst.  upon  your  son's  safe 
return  to  his  family  and  country.  I  wish  this  event  had  hap- 
pened a  few  weeks  sooner,  as  it  would  have  been  in  my 
power  to  have  rendered  him  very  essential  and  solid  services. 
I  do  not  know  whether  the  newspapers  convey  to  you  our  State 
appointments,  but  at  the  last  election,  I  was  unanimously 
elected  to  the  Presidency  of  the  Slate.  A  station  equally  un- 
looked  for  and  undesired  by  me,  but  the  unhappy  division  of 
our  State  upon  matters  of  government,  had  thrown  us  into 
such  disorder,  that  the  step  appeared  necessary- to  cement  the 
coalition  of  parties,  which  had  taken  place  just  before.  This 
remove  has  left  a  vacancy  here,  which  I  had  it  much  at  heart 
to  fill  with  some  gentleman,  who  would  consult  the  interest  of 
my  clients,  and  upon  whom  also  I  could  depend  for  that  assist- 
ance, which  a  young  man  of  parts  could  give  to  one  in  my 
station.  Our  lawyers  here,  of  any  considerable  abilities,  are 
all,  as  I  may  say,  in  one  interest,  and  that  not  the  popular  one. 
The  conduct  of  your  son  abroad,  and  the  testimonials  which  I 
have  no  doubt  he  has  brought  from  our  friends  in  Europe,  will, 
I  am  persuaded,  enable  me  to  introduce  him  here  to  advantage, 
and  1  am  clearly  of  opinion  that  then  it  will  depend  upon  him- 
self entirely,  to  carve  out  his  own  fortune.     I  may  truly  say. 


40  CONGRATULATIONS  OF  FRIENDS. 

in  the  Scripture  language,  that  the  harvest  is  great  and  the 
labourers  are  few.  The  sooner,  therefore,  he  can  come,  the 
better;  and  he  will  excuse  nny  hinting  to  him  that,  as  Mr. 
Deane's  affairs  and  our  other  foreign  concerns,  having  become 
perhaps  too  much  the  subject  of  speculation  and  party,  he  will 
do  well  to  avoid  disclosing  his  sentiments  on  these  matters, 
either  with  you  or  here,  but  to  such  only  as  he  can  truly  con- 
fide in.  But  his  prudence,  which  knowledge  of  the  world 
would  not  lessen,  must  make  any  caution  of  this  kind  to  him 
unnecessary.  I  shall,  therefore,  conclude,  with  my  good 
wishes  for  your  health  and  happiness,  and  to  assure  you  that 
your  son  will  receive  every  assistance  and  advantage  from  me 
which  his  merit  and  my  very  sincere  esteem  for  him  will  justly 
claim,  and  to  give  you  my  clear  opinion,  that  there  never  was 
a  more  favourable  opportunity,  in  the  city  and  state,  for  him 
to  enter  upon  the  public  stage  to  advantage.* 

To  his  numerous  friends  throughout  the  country,  especially 
to  those  in  the  Continental  service,  his  election  as  President 
gave  extreme  pleasure.  Greene,  writing  from  Head-Quarters 
to  a  friend,  (Mr.  Pettit,)  on  7th  December,  said : 

"  Nothing  can  give  me  greater  pleasure  than  General  Reed's 
appointment  as  President ;  and  what  serves  to  heighten  the 
pleasure  is  every  body  expressing  their  approbation.  I  have 
a  long  letter  of  his  to  answer,  which  I  shall  embrace  the  first 
opportunity  to  perform,  and  to  congratulate  him  on  his  appoint- 
ment." 

On  the  12th  of  December,  Mr.  Reed  received  from  the  Com- 
mander-in-chief a  hearty  congratulation  on  his  accession  to 
office.  It  is  a  letter  in  other  respects  full  of  interest,  and  re- 
markable as  one  of  the  few  in  which  the  writer  indulged  in 
anything  approaching  to  pleasantry. 

*  The  son  to  whom  this  letter  refers,  was  Jared  Ingersoll,  afterwards  a  very 
eminent  lawyer  in  Philadelpiiia.  He  was  a  member  of  Congress,  of  the  Conven- 
lion  to  form  the  Federal  Constitution,  Attorney-General  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
President  Judge  of  the  District  Court.  He  died  at  Philadelphia  in  1822.  His 
sons  are  the  Hon.  C.  J.  Ingersoll  and  Hon,  J.  R.  Ingersoll,  both  for  many  years 
members  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States. 


Washington's  letter.  41 

WASHINGTON  TO  REED. 

Middle  Brook,  Dec.  12,  1778. 
Dear  Sir, 

Your  favour  of  the  7th  inst.,  by  Mr.  Laurens,  came  to  my  hands  a  day  or 
two  ago,  previous  to  which  I  should  have  done  myself  the  pleasure  of  con- 
gratulating you  (which  I  now  do  very  sincerely)  on  your  late  election  to 
the  government  of  Pennsylvania,  had  not  Sir  Henry's  late  extra  manceuvre 
up  the  North  River  kept  me  upon  the  march  and  countermarch  from  the  5th 
till  yesterday.  When  I  arrived  at  these,  my  quarters  for  the  winter,  it  em- 
ployed too  much  of  my  attention  to  investigate  his  designs,  to  indulge  in 
more  agreeable  amusements. 

What  did  or  could  prompt  the  Knight  to  this  expedition,  is  beyond  the 
reach  of  my  conception,  considering  the  unseasonableness  of  it.  Three 
things  only  appeared  to  me  probable :  a  rescue  of  the  Convention  troops,  a 
stroke  at  the  rear  of  our  army,  or  a  surprise  of  the  posts  in  the  Highlands, 
The  two  first  I  had  seen  perfectly  out  of  his  reach  before  I  left  the  North 
River;  and  not  conceiving  that  he  could  miss  it  so  much  in  point  of  intelli- 
gence as  to  mistime  matters  so  egregiously,  (if  either  of  the  other  two  wag 
his  object,)  it  followed,  of  consequence,  that  the  last  must  be  his  aim ;  and 
though  I  had  left  him,  as  I  thought,  in  a  state  of  security,  and  in  the  hands 
of  a  good  officer — McDougall,  I  could  not  help  being  uneasy  lest  some  dis- 
aster might  befall  them.  I  posted  back  from  Elizabethtown  on  the  morning 
of  the  5th,  and  got  within  twelve  or  fifteen  miles  of  King's  Ferry,  when  I 
was  met  by  an  express  informing  me  that  the  enemy  had  landed  at  that 
place,  set  fire  to  two  small  log'd  houses,  destroyed  nine  barrels  of  spoiled 
herrings,  and  had  set  sail  for  New  York. 

Thus  ended  this  notable  expedition,  which  was  conducted  (in  the  prepara- 
tion) with  so  much  secrecy,  that  all  the  flag-boats  to  and  from  the  city  were 
slopped,  and  not  a  mouse  permitted  to  creep  within  their  lines.  The  only 
bad  consequence  we  have  felt  from  it,  (and,  as  the  weather  has  turned  out, 
not  a  trifling  one,)  is  that  it  has  delayed  the  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  Penn- 
sylvania troops  four  days  in  hutting,  and  has  occasioned  them  to  march 
through  snow  and  bad  roads  to  come  at  their  ground,  instead  of  having  sun- 
shine and  good  ones,  which  was  the  case  before  the  storm  on  Thursday  last. 

It  gives  me  very  sincere  pleasure  to  find  that  there  is  likely  to  be  a  coali- 
tion of  the  Whigs  in  your  state,  (a  few  only  excepted,)  and  that  the  Assembly 
of  it  are  so  well  disposed  to  second  your  endeavours  in  bringing  those  mur- 
derers of  our  cause — the  monopolizers,  forestallers,  and  engrossers  to  condign 
punishment.  It  is  much  to  be  lamented  that  each  state,  long  ere  this,  has 
not  hunted  them  down  as  the  pests  of  society,  and  the  greatest  enemies  we 
have  to  the  happiness  of  America.  I  would  to  God  that  one  of  the  most 
atrocious  in  each  state  was  hung  in  gibbets  upon  a  gallows  five  times  as 


42  Washington's  letter. 

liigh  as  the  one  prepared  by  Haman.     No  pniiisliinent,  in  my  opinion,  is  too 
great  for  the  man  who  can  "build  his  greatness  upon  his  country's  ruin." 

General  Lee's  publication  in  Dunlap's  Gazette  of  the  3d  inst.,  (and  I  have 
seen  no  other,)  puts  me  in  a  disagreeable  situation.  I  have  neither  leisure 
nor  inclination  to  enter  the  lists  with  him  in  a  newspaper:  and  so  far  as  his 
production  points  to  personality,  I  can  and  do  from  my  inmost  soul  despise 
it;  but  when  he  has  most  barefacedly  misrepresented  facts  in  some  places, 
and  thrown  out  insinuations  in  others  that  have  not  the  smallest  foundation 
in  truth,  not  to  attempt  a  refutation  is  a  tacit  acknowledgment  of  the  justice 
of  his  assertions;  for  though  there  are  thousands  who  know  how  unsupported 
his  piece  is,  there  are  yet  tens  of  thousands  that  know  nothing  of  the  matter, 
and  will  be  led  naturally  to  conclude  that  bold  and  confident  assertions,  un- 
contradicted, must  be  founded  in  truth. 

It  became  a  part  of  General  Lee's  plan,  from  the  moment  of  his  arrest, 
(though  it  was  an  event  solicited  by  himself,)  to  have  the  world  believe  that 
he  was  a  persecuted  man,  and  that  party  was  at  the  bottom  of  it.  But  how- 
ever convenient  for  his  purpose  to  establish  this  doctrine,  I  defy  him  or  his 
most  zealous  partisans  to  adduce  a  simple  instance  in  proof  of  it,  unless 
bringing  him  to  trial  at  his  own  request  is  considered  in  this  light.  I  can 
do  more ;  I  will  defy  any  man  out  of  my  own  family  to  say  that  I  have  ever 
mentioned  his  name  after  his  trial  commenced,  if  it  was  to  be  avoided;  and 
when  it  was  not,  if  I  have  not  studiously  declined  expressing  any  sentiment 
of  him  or  his  behaviour.  How  fur  this  conduct  accords  with  his,  let  his  own 
breast  decide.  If  he  conceives  that  I  was  opposed  to  him  because  he  found 
himself  disposed  to  enter  into  a  party  against  me — if  he  thought  I  stood  in 
his  road  to  preferment,  and  therefore  that  it  was  convenient  to  lessen  me  in 
the  esteem  of  my  countrymen,  in  order  to  pave  the  way  for  his  own  advance- 
ment— I  have  only  to  observe,  that  as  I  never  entertained  any  jealousy  of, 
or  apprehension  from  him,  so  neither  did  I  do  more  than  common  civility 
and  a  proper  respect  to  his  rank  required,  to  conciliate  his  good  opinion. 
His  temper  and  plans  were  too  versatile  and  violent  to  attract  my  admira- 
tion:  and  that  I  have  escaped  the  venom  of  his  tongue  and  pen  so  long,  is 
more  to  be  wondered  at  than  applauded ;  as  it  is  a  favour  that  no  officer 
under  whose  immediate  commands  he  ever  served  has  the  happiness  (if 
happiness  can  be  thus  denominated)  of  boasting. 

Were  I  to  give  in  to  private  conveniency  and  amusement,  I  should  not  be 
able  to  resist  the  invitations  of  my  friends  to  make  Philadelphia  (instead  of 
a  squeezed  up  room  or  two)  my  quarters  for  the  winter.  But  the  affairs  of 
the  army  require  a  constant  attention  and  presence,  and  circumstanced  as 
matters  are  at  this  juncture  calls  for  some  degree  of  care  and  address  to 
keep  it  from  crumbling.  As  peace  and  retirement  are  my  ultimate  aim, 
and  the  most  pleasing  and  flattering  wish  of  my  soul,  everything  advancive 
of  this  end  contributes  to  my  satisfaction,  however  difficult  and  inconvenient 
in  the  attainment,  and  will  reconcile  any  place  and  all  circumstances  to  my 
feelings,  whilst  I  remain  in  service. 


MR.  reed's  election.  43 

The  officers  of  the  army  must  be  grateful  for  your  endeavour  to  serve 
them;  and  those  of  your  own  state  will,  I  trust,  feel  the  salutary  effects  of 
your  exertions  in  their  favour.  They  really  merit  it,  and  resignation  must 
cease  to  be  wonderful,  wiien  it  is  a  fact  too  notorious  to  be  denied  that 
officers  cannot  live  in  the  army  under  present  circumstances,  whilst  they 
see  others  enriching  themselves  by  an  infinity  of  ways.  These  are  severe 
tests  of  public  virtue,  and  should  not  in  point  of  policy  be  pushed  too  far. 
With  sincere  regard  and  affection,  and  with  compliments  to  Mrs.  Reed, 

I  am,  dear  sir. 
Your  most  obedient  friend  and  servant, 

G.  Washington. 

Wayne  at  the  same  lime  added  his  hearty  congratulations. 
*'  It  is  with  sincere  pleasure  I  join  sentiment  with  the  Committee 
in  congratulating  you  on  your  appointment  to  the  Presidency 
of  a  State,  which,  from  internal  divisions  has  been  rendered 
feeble,  and  which  will  require  the  utmost  exertions  of  that 
fortitude  and  those  abilities  with  which  you  have  hitherto  acted 
in  the  present  contest,  and  by  the  means  of  which  we  have  the 
most  flattering  hopes  of  seeing  Pennsylvania  resuming  that 
rank  and  consequence  which  she  is  entitled  to  hold. 

"  I  am  confident  that  the  officers  and  troops  of  the  line  will 
soon  experience  the  happy  effects  of  having  at  the  head  of 
their  state,  a  gentleman  truly  disposed  to  redress  their  just 
complaints  and  alleviate  their  distress,  and  whom  they  esteem 
as  their  common  fi-iend  and  guardian." 

If  the  good  wishes  of  friends  at  home,  and  at  a  distance,  the 
hopes  and  expectations  even  of  those  who,  with  no  personal 
good  will,  yet  confided  in  Mr.  Reed's  admitted  ability,  could 
have  made  his  career  easy  and  prosperous,  they  certainly  were 
not  wanting.  The  exigencies  of  a  station  thus  assumed  cannot 
be  measured  by  any  standard  of  later  days.  The  easy  admi- 
nistration of  an  established  government,  with  the  slight  irregu- 
larities that  disturb  its  action  in  peaceful  times,  has  no  cares 
or  responsibilities  to  be  compared  with  the  perplexities,  the 
wearing  anxieties  of  the  trust  which  a  public  station  in  times 
of  revolution  imposes.  A  community  distracted  by  party 
spirit,  which  though  not  inveterate  had  all  the  freshness  of 
intense  malignity;  an  empty  treasury,  dilapidated  credit,  a 
currency  rapidly  sinking  below  the  level  of  depreciation  into 


44  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  STATE. 

Utter  worthlessness,  and  withal  an  armed  enemy,  irritated  by 
past  discomfiture,  and  ready  at  any  moment  again  to  become 
an  invader,  were  elements  of  that  heavy  burden  of  responsi- 
bility which,  at  the  early  age  of  thirty-seven,  Mr.  Reed  now- 
assumed.  How  he  bore  it,  with  what  success  he  carried  it 
through,  how,  in  point  of  fact,  he  sacrificed  his  health  and  life 
in  the  public  cause,  I  hope  in  the  following  pages  to  be  able  to 
show.  It  was  the  proudest,  though  perhaps  the  most  thank- 
less period  of  his  public  life. 


CHAPTER    I  L 
1779. 

President  Reed's  Administration — State  of  Parties  and  public  feeling — Revision 
of  Constitution  of  1776— Constitutionalists  and  Republicans— Dispute  with 
Arnold — Letter  to  Miss  Shippen — Difficulty  between  Congress  and  Executive 
Council  —  Arnold's  Defence  —  Discontent  of  Pennsylvania  line — Letters  of 
McDougal  and  St.  Clair — Act  for  relief  of  Soldiers— Letters  of  the  Officers — 
Defence  of  Frontiers — Indian  Depredations — Post  at  Fort  Pitt — General  Potter's 
Letter  from  Penn's  Valley. 

The  history  of  the  next  three  years  of  Mr.  Reed's  public 
hfe,  as  has  been  said,  is  the  history  of  Pennsylvania,  and  it  is 
very  difficult  to  av^oid  the  expansion. of  what  is  meant  to  be  a 
merely  personal  memoir  into  a  general  history  of  the  State. 
No  one  can  examine  the  public  records  and  private  corre- 
spondence which  has  accumulated,  without  seeing  how  com- 
pletely Mr.  Reed  was  identified  with  the  conduct  of  public 
affairs,  and  that  he  was  in  every  sense  the  master-spirit  of  his 
party  and  the  State  government.     The  Executive  Council  had 
much  more  than  ordinary  executive  duty  to  perform.     The 
initiation  of  legislative  measures  belonged  to  them  in  common 
with  the  Assembly,  and,  for  a  time  at  least,  most,  if  not  all  the 
leading  measm'es  of  beneficent  legislation  had  their  origin  in 
Council.     All  the  messages  to  Assembly,  and  addresses  to  the 
people,  all  the  official  correspondence  with  the  Commander-in- 
chief  and  Congress  was   conducted  by  Mr.  Reed,  and   the 
executive  files  are  crowded  with  state  papers  of  all  kinds ; 
draughts  of  every  description  in  his  well-known  handwriting. 
Pennsylvania,  it  should  be  remembered,  at  this,  and  at  all  times, 
had  more  than  her  share  of  danger   and    imposition.     Her 
central  position  rendered  her  liable  to  sudden  invasion.     She 
had  been  invaded  once,  and  might  be  so  again.     Her  western 
and  northern  frontier  was  extensive  and  vulnerable,  and  large 


46  AMENDMENT  OF  CONSTITUTION. 

detachments  of  her  mihtia,  often  unsustained  by  Continental 
reinforcements,  were  necessarily  kept  at  different  advanced 
posts  from  the  forks  of  the  Susquehanna  in  one  direction,  to 
Fort  Pitt  in  another.  The  vicinity  of  the  Continental  army 
rendered  Pennsylvania  the  convenient  object  of  constant  requi- 
sition. Added  to  all  this,  is  to  be  borne  in  mind  the  prevalence 
of  unceasing  party  conflict  within  herself.  All  these  can  but 
be  alluded  to  here  in  a  brief  introductory  form  to  the  personal 
history  of  President  Reed's  troubled  but  honourable,  and  in 
the  end,  successful  administration. 

Before  commencing  a  necessarily  imperfect  sketch  of  this 
part  of  our  local  history,  it  is  proper  again  to  allude  to  the 
action  of  the  Assembly,  immediately  before  Mr.  Reed's  elec- 
tion to  the  Presidency,  on  the  much-vexed  question  of  the 
Constitution.  In  the  Assembly  of  1778,  there  was  a  very  deter- 
mined and  active  minority,  who  seemed  to  have  been  pledged, 
at  any  hazard,  to  a  change  in  the  form  of  government.  On 
the  organization  of  the  Assembly,  in  November,  the  minority 
members  refused  to  take  the  official  oath,  except  with  a  reser- 
vation, that  it  was  not  to  prevent  the  adoption  of  measures  for 
calling  a  Convention  to  change  the  Constitution.  This  middle 
course  was  agreed  to,  and  two  kinds  of  oaths  appear  to  have 
been  taken  by  the  members,  a  large  majority,  however,  taking 
one  without  reserve  or  qualification. 

On  the  28th  of  November,  the  Assembly,  with  entire  una- 
nimity, agreed  to  a  plan  for  taking  the  sense  of  the  people  on 
this  question  of  a  change  of  government.  A  double  sort  of 
election  was  to  be  held  in  March  and  April  following,  by  which 
the  people  not  only  were  to  determine  whether  there  was  to  be 
a  Convention,  but  also  who  were  to  be  delegates,  and  on  what 
specified  points  the  Convention  was  to  deliberate.  This  reso- 
lution, so  unanimously  adopted,  was  probably  the  fruit  of  the 
coalition,  or  friendly  agreement  of  party  leaders,  to  which  the 
correspondence  has  several  limes  alluded.  Unhappily,  perhaps, 
as  will  presently' be  seen,  it  failed  wholly  of  the  results  which 
were  anticipated.  In  this  plan  of  amicable  adjustment  of  party 
differences,  Mr.  Reed  zealously  co-operated.  Notwithstanding 
this,  to  its  failure  may  be  attributed  much,  if  not  all  of  the  embar- 
rassment and  hostility  to  which  his  administration  was  exposed. 


THE  CONSTITUTION.  47 

The  rest  of  the  history  of  this  abortive  attempt  at  party 
conciliation  may  be  briefly  told.  From  the  time  of  the  publi- 
cation of  the  Resolves  of  the  28th  of  November,  there  ap- 
peared to  be  new  ferment  in  the  public  mind,  principally  among 
the  friends  of  the  Constitution.  The  newspapers  were  filled 
with  controversial  essays.  Memorials  in  great  numbers  were 
circulated  for  signature,  remonstrating  against  any  change,  and 
especially  against  the  awkward  mode  provided  by  the  recent 
law.  The  Assembly  met  again  in  February  1779,  and  on  the 
27th  of  that  month,  after  the  discussion  of  a  single  day,  such 
appears  to  have  been  the  force  of  popular  sentiment  from  with- 
out, they  rescinded  the  Resolution  of  the  28th  of  November, 
by  a  remarkable  vote  of  forty-seven  to  seven — of  the  seven,  four 
being  from  the  City  of  Philadelphia.  The  dissentient  members 
placed  on  the  Journals  an  earnest  protest,  embodying  their  ob- 
jections to  the  Constitution,  but  not,  it  will  be  observed,  ques- 
tioning the  fact  on  which  the  Constitutionalists  relied,  that  a 
majority  of  the  people  were  in  favour  of  the  Government  as  it 
stood.  Here  may  be  said  to  have  ended  the  political  action  in 
relation  to  the  Constitution  of  1776.  It  was  the  fruitful  theme 
of  newspaper  discussion,  but  never  again  came  before  the  Le- 
gislature. Its  opponents  generally  threw  themselves  into  the 
ranks  of  party  opposition,  which  from  that  time  forward  became 
more  and  more  acrimonious. 

Mr.  Reed  thought  his  duty  of  opposition  done,  when  all  rea- 
sonable chances  of  immediate  amendment  had  disappeared, 
and  when  a  majority  of  the  people  seemed  satisfied.  As  Pre- 
sident of  the  State,  it  was  his  duty,  at  least  while  a  foreign 
enemy  was  in  the  field,  to  support  the  Constitution.* 

*  Edward  Biddle  of  Pennsylvania,  a  distinguished  member  of  the  anti-consti- 
tutional party,  held  the  same  opinions.  In  a  letter  to  his  relative,  Clement  Biddle, 
dated  6th  June,  1778,  he  said,  "  Our  present  government  is  lamentably  defective, 
and  has  in  it  the  seeds  of  the  worst  of  tyrannies,  but  to  attempt  by  force  to  over- 
turn  it,  would,  in  my  judgment  be  wicked,  as  well  as  impolitic.  The  people  who 
made  it  were  fairly  delegated  for  that  purpose,  and  though  they  exceeded  their 
power  and  acted  wrong,  yet  it  must  be  by  persuasion  and  argument,  not  by  force, 
that  it  must  be  altered.  There  is  a  time  when  the  manifest  errors  of  a  people 
must  be  submitted  to,  in  order  to  take  the  proper  advantages  for  rectifying  those 
errors.     Such  I  take  to  be  our  present  situation." — MS.  Letter.     Edward  Biddle 


48  CONTEST  WITH  ARNOLD. 

Kindred,  in  some  measure,  to  these  party  conflicts  was  the 
dispute,  begun  before  Mr.  Reed's  accession  to  office,  but  con- 
tinuing with  great  asperity  afterwards,  between  the  State  au- 
thorities and  General  Arnold,  ihe  Continental  commandant  in 
Philadelphia.  It  is  curious  too,  as  an  early  developement  of 
Arnold's  secret  and  corrupt  conduct,  at  a  time  when  no  suspi- 
cion rested,  at  least  on  his  patriotism,  and  when  he  commanded 
a  full  share  of  that  sympathy  and  regard  which  was  due  to 
his  military  services.  At  the  time  this  conflict  occurred,  it 
M^as  thought  by  many  that  the  State  authorities  acted  with 
excessive  harshness  to  a  meritorious  officer.  Hence,  no  doubt, 
some  of  the  ill-timed  favour  which  Congress  showed  him.  It 
required  all  the  energy  and"  resolution  of  Mr.  Reed,  and  his 
Council,  to  cany  on  to  a  result  the  searching  investigation  which 
they  instituted.  Now  that  Arnold's  corrupt  practices  and  actual 
treachery  at  the  very  time  are  known,  great  praise  will  be  con- 
ceded to  the  Council  for  their  firmness  and  steady  resolution. 

The  ditBculty  began,  as  has  been  said,  before  Mr.  Reed's 
Presidency,  and  as  such  things  usually  do,  on  small  grounds  of 
irritation.  Instead  of  making  the  exercise  of  the  military  au- 
thority, with  which  he  was  invested  for  a  temporary  purpose, 
as  agreeable  as  possible  to  the  citizens  and  to  the  local  autho- 
rities, Arnold,  according  to  all  concurrent  testimony,  adminis- 
tered his  military  trust  with  insolence.  He  seems  to  have  had 
no  other  aim  than  to  gratify  his  own  ill-regulated  passion  for 
luxurious  indulgence  and  display.  Regardless  of  the  well- 
ascertained  popular  sentiment  in  relation  to  the  enemy  and  the 
loyahsts,  at  a  time,  too,  when  the  footsteps  of  the  invader  were 
fresh  upon  the  soil,  apparently  intoxicated  by  the  attentions  paid 
him  by  the  fashionable  and  aristocratic  portions  of  society,  Arnold 
seems  to  have  borne  himself  as  the  military  master  of  a  con- 
quered city,  rather  than  as  a  subordinate  officer  in  a  command 
by  no  means  exclusive  and  among  friends.  The  local  authori- 
ties, he,  and  those  about  them,  treated  with  ill-disguised  disre- 
spect.* 

was  a  Pennsylvanian,  of  whom  too  little  is  known.  After  very  active  public 
service  as  a  member  of  the  First  Continental  Congress,  and  in  other  distinguished 
trusts,  he  died  at  Baltimore,  in  1778  or  1779. 

*  The  charges  against  Arnold,  and  his  answer,  will  be  found  in  Almon''s  Re- 
membrancer, 1 778-9,  p.  349. 


Arnold's  trial.  49 

The  history  of  the  investigation,  first  before  a  Committee  of 
Congress,  and  afterwards  before  the  Court  Martial,  convoked 
by  General  Washington,  and  the  result  are  well  known  to  every 
student  of  our  history.  Knowing,  as  we  now  do,  that  at  the 
time  when  Arnold  was  so  vehemently  proclaiming  his  innocence, 
he  was  in  secret  correspondence  with  the  enemy,  and  that  he 
was  steeped  in  deeper  guilt  than  his  worst  enemies  imputed  to 
him,  it  is  very  difficult  to  form  a  fair  judgment  on  the  actual 
evidence,  as  taken  by  the  court.  Throwing  this,  however,  as 
far  as  possible,  out  of  view,  and  looking  to  his  case  as  that  of 
any  other  accused  individual  of  high  rank  and  character,  it  is 
impossible  to  withhold  the  expression  of  surprise,  that  the  State 
authorities  were  able  to  accomplish  his  conviction  on  any  one 
of  the  charges  preferred. 

The  contest  about  this  worthless  man  came  very  near  in- 
volving the  State  authorities  and  Congress  in  serious  conflict. 
Much  of  the  correspondence  between  the  Council  and  the 
committee  of  Congress  was  marked  with  great  and  unne- 
cessary acrimony ;  and  it  is  not  easy  to  understand  exactly 
on  what  principle  the- points  of  difficulty  were  at  last  adjusted. 
On  the  9th  of  March,  Mr.  Paca,  of  Maryland,  as  chair- 
man of  the  Congressional  Committee,  closed  a  long  letter  to  the 
Council  in  language  which  plainly  shows  the  temper  of  the 
controversy. 

"  We  wish  for  your  own  sakes  you  had  spared  your  solemn 
protestation.  It  is  no  proof  of  dignity  of  conduct.  Vehement 
declarations  and  violent  protestations  are  sometimes  the  result 
of  passions  roused  in  the  telling  of  truths,  or  the  apprehension 
of  it.  We  shall  certainly  make  no  report  derogatory  to  the 
rights  and  interests  of  Pennsylvania.  Such  a  report  would  only 
disgrace  ourselves.  As  to  the  honour  of  Council,  we  shall  re- 
port the  truth,  and  therefore,  if  you  yourselves  have  done 
nothing  derogatory  to  the  honour  of  Council,  you  have  nothing 
to  fear  from  our  report." 

The  language  of  the  State  authorities  was  scarcely  less  un- 
measured ;  yet  in  the  end,  moderate  counsels  seemed  to  have 
had  their  influence,  and  the  inference  which  Arnold,  in  the  bit- 
terness of  his  resentment,  drew  from   the  Report  of  the  Con- 

VOL.  II.  4 


50  DIFFICULTY  WITH  CONGRESS. 

oressional  Committee,  is  not  unfair,  that  it  was  in  a  measiu'e 

o 

the  result  of  something  Hke  a  compromise  between  his  accusers 
and  those  whom  he  considered  his  apologists.*  The  action  of 
the  State  authorities  was  at  once  dexterous  and  dignified ;  and 
though  it  was,  at  first,  met  in  no  spirit  of  friendliness  by  Con- 
gress, their  prejudices  were  ultimately  overcome,  and  the 
triumph  was  with  the  State. 

On  the  24th  March,  the  Assembly  received  a  message  from 
Council  in  these  words : 

In  Council,  March  23,  1779. 

Gentlemen, 

The  Council  request  your  honourable  house  to  meet  them  in  a  Free  Con- 
ference upon  sundry  matters  touching  llie  interest  and  honour  of  this  State 
and  the  union  and  harmony  of  the  United  States;  and  that  in  case  of  con- 
currence you  would  signify  where  it  would  be  convenient  for  you  to 
attend  it. 

Joseph  Reed. 

The  Assembly  having  agreed  to  the  conference,  its  action  is 
thus  described  in  a  report  made  the  next  day  to  that  body: — 

"The  Honourable  the  Speaker,  agreeable  to  the  directions  of  the  House 
last  evening,  made  the  follovvmg  report  of  the  conference  held  with  the 
Supreme  Executive  Council,  to  wit: 

"That  the  President  on  the  part  of  Council  had  represented,  that  the  har- 
mony and  confidence  so  necessary  for  the  common  interests  of  this  and  the 
United  States  was  in  great  danger  of  being  interrupted  by  some  late  trans- 
actions of  the  honourable  the  Continental  Congress,  respecting  the  executive 
authority  of  the  State;  that  several  instances  were  enumerated;  showing 
that  reasonable  complaints  made  to  Congress  on  former  and  late  occasions 
had  been  either  wholly  neglected,  or  so  treated  that  it  would  have  been 
more  honourable  and  advantageous  to  the  State,  to  have  submitted  silently 
to  the  injuries  complained  of,  while  other  States,  on  complaints  of  a  similar 
nature,  have  received  speedy  and  ample  satisfaction:  that  it  was  nece.-sary 
that  the  true  interests  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  its  importance,  and  ser- 
vices in  the  common  cause,  should  be  better  known  and  understood  by  that 
honourable  body  than  they  hitherto  seem  to  have  been,  as  a  happy  means  of 


*  In  his  defence  before  the  Court  Martial,  p,  84,  he  said, "  The  Council  of  Penn. 
sylvania  had  sufficient  influence  and  address  to  quash  any  proceedings  on  the 
Report.  My  reputation  then  became,  for  some  time  longer,  a  sacrifice  to  what 
was  deemed  by  Congress  a  necessary  state  policy,"  Slc. 


CONFERENCE  WITH  CONGRESS.  51 

removing  all  discontents,  and  promotino;  a  perfect  restoration  of  that  union 
and  harmony  so  essential  to  the  interests  and  happiness  of  all:  and  that  it 
was  proposed  as  an  advance  to  those  desirable  objects,  to  request  the 
Honourable  the  Congress  to  appoint  a  committee  to  meet  a  joint  committee 
of  the  Council  and  of  this  House  in  a  Free  Conference  on  the  subject-matter 
of  said  representation. 

"  The  House,  taking  the  said  report  into  immediate  consideration, 
"  Resolved,  That  this  House  do  approve  of  the  proposal  contained  in  the 
said  report,  as  highly  necessary  and  proper  to  eflect  the  desirable  purposes 
therein  mentioned,  at  least  to  demonstrate  our  most  earnest  wishes  to  avoid 
every  kind  of  controversy."* 

The  Council  also  appointed  a  committee,  at  the  head  of 
which  the  President  was  placed.  On  these  proceedings  being 
communicated  to  Congress,  the  spirit  of  party  seems  instantly 
to  have  been  aroused.  A  motion  was  made  to  refer  it  to  a 
committee,  which  failed  by  a  divided  vote.  A  resolution  was 
then  proposed  by  Gouverneur  Morris  and  William  Henry 
Drayton : 

"  Resolved,  That  although  Congress  by  no  means  admit  the  justness  of  the 
representations  made  against  them  by  the  said  President,  yet  from  an  ear- 
nest desire  to  remove  from  the  minds  of  the  said  Assembly  all  ground  of  dis- 
content, a  committee  be  appointed  to  confer  with  the  joint  committee  of  the 
said  Assembly  and  Council ;  and  that  the  said  committee  be  directed  to  re- 
port the  matters  and  things  which  may  be  adduced  in  support  of  the  said 
representation. "f 

To  this,  an  amendment  was  proposed,  striking  out  "  Council" 
and  limiting  the  conference  to  the  Assembly.  This  was  evi- 
dently an  extreme  and  offensive  movement,  which  failed  by  an 
equal  division  of  States,  and  a  large  numerical  majority.  On 
the  29th  of  March,  it  was  again  renewed,  and  failed  by  a  more 
decisive  vote,  and  the  Committee  of  Conference  was  appointed. 
On  the  5th  of  April  joint  reports  were  made.  That  to  the 
Assembly,  signed  by  Mr.  Reed  and  Mr.  Harris,  of  the  House, 
was  as  follows : 

"  The  joint  committee  of  Council  and  Assembly  beg  leave  to  report  to 
their  respective  Houses,  that,  in  pursuance  of  the  resolutions  of  the  25th  of 
March  last,  they  had  conferred  with  the  Honourable  Messrs.  Paca,  Laurens, 
Adams,  R.  H.  Lee  and  Root,  a  committee  of  Congress  on  the  subject-matter 

*  Journals  of  Assembly,  p.  344.  t  Journals,  '79,  page  117. 


52  CONFERENCE  WITH  CONGRESS. 

of  the  representation  made  on  the  said  day:  That  the  same  had  been  fully 
and  freely  discussed :  That  the  conferees  of  Congress  gave  this  committee 
very  ample  assurances  of  the  disposition  of  Congress  to  preserve  the  most 
perfect  harmony,  and  remove  all  ground  of  apprehension  or  uneasiness  from 
the  minds  of  the  good  people  of  this  state:  That  such  mutual  overtures  of 
friendship  and  explanation  have  been  made,  in  the  course  of  the  said  con- 
ference, as  afford  a  prospect  of  lasting  harmony  and  confidence:  and  in  order 
to  cement  and  confirm  these  happy  and  beneficial  sentiments,  and  to  disap- 
point the  enemies  of  the  common  cause,  who  take  encouragement  from  all 
appearances  of  disunion,  it  will  be  proper  to  give  some  open  proof  of  the 
happy  issue  of  tliis  conference:  for  which  purpose  the  joint  committee  beg 
leave  to  propose  to  their  respective  bodies  the  following  resolves,  as  tending 
to  promote  the  desirable  and  important  end  aforesaid,  viz. : 

"  Resolved,  That  the  unanimity  and  harmony  between  the  representatives 
of  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  and  each  State  individually, 
have  been,  under  God,  the  happy  means  of  our  past  success,  and  the  only 
sure  foundation  whereon  to  rest  our  future  hopes  of  terminating  the  contest 
with  Great  Britain  with  honour  and  advantage. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  legislative  and  executive  authorities  of  this  State  en- 
tertain the  most  proper  sentiments  of  veneration  and  esteem  for  the  honour- 
able the  Continental  Congress,  and  repose  a  perfect  confidence  in  the 
wisdom  and  integrity  of  that  honourable  body,  which  it  is  their  intention  to 
manifest  on  all  occasions."* 

The  resolutions  adopted  by  Congress  were  in  a  similar  tone, 
concluding,  as  will  be  seen,  with  that  for  which  the  State  au- 
thorities had  hitherto  so  long  struggled  in  vain,  and  of  which 
Arnold  so  bitterly  complained. 

"  Resolved,  That  Congress  is  highly  sensible  of  the  importance  and  ser- 
vices of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  in  the  present  contest,  and  regard  with 
sincere  concern  and  regret  every  event  which  may  tend  to  lessen  the  mutual 
confidence  and  affection  which  has  hitherto  subsisted. 

"Resolved,  That  it  is  the  full  intention  of  Congress  on  all  occasions  to 
manifest  the  same  just  and  equal  attention  to  the  said  state  and  authority 
of  Pennsylvania,  as  to  any  other  state  in  the  union. 

"  Resolved,  That  any  disrespectful  and  indecent  behaviour  of  any  officer  of 
any  rank  under  the  appointment  of  Congress,  to  the  civil  authority  of  any 
State  in  the  Union,  will  be  discountenanced  and  discouraged;  and  that  a 
contrary  behaviour  will  be  considered  as  one  of  the  surest  means  to  recom- 
mend any  officer  to  the  favour  and  notice  of  Congress. 

"Resolved,  That  his  Excellency  Joseph  Reed's  letter  to  Congress,  of  the 
25th  of  January,  1779,  and  General  Arnold's  letters  of  the  8th  and  12th  of 

*  Journals  of  Assembly,  p.  358. 


Arnold's  letter  to  miss  shippen.  53 

February,  and  the  Resolves  therein  contained  of  the  Executive  Council  of 
Pennsylvania,  be,  with  the  evidence  which  has  been  collected  and  reported 
by  the  committee  on  those  letters,  transmitted  to  the  Commander-in-chief, 
and  that  he  be  directed  to  appoint  a  Court  Martial  on  the  first,  second,  third, 
and  fifth  articles  contained  in  the  said  resolves  of  the  said  Executive  Council, 
the  said  articles  only  being  cognizable  by  a  Court  Martial ;  and  that  the  refer- 
ence be  notified  to  the  Supreme  Executive  Council,  and  they  be  requested 
to  furnish  the  evidence  to  the  Court  Martial."* 

On  the  8th  April,  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly,  then  about  to 
adjourn,  passed  the  following  resolution : — 

"  Resolved,  That  the  executive  powers  of  government  have  been  adminis- 
tered to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  this  House,  and  the  general  content  of  the 
good  people  of  this  state ;  and  that  this  House  cheerfully  give  this  testimony 
of  their  approbation  to  his  Excellency.the  President,  and  the  other  members  of 
the  Council,  as  an  earnest  of  their  resolution  to  support  them  in  a  continu- 
ance  of  the  faithful  and  honourable  discharge  of  their  duly,  and  a  mark  of 
their  perfect  confidence  and  regard."! 

The  military  court  met  at  Camp  in  January,  1780,  and 
convicted  Arnold  on  two  of  the  charges  preferred  by  the 
Council :  that  of  giving  a  pass  to  a  vessel  to  sail  from  an 
enemy's  port,  and  that  of  using  the  public  wagons  for  pri- 
vate use;  though  even  on  these  they  acquitted  him  of  any 
corrupt  intent.  Throughout  the  whole  investigation,  with 
the  details  of  which  the  reader  is  presumed  to  be  familiar,  and 
which  will  be  hereafter  referred  to  when  the  correspondence  is 
resumed,  it  suited  Arnold's  purposes  to  attribute  especial  ran- 
cour and  malignity  to  the  President  of  Pennsylvania.  This 
was  his  theme  in  private  and  in  public.  On  the  8th  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1779,  he  wrote  to  Miss  Shippen,  the  lady  whom  he  soon 
after  married,  the  following  characteristic  letter. 

ARNOLD  TO  MISS  SHIPPEN.t 

Camp  at  Raritan,  Feb.  8th,  1779. 
My  dearest  Life, 
Never  did  I  so  ardently  long  to  see  or  hear  from  you  as  at  this  instant.    I 

*  Journals,  '79,  pp.  134,  5.  t  Journals  of  Assembly,  p.  359. 

t  The  daughter  of  Edward  Shippen,  afterwards  (in  1799)  Chief  Justice  of  Penn- 
sylvania. 


54  Arnold's  letter. 

am  all  impatience  and  anxiety  to  know  liow  you  do:  six  days'  absence,  with- 
out hearing  from  my  dear  Peggy,  is  intolierable.  Heavens!  what  must  I 
have  suffered,  had  I  continued  my  journey — the  loss  of  happiness  for  a  few 
dirty  acres.  I  can  almost  bless  the  villanous  roads,  and  more  villanous 
men,  who  oblige  me  to  return :  I  am  heartily  tired  with  my  journey,  and 
almost  so  with  human  nature.  I  daily  discover  so  much  baseness  and  in- 
gratitude among  mankind,  that  I  almost  blush  at  being  of  the  same  species, 
and  could  quit  the  stage  without  regret,  was  it  not  for  some  few  gentle, 
generous  souls  like  my  dear  Peggy,  who  still  retain  the  lively  impression 
of  their  Maker's  image,  and  vvho,  with  smiles  of  benignity  and  goodness, 
make  all  happy  around  them.  Let  me  beg  of  you  not  to  suffer  the  rude 
attacks  on  me  to  give  you  one  moment's  uneasiness ;  they  can  do  me  no  in- 
jury. I  am  treated  with  the  greatest  politeness  by  General  Washington  and 
the  officers  of  the  army,  who  bitterly  execrate  Mr.  Reed  and  the  Council  for 
their  villanous  attempt  to  injure  me.  They  have  advised  me  to  proceed  on 
my  journey.  The  badness  of  the  roads  will  not  permit,  was  it  possible  to 
support  an  absence  of  four  weeks,  for  in  less  time  I  could  not  accomplish  it. 

The  day  after  to-morrow  I  leave  this,  and  hope  to  be  made  happy  by  your 
smiles  on  Friday  evening;  'till  then  all  nature  smiles  in  vain;  for  you  alone, 
heard,  felt,  and  seen,  possess  my  every  thought,  fill  every  sense,  and  pant 
in  every  vein. 

Clarkson  will  send  an  express  to  meet  me  at  Bristol  ;*  make  me  happy  by 
one  line,  to  tell  me  you  are  so;  please  to  present  my  best  respects  to  our 
mamma  and  the  family.  My  prayers  and  best  wishes  attend  my  dear  Peggy. 
Adieu  !  and  believe  me  sincerely  and  affectionately  thine. 

B.  Arnold. 

Miss  Peggy  Shippen. 

On  the  discovery  of  Arnold's  treason  in  1780,  this  letter  came 
into  the  hands  of  Mr.  Reed,  by  whom  it  was  communicated  to 
Washington,  who  at  once  and  with  emphasis  disclaimed  the 
opinions  thus  attributed  to  him. 

"  I  cannot,"  he  wrote,  "  suffer  myself  to  delay  a  moment  in 
pronouncing,  if  Arnold,  by  the  words,  (in  his  letter  to  his  wife,) 
*  I  am  treated  with  the  greatest  politeness  by  General  Wash- 
ington and  the  officers  of  the  army,  who  bitterly  execrate  Mr. 
Reed  and  the  Council  for  their  villanous  attempt  to  injure  me,' 
meant  to  comprehend  me  in  the  latter  part  of  the  expression, 
that  he  asserted  an  absolute  falsehood. 

"  It  was  at  no  time  my  inclination,  much  less  my  intention,  to 

*  Major  Matthew  Clarkson,  of  New  York,  was  one  of  Arnold's  aids. 


Arnold's  defence.  55 

become  a  party  in  his  cause ;  and  I  certainly  could  not  be  so 
lost  to  my  own  character  as  to  beconne  a  partisan  at  the 
monnent  I  was  called  upon  officially  to  bring  him  to  trial. 

"  I  am  not  less  mistaken  if  he  has  not  extended  the  former  part 
of  the  paragraph  a  little  too  far.  True  it  is  he  self  invited  some 
civilities,  I  never  meant  to  show  him,  (or  any  officer  in  arrest,) 
and  he  received  rebuke  before  I  could  convince  him  of  the  im- 
propriety of  his  entering  upon  a  justification  of  his  conduct  in 
my  presence,  and  for  bestowing  such  illiberal  abuse  as  he 
seemed  disposed  to  do  upon  those  whom  he  denominated  his 
persecutors. 

"Although  you  have  done  me  the  justice  to  disbelieve  Arnold's 
assertion  to  his  wife,  a  regard  to  my  own  feelings  claims  a 
declaration  of  the  falsehood  of  it." 

These  malignant  denunciations  were  not  confined  to  his  pri- 
vate intercourse.  In  the  arrogant  defence  which  he  made  be- 
fore the  Court  Martial,  written  and  uttered  at  the  time  when 
he  was  and  had  been  for  many  months  in  treasonable  corre- 
spondence with  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  he  had  the  unblushing 
effi'ontery  to  use  the  following  language  of  malignant  in- 
sinuation: 

"  On  this  occasion  I  think  I  may  be  allowed  to  say  without 
vanity,  that  my  conduct  from  the  earliest  period  of  the  war  to 
the  present  time  has  been  steady  and  uniform.  I  have  ever 
obeyed  the  calls  of  my  country,  and  stepped  forth  in  her  de- 
fence in  every  hour  of  danger  when  many  were  deserting  her 
cause,  which  appeared  desperate.  I  have  often  bled  in  it ;  the 
marks  that  I  bear  are  sufficient  evidence  of  my  conduct.  The 
impartial  public  will  judge  of  my  services,  and  whether  the 
returns  I  have  met  with  are  not  tinctured  with  the  basest  in- 
gratitude. Cohscious  of  my  own  innocence,  and  of  the  un- 
worthy methods  taken  to  injure  me,  I  can  with  boldness  say  to 
my  persecutors  in  general,  and  to  the  chief  of  them  in  particular, 
that  in  the  hour  of  danger,  when  the  affairs  of  America  wore  a 
gloomy  aspect,  when  our  illustrious  General  was  retreating 
through  New  Jersey  with  a  handful  of  men,  I  did  not  propose 
to  my  associates  to  quit  the  General,  and  sacrifice  the  cause 
of  my  country  to  my  personal  safety  by  going  over  to  the 


56  Arnold's  character. 

enemy  and  making  my  peace.  I  can  say  I  never  basked  in 
the  sunshine  of  my  General's  favour,  and  courted  him  to  his 
face,  when  I  was  at  the  same  time  treating  him  with  the  greatest 
disrespect,  and  vihfying  his  character  when  absent.  This  is 
more  than  a  ruHng  member  of  the  Council  of  the  State  of 
Pennsylvania  can  say,  as  is  alleged  and  believed."* 

"  When  Arnold's  insinuation,"  says  Mr.  Reed,  writing  of  it 
several  years  afterwards,  "  dropt,  a  smile  of  contempt  mani- 
fested itself  throughout  the  room,  and  his  few  well-wishers  ex- 
pressed their  fears  that  it  would  injure  other  parts  of  his  defence." 
It  is  one  of  Mr.  Reed's  highest  honours  that  Arnold  was  his 
boldest  and  most  malignant  defamer ;  and  it  is  quite  probable 
that  the  prosecution  which  the  Pennsylvania  authorities  insti- 
tuted was  the  means  of  precipitating  his  defection.  [  have 
seen  nothing,  however,  in  the  form  of  evidence  to  justify 
the  poor  apology  which  has  sometimes  been  made  for  Arnold's 
treason,  that  but  for  this  prosecution,  it  would  never  have  oc- 
curred. If  the  course  of  his  secret  motives  could  be  disclosed,  it 
would  be  found  that  with  the  exception  of  animal  courage, 
which  he  had  in  an  eminent  degree,  there  was  little  else  in  his 
moral  constitution  to  lighten  the  judgment  which  has  long  since 
been  pronounced  on  him.  The  constitutional  obliquity  of 
Arnold,  with  its  gradual  developement  to  the  worst  of  social 
crimes — treason  to  his  country — is  as  much  part  of  the  Revolu- 
tionary picture,  as  the  complete  virtue  of  Washington. 

*  Mr.  Sparks  has  fixed  the  commencement  of  Arnold's  correspondence  with 
Andre  at  about  the  month  of  April,  1779,  so  that  at  the  time  this  infamous 
slander  was  uttered,  (January,  1780,)  his  intercourse  of  treason  was  at  least  nine 
months  old.  See  Washington,  vii.  52,  and  Sparks^  Life  and  Treason  of  Arnold. 
At  p.  141  of  the  latter,  Mr.  Sparks  says :  "The  boastful  ness  and  malignity  of  these 
declarations  are  obvious  enougli,  but  their  consummate  hypocrisy  can  be  under- 
stood  only  by  knowing  the  fact  that  at  the  moment  they  were  uttered,  he  had 
been  eight  months  in  secret  correspondence  with  the  enemy,  and  was  prepared,  if 
not  resolved,  when  the  first  opportunity  should  oifer,  to  desert  and  betray  his 
country.  No  suspicions  of  such  a  purpose  being  entertained,  these  effusions  were 
regarded  as  the  offspring  of  vanity  and  the  natural  violence  of  his  temper.  They 
now  afford  remarkable  evidence  of  the  duplicity  of  his  character,  and  of  the  art 
with  which  he  concealed  the  blackest  schemes  of  wickedness  under  the  guise  of 
pretended  virtue  and  boast  of  immaculate  innocence." — See  Austin''s  Gerry,  vol. 
i.  p.  356. 


GENERAL  m'dOUGALL.  57 

"  Arnold's  conduct,"  said  Washington,  writing  the  next  year 
to  Reed,  "  is  so  villanously  perfidious,  that  there  are  no  terms 
which  can  describe  the  baseness  of  his  heart.  That  overruHng 
Providence  which  has  so  often  and  so  remarkably  interposed 
in  our  favour,  never  manifested  itself  more  conspicuously  than 
in  the  timely  discovery  of  the  horrid  intention  to  surrender  the 
post  and  garrison  of  West  Point  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 
I  confine  my  remarks  to  this  simple  act  of  perfidy,  for  I  am  far 
from  thinking  he  intended  to  hazard  a  defeat  of  this  important 
object  by  combining  another  risk,  although  there  were  cir- 
cumstances which  led  to  a  contrary  belief.  The  confidence 
and  folly  which  have  marked  the  subsequent  conduct  of  this 
man  are  of  a  piece  with  his  villany ;  and  all  three  are  perfect 
in  their  kind." 

It  is  most  agreeable  to  turn  from  this  scene  of  perfidy  and 
its  actor,  to  the  honest  and  soldier-like  simplicity  of  the  following 
letter,  received  by  Mr.  Reed,  during  the  height  of  the  Arnold 
excitement,  from  one  of  his  companions  in  arms,  a  gallant  man, 
to  whose  patriotism  and  steady  public  services,  justice  in  our 
history  has  scarcely  been  done.  The  letter  speaks  for  itself, 
and  is  very  interesting  in  its  earnest  and  direct  energy. 

GENERAL  M'DOUGALL  TO  PRESIDENT  REED. 

Head.Quarters,  Peck's  Hill,  March  25th,  1779. 
My  dear  Sir, 

I  was  honoured  in  due  time  with  your  favour  of  the  28th  ultimo. 

I  have  written  to  Brigadier-General  Huntington  on  the  subject  of  Mr. 
Minar's  complaint,  and  enclosed  him  certified  copies  of  the  depositions 
transmitted  to  you.     General  Parsons  is  at  New  London. 

The  former  being  a  gentleman  and  a  man  of  nice  feelings,  and  connected 
with  Governor  Trumbull,  I  considered  him  as  the  fittest  person  to  aid  in 
obtaining  redress.  It  would  give  me  great  pleasure  to  visit  your  city,  for 
many  reasons.  But  the  state  of  my  command  at  these  posts  utterly  forbid 
it.  You  will  be  informed  by  the  enclosed  the  state  of  the  enemy  in  my 
front.  And  I  am  so  closely  kept  to  business  that  I  have  not  time  to  take 
proper  rest.  The  grand  army  left  me  in  a  state  little  better  than  "  bare 
creation."  This  with  a  variety  of  posts,  new  works  to  erect,  and  the  diffe- 
rent communications  at  these  posts,  give  me  full  employ,  from  reveille 
to  tattoo.  I  assure  you  I  am  obliged,  from  the  duties  of  the  post,  and  the 
state  of  the  times,  to  live  a  truly  Spartan  life.    But  this  is  not  painful  to  me. 


58  m'dougall's  letter. 

It  has  been  the  misfortune  of  this  country  that  every  year  has  afforded  some 
amusement  to  retard  its  exertions  against  the  common  enemy.  At  one  time 
reconciliation,  another,  our  assistance  from  France  is  to  effect  our  deliver- 
ance;  this  failing,  our  alliance  with  that  people  was  to  accomplish  our 
redemption  ;  now  Spain's  acceding  to  our  independency  is  the  tub  of  the 
day.  Those  alliances  are  favourable  and  natural  as  they  have  mutual 
interest  for  their  basis,  and  there  can  be  no  important  temptation  to  either 
of  the  parties  to  recede  from  them.  But,  my  dear  sir,  if  all  Europe  was  to 
declare  in  our  favour,  this  will  not  pay  our  debts,  or  restore  our  depreciated 
currency;  and  foreign  loans  will  ruin  us  by  paying  interest  to  foreigners, 
out  of  our  country.  Our  deliverance  under  God  must  come  from  ourselves. 
The  voice  of  Providence  points  it  out;  I  had  almost  said,  divine  revelation 
does  it.  I  own,  however  advantageous  those  alliances  are  to  America,  ray 
hopes  or  expectations  from  them  are  not  so  sanguine  as  that  of  many  others. 
One  decisive  naval  victory  in  favour  of  your  enemies  will  give  them  courage, 
vigour,  and  public  credit.  That  nation  as  such,  is  poor,  but  the  individuals 
of  it  are  rich,  and  they  are  well  practised  in  all  the  arts  of  financing.  If 
that  people  are  once  brought  on  such  an  event,  to  exert  themselves  in 
favour  of  their  country,  the  war  will  be  lengthened  out  much  longer  than 
our  sanguine  politicians  imagine.  We  ought  to  be  vigorously  preparing 
for  an  offensive  campaign,  but  instead  of  this,  America  is  in  a  profound 
sleep. 

We  vainly  imagine  the  enemy  will  evacuate  New  York.  He  has  no 
such  intention.  He  is  confident  our  currency  will  fail  us,  and  that  three- 
fourths  of  the  inhabitants  of  these  states  are  pleased  with  the  terms  ofiered 
by  the  Commissioners,  and  that  whenever  tiie  supplies  for  the  army  fail, 
the  people  will  return  to  their  allegiance.  He  is  now  counterfeiting 
another  emission,  which  will  soon  be  out. 

I  feel  mortified  that  the  troops  in  New  York  should  hold  America  at 
defiance,  and  sure  I  am,  they  might  be  routed  this  campaign  if  early  prepa- 
rations are  made.  While  the  enemy  is  master  of  our  coast,  by  our  attempting 
to  cover  the  whole  country,  we  cover  none  of  it.  I  know  the  Commander- 
in-chief  is  embarrassed  often  for  want  of  strength,  and  with  the  partial  cries 
and  views  of  the  different  states.  But  if  we  carry  on  the  war  as  we  have 
done,  we  shall  do  nothing  decisive.  We  fall  under  the  reprehension  of  that 
sagacious  statesman  and  soldier,  the  King  of  Prussia.  His  ideas  are  these  : 
"The  General  acting  on  the  defensive,  who  attempts  to  cover  all  his  country, 
will  cover  none."  The  conduct  of  our  gentleman  you  allude  to  is  truly  mys- 
terious. There  is  one  obvious  important  point  in  which  your  state  and  ours 
have  a  common  interest.  How  they  can  reconcile  it  to  their  trust  to  create 
distrust  in  your  people,  and  meddle  with  your  internal  affairs,  I  am  at  a  loss  to 
conceive;  sure  I  am,  it  is  not  agreeable  to  their  immediate  or  remote  con- 
stituents. Under  the  rose,  measures  are  in  train  to  regulate  the  conduct  of 
gentlemen  who  seem  to  require  it. 

The  want  of  the  Journals  of  Congress  is  a  great  impediment  to  the 


m'dougall's  letter.  59 

public  service;  as  in  many  instances  the  country  and  army  are  total 
strangers  to  the  law  of  either,  so  far  as  it  respects  their  conduct.  Resolves 
published  in  newspapers  get  lost,  and  although  they  may  be  transmitted  to 
the  Commander-in-chief,  and  by  him  to  officers  commanding  departments, 
yet  the  latter  is  often  changed,  and  the  relievers  are  without  law.  I  have 
more  than  once  represented  to  that  honourable  body  and  some  of  its  members 
the  absolute  necessity  of  publishing  the  acts  of  Congress  in  pamphlet  form, 
at  least  so  far  as  they  respect  the  army.  But  without  effect.  I  fear  there  is 
too  much  caballing  amongst  them,  and  that  by  their  grasping  to  do  everything 
themselves  very  little  is  done.  All  necessary  boards  should  be  constituted, 
and  they  should  be  made  answerable  for  the  faithful  discharge  of  their  trust 
w^ith  their  heads.  While  we  are  pleasing  and  amusing  ourselves  with 
Spartan  constitutions  on  paper,  a  very  contrary  spirit  reigns  triumphant  in 
all  ranks;  we  may  look  out  for  some  fatal  catastrophy  to  befall  this  people. 
Our  political  constitutions  and  manners  do  not  agree  ;  one  or  the  other  must 
fall — give  way — otherwise  America  is  a  phenomenon  in  civil  society. 
Spartan  constitutions  and  Roman  manners,  peculiar  to  her  declining  state, 
never  will  accord.  This  is  wrote  in  haste;  I  therefore  beg  you  will  view  it 
with  an  indulgent  eye,  and  believe  me  to  be, 

With  great  truth  and  regard. 
Your  affectionate  friend  and  very  humble  servant, 

Alexander  M'Dougall.* 

The  despatches  of  Washington  to  Congress  show  how  much 
complaint  was  justly  made  by  the  Continental  soldiers,  of  the 
inadequacy  of  the  allowance  of  seven  years'  half  pay,  and  how 
extensive  a  disorganization  of  the  army  it  was  producing.  In 
March,  1779,  President  Reed  received  the  two  following  letters 
from  the  Major-General  in  command  of  the  Pennsylvania  line, 
on  the  subject  of  their  complaints.     They  are   all  curiously 

*  The  writer  of  this  manly  letter  was  one  whom  his  fellow- patriots  of  the 
Revolution  most  esteemed.  Washington,  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Jefferson  in  1786, 
comprises  him  in  a  distinguished  triumvirate :  "You  will  probably  have  heard  of 
the  death  of  General  Greene  before  this  reaches  you ;  in  which  case  you  will,  in 
common  with  your  countrymen,  have  regretted  so  great  and  so  honest  a  man. 
General  M'Dougall,  who  was  a  brave  soldier  and  a  disinterested  patriot,  is  also 
dead.  He  belonged  to  the  Legislature  of  his  state,  (New  York.)  The  last  act  of 
his  life  was,  (after  being  carried  on  purpose  to  the  Senate,)  to  give  his  voice 
against  the  emission  of  a  paper  currency.  Colonel  Tilghman,  who  was  formerly 
of  my  family,  died  lately,  and  left  as  fair  a  reputation  as  ever  belonged  to  a  human 
character.  Thus  some  of  the  pillars  of  the  Revolution  fall.  Others  are  mouldering 
by  insensible  degrees.  May  our  country  never  want  props  to  support  the  glorious 
fabric." — Sparks^  Washington,  vol.  ix.  187. 


60 


ST.  CLAIR'S  LETTER. 


illustrative  of  the  perplexities  of  the  times,  perplexities  not  very 
picturesqae,  but  vexatious  and  harassing  in  the  extreme. 

ARTHUR  ST.  CLAIR  TO  PRESIDENT  REED. 

Camp  at  Millstone,  March  5th,  1779. 
Sir, 

I  have  the  honour  to  enclose  you  some  of  the  resolutions  of  the  state  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  relative  to  the  supply  of  their  troops,  and  letters  from 
General  Scott  of  New  York  and  the  commissary  of  that  State  on  the  same 
subject.  The  resolves  of  Connecticut  have  not  yet  been  procured.  By 
them  you  will  observe  how  differently  the  troops  of  these  states  have  been 
treated  from  those  of  Pennsylvania,  and  that  in  New  York  they  have 
extended  their  attention  and  bounty  to  the  families  of  their  soldiers,  who 
are  supplied  with  the  necessaries  of  life  at  very  moderate  rates.  I  wish  I 
was  certain  that  many  of  ours  in  this  time  of  scarcity  were  not  starving. 
The  same  I  am  told  has  taken  place  in  Massachusetts  Bay. 

The  troops  of  Virginia  are  also  supplied  with  necessaries  at  very  low 
prices,  and  at  this  very  time,  broad-cloths  and  linens  are  sold  in  camp,  to 
their  officers,  at  as  low  a  price  as  they  could  ever  have  been  purchased  for ; 
besides  they  are  now  making  up  their  pay-books  for  six  months'  pay,  a  pre- 
sent from  the  state,  as  some  compensation  for  the  depreciation  of  the  money. 
This  difference  alone  would  sufficiently  account  for  the  dissatisfaction  that 
so  generally  prevails  in  the  Pennsylvania  line,  so  great  that  the  officers  are 
ready  to  seize  even  the  shadow  of  a  pretext  to  quit  the  service,  and  unless 
some  remedy  is  very  soon  applied,  I  believe  we  shall  have  very  few  officers 
indeed  left  by  the  opening  of  the  campaign.  Another  reason,  however,  is 
the  efTect  of  that  resolve  of  Congress  that  restrains  them  to  one  ration.  It 
bears  very  hard  upon  them  ;  the  money  they  receive  for  those  retained,  being 
so  far  from  an  equivalent,  that  it  will  scarce  purchase  anythinij,  to  such  a 
low  ebb  is  our  money  run  down,  and  the  cursed  spirit  of  extortion  risen  at 
the  same  time;  in  the  mean  time  I  have  heard  that  there  are  some  stores 
coming  on — this  will  I  hope  convince  them  that  they  are  not  altogether 
neglected,  and  nothing  in  my  power  shall  be  wanting  to  keep  them  easy 
until  further  provision  can  be  made;  but  I  very  much  doubt  its  being  in 
the  power  of  the  state  to  supply  them  so  amply  as  some  of  our  Southern  and 
Eastern  neighbours.    • 

The  mode  of  oppressing  the  districts  for  a  regulated  number  of  shoes  and 
stockings,  as  mentioned  in  General  Scott's  letter,  it  seems  to  me,  might 
easily  be  carried  into  execution  in  Pennsylvania,  and  thereby,  I  think,  a 
very  considerable  supply  might  be  procured. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir, 

Your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 
Arthur  St.  Clair. 


ST.  clair's  letter.  61 

On  the  next  day,  the  evil  becoming  more  extensive,  and  the 
complaint  louder,  General  St.  Clair  again  wrote. 


ST.  CLAIR  TO  REED. 

Camp  at  Millstone,  March  6th,  1779. 
Sir, 

Since  I  wrote  you  yesterday,  another  very  disagreeable  circumstance  has 
occurred  in  our  line,  which  I  was  informed  of  an  hour  ago.  The  officers, 
it  seems,  have  formed  a  committee  to  state  their  grievances  to  the  field- 
officers,  who  were  some  time  ago  appointed  by  General  Wayne,  to  corre- 
spond with  the  Committee  of  Assembly.  They  enumerated  to  them  several, 
the  principal  of  which,  however,  were  the  depreciated  state  of  the  money, 
and  the  little  care  that  has  been  taken  to  supply  them,  whilst  the  troops  of 
some  other  states,  serving  with  them,  have  been  very  amply  and  very  rea- 
sonably supplied.  So  far  they  had  reason,  but  they  have  gone  farther. 
They  complain  of  the  half-pay  establishment,  and  want  a  provision  made 
for  the  widows  of  such  officers  as  have  fallen  or  may  fall  in  the  contest,  and 
require  them  to  represent  these  matters  to  the  Legislature  of  the  State,  and 
acquaint  them  that  if  they  do  not  receive  entire  satisfaction  on  these  points, 
on  or  before  the  1.5th  of  April,  every  officer  of  the  line  will  then  resign  their 
commissions  into  the  hands  of  the  Executive  Council. 

I  know  not  that  in  my  life  I  have  met  with  anything  that  gave  me  so 
much  uneasiness  for  the  time;  indeed  the  committees  that  have  been  from 
time  to  time  formed  in  the  army,  1  ever  had  a  bad  opinion  of,  and  dreaded 
ill  consequences  from.  They  are  certainly  destructive  of  that  subordination 
which  is  the  soul  of  discipline,  and  will  spread  a  spirit  of  mutiny  and 
disobedience  through  the  whole.  Unfortunately  our  circumstances  will 
not  admit  of  our  applying  the  proper  remedy  ;  it  is  therefore  necessary  to 
temporize,  and  I  have,  therefore,  shown  every  mark  of  disapprobation  that 
did  not  tend  directly  to  inflame  the  evil,  and  by  promising  to  write  myself, 
and  desiring  the  field-officers  to  write,  by  representing  to  them  the  impossi- 
bility that  the  Legislature  would  yet  have  had  time  to,  take  up  the  griev- 
ances they  suffered,  that  had  already  been  stated  to  them,  and  the  probability 
that  before  the  time  they  had  specified,  they  would  be  convinced  of  their 
sincere  intentions  to  make  their  situation  as  easy  as  any  of  their  fellow- 
soldiers,  have,  I  hope,  put  a  stop  to  a  combination,  ruinous  to  our  public 
affairs,  and  disgraceful  both  to  the  state  and  to  the  parties,  but  which,  had 
it  once  been  gone  into,  the  principles  of  false  honour  might  have  led  them 
religiously  to  observe.  At  the  same  time  it  is  my  duty  to  inform  you  ex- 
plicitly, that  their  complaints  are  but  too  well  founded;  thac,  I  believe, 
necessity  has  in  a  great  measure  compelled  them  to  the  steps  they  have 


G2  ST.  glair's  letter. 

taken,  and  their  distresses  are  aggravated  by  the  comparisons  which  are  con- 
stantly before  them,  which  must  inevitably  sour  the  minds  of  men  of  spirit, 
who  have  the  consciousness  of  having  literally  borne  the  heat  and  burden  of 
the  day. 

It  might  serve  to  elucidate  their  disagreeable  situation  to  give  you  a 
detail  of  the  prices  which  things  in  general  bear.  It  would  be  tedious, 
however,  and  I  will  only  say  that  most  articles  are  as  high  as  in  the  market 
of  Philadelphia,  and  some  much  higher.  Judge  of  the  rest  from  this  circum- 
stance,— a  dozen  of  eggs  cannot  be  purchased  for  less  than  two  dollars. 

Having  mentioned  the  ill  consequences  of  combination  for  any  purpose 
whatever,  amongst  our  officers,  I  cannot  help  taking  notice  in  extenuation, 
though  it  serves  to  confirm  the  principle  of  their  danger,  that  the  officers  of 
our  Stale  have  been  led  into  this  by  the  example  of  those  of  New  Jersey, 
who,  some  time  ago,  made  a  similar  representation,  which  produced  an  im- 
mediate Resolve  of  Council  for  issuing  a  considerable  sum  of  money  for 
their  relief. 

I  am  sure  I  need  not  press  you  on  this  head,  but  give  me  leave  to  repeat 
that  it  is  necessary  something  should  be  done  immediately,  or  there  is  too 
much  reason  to  fear  the  dissolution  of  our  part  of  the  army.  No  exertions 
of  mine  shall  be  wanting  to  prevent  so  great  a  calamity ;  and  though  it  is  a 
misfortune  to  have  come  to  the  command  of  it  at  this  trying  period,  if  I  can 
steer  happily  through  it,  and  render  any  service  to  my  country,  I  shall  not 
regret  any  pains  it  will  cost  me. 

Your  favour  of  the  28th  is  this  moment  come  to  hand,  and  the  stores  were 
yesterday  at  Trenton.  They  will  arrive  in  a  happy  time,  and  I  hope  by  a 
proper  distribution  of  them,  things  will  be  made  easier.  It  must  have  the 
effect  to  convince  the  officers  that  the  state  does  not  entirely  neglect  them, 
and  will  keep  alive  expectation,  the  best  handle  by  which  the  human  mind 
can  be  laid  hold  of,  and  I  shall  not  fail  to  make  the  officers  acquainted  with 
the  pains  you  have  taken  to  serve  them  in  this  business. 

The  disputed  claims  of  the  officers  the  General  has  referred  to  ourselves, 
and  to-morrow  the  field  officers  will  meet  upon  it  at  my  quarters,  when  I 
hope  we  shall  be  able  to  hit  upon  some  mode  that  will  please  all  parties, 
which,  by  the  bye,  will  not  be  very  easy,  interest  and  obstinacy  generally 
appearing  under  one  banner. 

If  any  attempts  have  been  made  to  engage  the  gentlemen  of  the  army  in 
the  parties  that  unhappily  distract  our  state,  it  is  altogether  unknown  tome, 
nor  will  it  ever  meet  with  my  countenance;  and  although  I  always  have 
been  from  principle  opposed  to  our  present  Constitution,  of  which  I  never 
made  a  secret,  and  in  private  life  would  have  joined  in  any  measures  that 
promised  to  bring  about  an  amendment,  yet  whenever  it  appears  to  be  the 
choice  of  the  majority  of  my  fellow-citizens,  I  shall  consider  it  as  my  duty 
to  acquiesce.  My  opposition  never  arose  from  a  dislike  to  men,  but  because 
I  thouffht  it  contained  principles  unfavourable  to  liberty,  and  must  inevi- 
tably, sooner  or  later,  end  in  a  tyranny  of  the  worst  kind.    That  pettishness 


GENERAL  GUEENe's  CIRCULAR.  63 

that  quarrels  with  a  Government  on  account  of  those  who  happen  for  the 
time  to  administer  it,  is  unworthy  a  man  of  sentiment  and  reflection. 

I  am  very  sorry  that  the  letters  of  Colonels  Butler,  Harmar,  and  Hay 
should  have  been  so  expressed  as  to  admit  of  a  construction  I  am  persuaded 
they  did  not  intend.  I  will  have  an  explanation  of  that  matter  as  soon  as  I 
can  see  them,  and  am,  with  much  esteem. 

Your  Excellency's  very  humble  and  obedient  servant, 

Arthur  St.  Clair. 

Whilst  necessities  of  this  description  were  pressing  on  the 
Executive,  party  spirit,  in  its  worst  form,  was  impeding  the 
course  of  Government.  It  infected  every  part  of  the  public 
service — military  as  well  as  civil.  Many  gallant  men,  indulg- 
ing in  antipathies  to  a  form  of  political  institution,  which,  in 
their  exaggeration,  now  seem  very  absurd,  threw  up  their  com- 
missions, and  retired  to  private  life.  Others,  glad  of  any  pre- 
text for  seclusion,  found  one  in  this  matter  of  a  defective  frame 
of  government,  and  resisting  all  importunity,  withdrew  to  such 
privacy  and  enjoyment  as  the  disturbed  times  afforded. 

tSuch  appears  to  have  been  the  contamination  of  the  local 
politics  of  Pennsylvania,  that  on  the  26th  of  March,  1779, 
General  Greene,  as  Quartermaster-General,  found  it  necessary 
to  issue  the  following  circular  letter  to  the  officers  of  his  depart- 
ment. The  President  always  had  in  him  a  steady  and  resolute 
friend. 

CIRCULAR. 

Middle  Brook,  26  March,  1779. 

The  party  faction  and  cabal  that  have  so  long  prevailed  in  the  state  of 
Pennsylvania,  against  the  present  Constitution,  has  no  doubt  fixed  its  par- 
tisans for  and  against  it.  I  know  not  a  more  dangerous  situation  than  that 
of  falling  into  the  current  of  party.  People  thus  circumstanced  are  very 
apt  to  forsake  the  directing  principles  of  equal  justice,  which  are  so  neces- 
sary to  guide  them  through  the  various  duties  of  real  life,  and  follow  the 
particular  views  of  party  without  regarding  whom  or  what  it  effects  upon 
the  fair,  just,  and  generous  principles  of  common  right.  He  who  is  under 
the  influence  of  this  temper  is  an  unfit  agent  for  public  trust;  he  is  not  only 
incapable  of  an  impartial  line  of  conduct  from  his  own  feelings,  but  must 
naturally  expect  that  every  clog  and  embarrassment,  however  detrimental 
to  the  public,  that  will  either  serve  to  sink  his  reputation  or  work  his  ruin 
will  be  thrown  in  his  way  by  the  opposite  party. 


64  GENERAL  GREENE's  CIRCULAR. 

I  have  carefully  attended  to  the  politics  of  that  state,  and  I  may  venture 
to  speak  with  certainty,  that  the  Constitution  has  been  gradually  gaining 
ground  from  first  to  last.  The  firm  footing  which  it  now  appears  to  have 
got  in  the  minds  of  the  people  induces  me  to  think  it  but  a  folly  to  oppose 
its  progress.  But  supposing  the  fate  of  the  Constitution  was  not  yet  de- 
cided, and  the  minds  of  the  people  balancing  for  and  against  it,  yet  I  think 
every  public  officer,  from  reasons  of  policy,  as  well  as  a  regard  to  the  public 
interest,  should  stand  aloof,  unconnected  with  either.  It  is  both  unlawful, 
as  it  respects  the  state,  and  unjust,  as  it  concerns  the  public,  to  exercise 
any  official  influence  to  effect  any  revolution  or  change  in  government, 
which  is  nothing  less  than  endeavouring  to  give  an  improper  bias  to  the 
free  sentiments  of  the  people.  This  I  conceive  to  be  unlawful,  as  it  re- 
spects the  state;  unjust,  as  it  concerns  tiie  government,  by  mingling  private 
politics  with  public  transactions,  and  improving  powers  for  one  purpose  that 
were  delegated  for  another. 

In  the  present  conjuncture  of  affairs,  when  money  has  been  a  feeble  in- 
fluence, when  the  supplies  for  the  army  are  scarce,  and  difficult  to  be  got, 
when  public  emergencies  are  too  great  for  the  powers  of  office,  and  in  influ- 
ence of  government  necessary  for  its  aid,  both  public  and  private  policy 
point  out  the  necessity  of  standing  upon  a  friendly  footing  with  those  in 
power,  and  I  think  it  but  a  piece  of  justice  due  to  the  interest  of  the  public 
(let  your  private  sentiments  be  what  they  may)  to  observe  such  a  line  of 
conduct  while  in  office  as  may  be  best  calculated  to  influence  Government 
to  give  the  necessary  support.  What  hopes  can  a  person  have  of  discharg- 
ing the  duties  of  his  office  with  reputation  to  himself,  and  to  the  satisfaction 
of  the  public,  when  he  has  not  only  to  combat  the  difficulties  that  are  inci- 
dental to  the  business,  but  to  stem  the  stream  of  public  resentment  1 

I  am  persuaded  that  it  will  be  both  for  your  interest  and  ease,  as  well  as 
for  the  public  advantage,  to  follow  the  line  of  conduct  which  I  have  pointed 
out.  But  for  fear  the  influence  of  party,  or  motives  of  private  resentment, 
should  propel  you  to  a  contrary  conduct,  I  take  the  liberty  of  enjoining  it 
upon  you,  as  much  from  a  regard  for  your  own  reputation  as  that  of  the 
public  welfare.  I  think  my  own  character  much  at  stake  as  a  private  gen- 
tleman and  public  officer,  and  so  intimately  connected  with  every  agent 
employed  under  me,  that  both  private  policy  and  the  public  good  render  the 
foregoing  precautions  necessary,  which  t  hope  you  will  conform  to  as  well 
from  duty  as  inclination. 

I  am,  with  esteem  and  regard, 

N.  Greene. 

The  appeals  on  behalf  of  the  suffering  soldiers  were  not 
without  effect.  On  the  11th  of  March,  the  Assembly,  having 
received  an  urgent  letter  to  the  same  end  from  General 
Wayne,  referred  the  whole  matter  to  a  committee,  which,  on 


THANKS  OF  THE  TROOPS.  65 

the  13th,  reported  several  Resolutions,  which  were  agreed  to, 
giving  to  every  Pennsylvania  officer  who  received  the  seven 
years'  half  pay  from  Congress,  a  continuation  of  the  same  during 
life,  with  pensions  to  their  widows,  and  exempting  all  lands 
given  to  officers  and  soldiers  from  taxation.  A  few  days  after 
(24th),  the  same  provisions  were  extended  to  naval  officers, 
seamen  and  marines.*  The  Resolves  thus  promptly  and 
generously  passed  continued  in  full  force  till  the  following  year, 
when  they  were  permanently  embodied  in  a  Statute.f 

The  incipient  discontent  on  this  score  was  at  once  removed : 
and  on  the  27th  President  Reed,  in  a  Message  to  the  Assembly, 
communicated  the  following  expression  of  gratitude  from  the 
objects  of  this  bounty. 


TO  PRESIDENT  REED. 

Millstone  Camp,  March  27th,  1779. 
Sir, 

Deeply  impressed  with  the  truest  sense  of  gratitude,  we  beg  leave,  in  the 
name  of  all  the  officers  and  troops  of  the  state,  to  return  your  Excellency 
and  the  honourable  Council  and  Assembly,  our  most  sincere  and  hearty 
thanks  for  the  generous  resolves  passed  in  our  favour.  It  really  affords  us 
great  pleasure  to  find  our  past  conduct  acceptable  to  you,  and  assure  you, 
sir,  that  our  endeavours  shall  not  be  wanting  to  merit  the  esteem  and  con- 
fidence of  a  virtuous  President  and  Legislature,  under  whose  auspices  we 
hope  to  see  unanimity,  wisdom,  and  public  interest  flourish,  and  a  govern- 
ment that  it  will  be  the  duty  and  interest  of  every  individual  in  the  state  to 
support.  And  when  called  forth  to  the  field,  rest  assured,  sir,  we  shall  exert 
every  nerve  to  advance  the  honour  and  dignity  of  the  state  to  which  we 
belong.| 

*  Journals  of  Assembly,  pp.  335-6,  43. 

t  1  Smith's  Laws,  487.  The  act  is  entitled,  "  An  act  for  the  more  effectual 
supply  and  honourable  reward  of  the  Pennsylvania  troops  in  the  service  of  the 
United  States." 

t  This  letter  was  signed  by  the  following  officers : — 

James  Chambers,  Colonel,  1st  Pennsylvania  regiment ;  Richard  Butler,  Colonel, 
9th  Pennsylvania  regiment ;  T.  Craig,  Colonel,  3d  Pennsylvania  regiment ,  William 
Williams,  Lieut.  Col.,  3d  Pennsylvania  regiment ;  Jos.  Harmar,  Lieut.  Col,,  6th 
Pennsylvania  regiment;  J.  P.  Mentges,  Major,  7th  Pennsylvania  regiment;  John 
Murray,  Major,  2d  Pennsylvania  regiment ;  Thomas  L.  Byles,  Major,  3d  Penn- 
sylvania  regiment;  J.  Grier,  Major,  10th  Pennsylvania  regiment. 

VOL.  II.  5 


66  INDIAN  DEPREDATIONS. 

No  sooner  were  these  causes  of  difficulty  and  anxiety  re- 
moved, tiian  others  were  developed.  The  Executive  had  no 
more  urgent  care  than  the  defence  of  the  Northern  and  Western 
Frontier,  at  that  time  extending,  almost  without  protection, 
from  the  Susquehanna  to  the  Alleghany.  The  calamity  at 
Wyoming  had  just  occurred;  and  notwithstanding  the  position 
of  considerable  bodies  of  militia  and  regular  troops  at  Fort 
Augusta  (Sunbury)  and  Fort  Pitt,  constant  incursions  and 
massacres  took  place  within  the  imaginary  lines  which  govern- 
ment was  supposed  to  protect,  and  in  the  heart  of  the  frontier 
settlements.  What  was  attempted  and  done  by  the  Executive 
of  Pennsylvania  and  the  Commander-in-chief,  will  appear  from 
the  following  correspondence.     It  is  full  of  interest. 

Two  letters,  selected  from  many  others,  written  in  April, 
1779,  from  different  points  of  the  frontier  to  Mr.  Reed,  show  the 
actual  distress  of  the  inhabitants.  From  Westmoreland,  then 
a  frontier  county,  one  correspondent  wrote : — "  The  distress 
of  this  country  by  the  savages  cannot  be  described.  Attacks 
upon  us  are  frequent,  and  on  divers  parts.  Our  efforts  towards 
defending  ourselves  by  our  own  militia,  these  two  years  past, 
have  been  great,  and  our  farms  have  thereby  been  neglected  to 
such  a  degree,  that  it  is  beyond  a  doubt  we  must  be  defended 
in  some  other  manner,  or  leave  the  country,  or  perish  with 
famine.  This  hath  been  for  some  time  past  a  given  point  by 
all  who  are  acquainted  witli  and  seriously  consider  our  circum- 
.stances, 

"  Thus,  the  good  people  of  this  country,  plainly  perceiving  that 
the  householders  must  either  be  left  to  their  industry  on  their 
farms  the  ensuing  season,  or  the  country  must  be  abandoned, 
have  voluntarily  contributed  to  hire  one  hundred  and  twenty 
men,  to  serve  as  scouts  or  guards  on  the  frontiers,  instead  of 
classes  or  drafts  from  the  militia. 

"  We  are  obliged  to  assure  these  men  a  considerable  sum 
monthly,  over  and  above  the  usual  pay  of  militia.  We  engage 
them  for  six  months,  if  not  sooner  discharged. 

"  Fatal  necessity,  and  that  only,  hath  obliged  the  people  to 
adopt  this  mode  of  defence,  of  which  I,  (from  the  same  unan- 
swerable argument,)  most  heartily  approve.  I  do  most  im- 
portunately repre  'cnt  to  your  honours  that  these  men,  great  parts 


INDIAN  DEPREDATIONS.  67 

of  whom  are  already  engaged,  together  with  the  officers  here 
appointed  to  that  duty,  may  be  put  upon  the  same  footing  with 
the  five  companies  ordered  to  be  raised  by  Congress.  And  I 
wish  we  were  ordered  by  Council  to  raise  one  company  more 
in  this  country,  the  officers  to  be  nominated  by  the  lieutenant 
of  this  county,  and  that  the  officers  already  appointed,  of  which 
you  will  receive  a  list,  may  be  forthwith  commissioned,  accord- 
ing to  the  request  herewith  sent  to  Council.  You  will  see 
General  M'Intosh's  letter  to  Mr.  Locke  on  this  subject."* 

Another  correspondent  at  the  same  time  wrote  from  the 
North : 

Fort  Aug-usta,  27th  April,  1779. 
1  am  really  sorry  to  inform  you  of  our  present  disturbances:  not  a 


day  but  there  is  some  of  the  enemy  make  their  appearance  on  our  frontiers. 
On  Sunday  last  there  was  a  party  of  the  savages  attacked  the  inhabitants 
that  lived  near  Fort  Jenkins,  and  had  taken  two  or  three  families  prisoners; 
but  the  garrison  being  apprised  of  it,  about  thirty  men' turned  out  of  the 
Fort,  and  rescued  the  prisoners.  The  Indians,  collecting  themselves  in  a 
body,  drove  our  men  under  cover  of  the  Fort,  with  the  loss  of  three  men 
killed,  and  four  badly  wounded.  They  burned  several  houses  near  the  Fort, 
killed  cattle,  and  drove  off  a  number  of  horses.  Yesterday  there  was  an- 
other party  of  Indians,  about  thirty  or  forty,  killed  and  took  seven  of  our 
militia  that  were  stationed  at  a  little  tort  near  Muncy  Hill,  called  Fort 
Freeland.  There  were  two  or  three  of  the  inhabitants  taken  prisoners; 
among  the  latter  is  James  M'Knight,  one  of  our  Assemblymen.  The  same 
day  a  party  of  thirteen  inhabitants  that  went  to  hunt  their  horses,  about 
four  or  five  miles  from  Fort  Muncy,  was  fired  upon  by  a  large  party  of  In- 
dians, and  all  taken  or  killed  except  one  man.  Captain  Walker,  of  the 
Continental  troops,  who  commands  at  that  post,  turned  out  with  thirty-four 
men  to  the  place  he  heard  the  firing,  and  found  four  men  killed  and  scalped, 
and  supposes  they  captivated  the  remainder. 

This  is  the  way  oar  frontier  is  harassed  by  a  cruel  savage  enemy,  so  that 
they  cannot  get  any  spring  crops  in  to  induce  them  to  stay  in  the  country. 
I  am  afraid  that  in  a  very  short  time  we  shall  have  no  inhabitants  above 
this  place,  unless  when  General  Hand  arrives  here  he  may  order  some  of 
the  troops  at  Wyoming  down  on  our  frontier,  as  Colonel  Hartley's  regiment, 
our  two  months'  men,  and  what  militia  we  can  turn  out  are  very  inadequate 

*  This  letter  is  dated  April  9th,  1779,  Hanna's  Town,  and  written  by  Thomas 
Scott.  In  1782,  Hanna's  Town  was  utterly  destroyed  by  the  Indians.  The 
reader  is  referred  for  an  interesting  account  of  the  catastrophe,  to  Mr.  Sherman 
Days'  "  Historical  Collections,"  a  work  of  great  merit. 


68  DEFENCE  OF  THE  FRONTIERS. 

to  guard  our  country.  Suppose  the  few  virtuous  inhabitants  do  all  in  their 
power  to  maintain  their  ground,  yet  all  vvill  not  do  without  some  more  assis- 
tance, till  such  time  as  the  expedition  is  carried  on. 

I  am  certain  that  everything  is  doing  for  our  relief,  but  am  afraid  it  will 
be  too  late  for  this  country,  as  it  is  impossible  to  prevail  on  the  inhabi- 
tants to  make  a  stand  on  account  of  their  women  and  children.  I  am  re- 
flected upon  very  much  by  some  of  the  inhabitants  that  have  lately  suffered, 
for  assuring  them  of  relief  very  soon,  and  to  endeavour  to  stand  until  such 
time  as  the  expedition  was  carried  on  against  the  Indian  towns.  Our  case 
is  really  deplorable  and  alarming,  as  we  are  surrounded  by  a  cruel  savage 
enemy  at  this  present  time,  and  our  country  on  the  eve  of  breaking  up,  as 
I  am  informed,  at  the  time  I  am  writing  this,  by  two  or  three  expresses, 
that  there  is  nothing  to  be  seen  but  desolation,  fire,  and  smoke ;  as  the  inha- 
bitants are  collected  at  particular  places,  the  enemy  burn  all  the  houses  that 
they  have  evacuated.* 

These  are  specimens  of  the  complaints  and  suppHcations 
which  reached  the  State  authorities,  and  which  justified  the  ab- 
solute importunities  which  the  Assembly  and  Council  addressed 
to  Congress  and  the  Commander-in-chief.  Washington  thus 
answered  them. 


WASHINGTON  TO  PRESIDENT  REED. 

Head-Quarters,  March  3d,  1779. 
Sir, 

The  President  of  Congress  has  transmitted  me  the  instructions  of  the 
Assembly  of  your  State,  to  their  delegates,  founded  on  a  representation  of 
the  distresses  of  your  western  frontiers — and  farther,  the  opinion  of  a  com- 
mittee of  the  House  on  the  subject  of  their  defence,  together  with  two  re- 
solves made  in  consequence. 

I  am,  therefore,  to  inform  your  Excellency  that  offensive  operations  against 
the  hostile  tribes  of  Indians  have  been  meditated  and  determined  upon — that 
preparations  have  some  time  since  been  making  for  that  purpose,  and  will 
be  carried  into  execution  at  a  proper  season,  if  no  unexpected  event  takes 
place,  and  the  situation  of  affairs  on  the  seaboard  will  justify  the  undertaking  ; 
but  the  profoundest  secrecy  was  judged  necessary  to  the  success  of  such  an 
enterprise,  for  the  following  reasons.  That  immediately  upon  the  discovery 
of  our  design,  the  savages  would  either  put  themselves  in  a  condition  to  make 
head  against  us  by  a  reunion  of  all    their  force  and  that  of  their  allies. 


*  From  Samuel  Hunter,  Lieutenant,  Northumberland  County,  dated  7th  April, 
1779,  Fort  Augusta.  The  site  of  the  old  Fort  is  still  in  the  possession  of  the 
family  of  Mr.  Hunter. 


DEFENCE  OF  THE  FRONTIERS. 


69 


strengthened  besides  by  succours  from  Canada,  or  elude  the  expedition  alto- 
gether— which  might  be  done  at  the  expense  only  of  a  temporary  evacuation 
of  forests,  which  we  could  not  possess,  and  the  destruction  of  a  few  settle- 
ments, which  they  might  soon  re-establish. 

Though  this  matter  is  less  under  the  veil  of  secrecy,  than  was  originally 
intended,  your  Excellency  will  see  the  propriety  of  using  such  precautions 
as  still  remain  in  our  power  to  prevent  its  being  divulgated — and  of  cover- 
ing such  preparations  as  might  tend  to  announce  it  with  the  most  specious 
disguise,  that  the  enemy's  attention  may  not  be  awakened  to  our  real  object. 

With  respect  to  the  force  to  be  employed  on  this  occasion,  it  is  scarcely 
necessary  to  observe,  that  the  detaching  a  considerable  number  of  Conti- 
nental troops,  on  such  a  remote  expedition,  would  too  much  expose  the 
country  adjacent  to  the  body  of  the  enemy's  army. 

There  must,  therefore,  be  efficacious  assistance  derived  from  the  States 
whose  frontiers  are  obnoxious  to  the  inroads  of  the  barbarians,  and  for  this, 
I  intended,  at  a  proper  time,  to  make  application.  Your  Excellency  will  be 
pleased  to  acquaint  me,  what  force  yours,  in  particular,  can  furnish,  in  addi- 
tion to  the  five  companies  voted  by  Congress,  and  when  you  think  those 
companies  or  the  major  part  of  them  will  probably  be  raised. 

What  proportion  of  the  levies  of  your  State  might  be  drawn  from  those  in- 
habitants who  have  been  driven  from  the  frontiers,  and  what  previous  measures 
can  be  taken  to  engage  them,  without  giving  the  alarm]  This  class  of 
people,  besides  the  advantages  of  knowledge  of  the  country,  and  the  parti- 
cular motives  with  which  they  will  be  animated,  are  most  likely  to  furnish 
the  troops  best  calculated  for  this  service — which  should  be  corps  of  active 
rangers,  who  are,  at  the  same  time,  expert  marksmen,  and  accustomed  to  the 
irregular  kind  of  wood  fighting  practised  by  the  Indians,  Men  of  this  de- 
scription, embodied  under  proper  otficers,  would  be  infinitely  preferable  to  a 
superior  number  of  militia,  unacquainted  with  this  kind  of  war,  and  who 
would  exhaust  the  magazines  of  ammunition  and  provision,  without  ren- 
dering any  effectual  service. 

It  will  be  a  very  necessary  attention  to  avoid  the  dangers  of  short  enlist- 
ments,— the  service  should  be  limited  only  by  the  expedition,  or  a  term  am- 
ply competent  to  it — otherwise  we  shall  be  exposed  to  the  evident  ill  con- 
sequences of  having  the  men's  engagements  expire  at  an  interesting,  per- 
haps a  critical  juncture.  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  respect,  Sir, 
Your  Excellency's  most  obedient  servant, 

George  Washington. 


REED  TO  WASHINGTON. 

Philadelphia,  March  I2th,  1779. 
Sir, 

Your  favour  of  the  3d  inst.,  enclosed  in  one  of  the  4th,  came  safely  to 

hand.     At  that  time,  and  till  this  day,  the  business  to  which  they  refer  was 


70  THE  FRONTIERS. 

transacted  by  a  Committee  of  Assembly,  in  concert  with  one  from  Congress. 
Their  proceedings  I  only  knew  from  common  report,  and  were  thought  by 
some  inadequate  to  the  end.  Yesterday,  advice  was  received  that  the 
Indians  had  begun  at  a  place  called  Bushy  Run,  about  twenty  miles  on  this 
side  Fort  Pitt,  and  have  killed  and  scalped  four  families.  This  morning 
the  Assembly  came  to  a  Resolution  to  leave  the  whole  business  to  your 
Excellency,  the  Congress  and  the  Executive  Council ;  and  as  the  intercourse 
by  letters  on  a  subject  of  this  kind  will  be  very  imperfect,  I  have  concluded 
to  wait  on  your  Excellency  at  your  quarters,  with  such  information  and  in- 
telligence as  I  can  procure.  In  this  purpose  I  shall  set  out  on  Sunday 
morning,  and  if  weather,  or  some  other  unforeseen  circumstance  does  not 
prevent,  I  promise  myself  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  on  Monday  evening. 

The  ladies  of  my  family  join  me  in  the  most  respectful  compliments  to 
Mrs.  Washington :  I  need  not  make  professions  how  much  or  how  sincerely 

I  am,  dear  sir,  &c. 

The  Assembly  and  the  Continental  authorities  exerted  them- 
selves to  the  utmost,  and  a  considerable  force  was  stationed  at 
Fort  Pitt,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Brodhead,  whilst,  as 
it  will  be  seen,  measures  were  on  foot  to  avenge  the  massacre 
at  VV^yoming,  by  a  devastating  and  retaliatory  march  into  the 
Indian  country.  Brodhead's  command  seems  to  have  been 
very  much  isolated  and  scattered,  at  different  posts  on  the 
Alleghany  and  Ohio.  He  speaks  constantly  in  his  letters  to 
Council,  of  the  Indian  enemy  in  his  rear,  and  the  correspondence 
shows  that  while  the  nominal  authority  of  the  State,  sustained 
by  detached  posts,  extended  to  the  present  Western  boundary, 
the  territory  far  within  those  lines  w^as  devastated  by  the 
savages,  in  all  the  extremities  of  their  ferocious  warfare.  In 
May,  of  this  year,  General  Potter  wrote  from  Penn's  Valley  to 
the  President,  describing  himself  as  keeping  garrison  for  six 
weeks  with  his  family,  and  unable,  surrounded  as  he  was  by 
the  Indians,  to  communicate  with  any  of  the  neighbouring 
posts.  His  account  of  the  state  of  the  frontiers  is  very  curious. 
It  is  one  which  the  prosperous  resident  of  the  beautiful  valleys 
of  Middle  Pennsylvania  can  now  with  difficulty  realize.  The 
following  extract  tells  its  own  tale  very  simply  and  precisely. 

"  Our  county  has  been  severely  scourged  some  days  past 
by  the  Indians ;  by  the  best  accounts  I  can  receive,  we  have 
had  killed  and  taken  prisoners  about  forty  persons.  The  par- 
ticulars I  expect  you  will  receive  before  this  comes  to  hand. 


GENERAL  POTTER.  71 

The  militia  of  Colonel  Buchanan's  battalion,  of  Cumberland 
County,  was  ordered  to  march  to  Fort  Roberdeau ;  they  refused 
to  march,  alleging  it  was  unreasonable  to  order  them  out,  and 
to  have  no  guards  on  their  own  frontiers,  but  at  the  same  time 
declared  their  willingness  to  guard  the  frontiers  opposite  to 
themselves.  On  my  conferring  with  Colonel  Stewart,  one  of 
the  sub-lieutenants  of  that  county,  he  allowed  them  to  march 
one-half  of  the  company  to  this  valley,  and  the  other  half  to 
Standingstone  Valley,  in  Bedford  County.  Those  that  were 
for  this  place  came  here  on  the  29th  of  April,  and  the  day  be- 
fore Colonel  Hunter  sent  to  this  valley  one  officer  and  fifteen 
men  of  those  that  were  raised  by  subscription,  and  yeste.rday, 
unexpected,  came  Captain  Cirbey,  with  his  troop  of  light-horse, 
that  were  ordered  by  the  Board  of  War  in  February  last  to 
this  place.  Colonel  Hartley,  for  what  reason  I  know  not,  got 
the  Board  to  countermand  these  orders.  On  Captain  Cirbey's 
arrival  here,  I  sent  the  Cumberland  militia  to  Standingstone 
Valley,  in  Bedford  County  ;  there  we  got  supplied  with  men, 
after  I  had  the  pleasure  of  keeping  garrison  with  my  family 
alone  for  six  weeks,  in  one  of  the  frontier  garrisons  of  the 
county,  and  not  a  man  stationed  on  any  part  of  the  frontiers 
of  the  two  counties,  from  Muncy  westward,  until  the  28th  of 
April.  I  must  confess,  I  think  the  militia  of  Colonel  Buchanan's 
battalion  were  not  to  blame  for  refusing  to  march  to  Fort 
Roberdeau,  when  there  were  no  guards  on  their  own  frontiers, 
and  but  a  few  inhabitants  shut  up  in  forts,  and  every  day  likely 
to  evacuation  ;  and  although  I  have  always  been  for  obedience 
to  orders,  the  lieutenant's  orders  to  that  company,  considering 
their  circumstances,  were  too  hard  to  be  complied  with.  Our 
people  on  the  frontiers  of  this  county  show  a  much  better 
spirit,  and  make  a  better  stand  than  I  expected.  I  trust  God, 
through  his  blessing,  the  ensuing  campaign,  will  grant  relief."* 

*  Penn's  Valley  in  Centre  County,  one  of  the  most  fertile  and  beautiful  portions 
of  Pennsylvania,  is  •yet  inhabited  by  many  of  General  Potter's  descendants. — 
Days^  Historical  Collections,  p.  202. 


CHAPTER   III. 
1779. 

State  of  affairs  in  America — Washington  at  Middlebrook — Letters  to  President 
Reed,  March  1779 — Depredations  of  the  Enemy  in  Connecticut — Southern 
Campaign — Attack  on  Savannah — Count  d'Estaign — John  Rutledge — Affairs 
in  England  in  1779 — Alarm  on  Coast  of  England — D'Orvilliers — Paul  Jones — 
Duke  of  Richmond's  Speech — President  Reed's  correspondence  with  Washington 
— Defence  of  the  Frontiers — Generals  Hand  and  M'Intosh — Proclamation  of 
22d  April,  1779 — Party  Spirit — Mode  of  Enlistment — Deserters — Embargo — 
Massachusetts  Delegation — General  Potter's  Letter — Letter  to  General  Hand. 

The  year  1779  was  marked  by  peculiar,  though  in  one  sense 
not  very  stirring  interest.  It  was  the  period  of  collapse  on  both 
sides  of  the  Atlantic,  and  yet  though  few  battles  or  decisive 
military  movements  excited  public  attention,  it  is  a  period  in 
our  Revolutionary  history  which  well  deserves  study.  Wash- 
ington was  at  his  camp  at  Middlebrook,  watching  in  compara- 
tive inactivity  the  enemy  in  New  York,  who  seemed  at  last  to 
comprehend  their  true  military  policy  to  be  that  of  vexatious 
depredation,  and  who  struck  blow  after  blow  on  the  unpro- 
tected towns  of  the  seaboard.  On  the  28th  March,  Wash- 
ington, justly  apprehending  some  such  movements,  wrote 
to  President  Reed  a  letter  which  illustrates  his  perplexed  soli- 
citude as  to  the  predatory  measures  of  his  adversary :  "  The 
enemy,"  says  he,  "  has  some  enterprise  in  view.  New  London, 
on  account  of  the  frigates  in  the  river,  and  because  boats  have 
been  preparing  at  the  east  end  of  Long  Island,  and  troops  for 
some  time  past  drawing  thitherward,  is  supposed  to  be  the 
object.  Probably  it  is  so,  but  as  the  season  is  now  approaching 
when  either  negotiations  or  vigorous  exertions  must  take  place, 
and  General  Clinton  doubtless  will,  in  the  latter  case,  and  in 
pursuance  of  the  predatory  plan  talked  of  by  the  minority  and 


CAMPAIGN  OF   1779.  73 

not  disavowed  by  the  Administration,  attempt  something  that 
will  give  eclat  to  his  arms,  I  should  not  be  much  surprised  if 
some  vigorous  efforts  were  used  against  Annapolis,  Baltimore, 
or  even  Philadelphia  itself.     J  do  not  mean  with  a  view  to  hold 
either  of  these  places,  but  to  plunder  or  destroy  them.     General 
Clinton  (under  pretence  of  visiting  the  troops),  is  now  at  the 
east  end  of  Long  Island  with  Sir  William  Erskine.     Admiral 
Gambler  is  gone  to  Rhode  Island ;  and  one  of  my  most  intelli- 
gent correspondents  informs  me  it  is  surmised  that  the  troops 
at  that  place  are  to  be  withdrawn.    Transports  with  provisions 
have  gone  from  New  York  towards  Rhode  Island,  and  a  num- 
ber of  privateers  have  been  detained  from  their  cruises  and 
sent  along  with  them.     Upon  the  whole,  I  cannot  help  suspect- 
ing that  the  preparations  have  been  too  long  making,  too  for- 
midable, and  too  open  for  any  enterprise  against  New  London  ; 
for  which  place  the  fears  of  the  peo}>le  are  up ;  and  as  we 
cannot  tell  where  it  may  fall,  we  should,  as  far  as  human  pru- 
dence and  the  means  in  our  hands  will  enable  us,  be  guarded 
at  all  points.     The  sole  purpose  of  this  letter  is  to  suggest  to 
your  consideration   the  expediency  of  adopting  in  time  some 
general  plan  (without  taking  notice  of  the  present  suggestion, 
thereby  creating  probably  unnecessary  fears),  for  giving  an 
alarm  to  the  militia  of  the  countrj^  and  for  fixing  places  of 
rendezvous   for  them,  that  in  case  of  sudden  emergency  they 
may  be  quickly  assembled  free  from  tumult  and  disorder ;  for 
be  assured,  if  anything  is  attempted  against  Philadelphia,  the 
preparations  for  it  will  be  hid  under  the  darkest  veil ;  and  the 
movement,  when  the  plan  is  ripe  for  execution,  will  be  rapid." 
The  next  day,  distrusting  his  first  impressions,  he  wrote  again, 
as  if  to  guard  against  too  much  excitement  in  the  pppular  mind. 
"  Since  mine  of  yesterday,  I  have  received  the  enclosed  ex- 
tract of  a  letter  from  General  Maxwell  at  Elizabethtown,  which 
I  send  lest  the  suggestion  contained  in  my  letter  should  have 
made  a  deeper  impression  than  I  intended,  which  was  no  more 
than  to  hint  at  the  advantages  which  might  result  from  a  sys- 
tematical plan  of  assembling  the   militia  at  certain  points,  on 
any  sudden  exigency,  and  with  more  expedition,  and  less  ex- 
pense than  it  could  be  effected  in  the  ordinary  course  of  pro- 


74  AFFAIRS  TO  THE  SOUTHWARD. 

ceeding.  Such  a  measure  would  I  am  certain  be  eligible  in 
one  point  of  view,  but  how  far  it  can  be  planned  without  giving 
an  alarm  to  our  friends,  and  setting  the  numerous  tribe  of 
speculators  and  stockjobbers  to  work,  you  can  judge  better  of 
than  I." 

These  letters,  selected  from  many  others,  show  the  tone  of 
the  times, — the  actual  and  distressing  solicitude,  far  worse  than 
the  expectation  of  immediate  and  decisive  conflict,  into  which 
the  country  was  plunged.  It  would  seem  too,  from  Washing- 
ton's language,  that  at  that  early  day,  the  instincts  of  specula- 
tive rapacity, — the  appetite  which  has  its  richest  indulgence  in 
times  of  public  anxiety  and  distress, — the  restless  cravings  of 
the  stockjobber  and  the  speculator  were  in  full  activity.  Human 
nature  in  its  selfishness  varies  very  little.* 

Washington's  fears  of  a  descent  to  the  Eastward  were  not 
groundless.  It  was  not  very  long  afterwards  that  almost  every 
considerable  village  on  the  coast  of  Connecticut  was  destroyed, 
and  the  merciless  invasion  of  Tryon  and  his  organized  loyalists; 
those,  on  whose  kindred  in  Philadelphia  so  much  morbid  sym- 
pathy was  wasted,  spread  havoc  and  destruction  in  a  portion 
of  the  country  which  heretofore  had  been  spared.  At  the 
same  time  an  active  campaign  was  conducted  in  the  South ;  the 
French  fleet  under  Count  d'Estaing  co-operating  with  General 
Lincoln  and  Governor  Rutledge,  in  Georgia  and  South  Caro- 
lina, against  the  common  enemy,  and  with  fluctuating  success. 
There  were  no  two  States  that  in  emergencies  did  more  for 
themselves  than  South  Carolina  and  Pennsylvania,  and  no 
two  executive  officers,  each  as  will  be  seen  hereafter  clothed 
with  extraordinary  powers,  that  showed  themselves  more 
capable  to  ,meet  a  crisis  and  to  justify  the  confidence  reposed 
in  them,  than  John  Rutledge  and  Joseph  Reed,  contemporary 
Chief  Magistrates.  The  campaign  to  the  southward  at  this 
time,  it  may  be  observed  in  passing,  was  painfully  chequered. 

*  Speaking  of  one  who  deserved  all  his  praise  and  little  of  his  satire,  the  Mar- 
quis de  Chastclliix  in  his  American  travels  said  :  "  C'est  un  negoclant  tr6s  riche ; 
c'est  par  consequent  un  homme  de  tous  les  pays,  car  le  commerce  a  par  tout  le 
meme  caracterc.  II  est  libre  dans  les  monarchies,  il  est  egoiste  dans  les  repub- 
liques  ;  etrangcr,  ou,  si  Ton  veut,  citoyen  dans  tout  I'univers,  il  exclut  egalement 
les  vertus  et  les  prejuges  qui  s'opposent  i  son  interet." — Tome  i.  p.  166,  Ed. 
Paris,  1786. 


COUNT  d'estaing.  75 

The  French  navy  then  as  ever,  showed  itself  no  match  for  the 
British  sailors,  whilst  on  shore,  no  soldiers  could  have  exhibited 
more  chivalric  gallantry  than  the  brave  men,  who,  either  as 
volunteers  or  troops  of  the  line,  were  sent  to  us  by  France. 
There  is  no  contrast  that  I  am  aware  of  in  history  more  painful 
to  the  American  student,  than  that  which  the  personal  history 
of  some  of  these  brave  Frenchmen  exhibits ;  one  of  them  es- 
pecially. The  Count  d'Estaing  with  his  marines  and  sailors, 
side  by  side  with  Lincoln  and  the  Americans,  storming  the 
redoubts  at  Savannah,  on  the  4th  of  October,  1779,  and  plant- 
ing the  French  and  American  standards  on  the  parapet, 
and  the  same  old  soldier,  for  he  was  more  soldier  than  sailor, 
wandering  about  a  few  years  later,  heart-broken  in  the  streets 
of  Paris,  and  at  last  dying  under  the  guillotine.* 

Whilst  the  Americans  were  thus  perplexed  and  alarmed  by 
the  movements  of  the  enemy,  and  no  one  on  the  seaboard 
could  tell  how  long  he  should  be  safe  from  assault  and  depre- 
dation, it  is  curious  to  observe  the  alarm  and  disturbance  which 
prevailed  in  Great  Britain.  If  Congress,  the  State  Authorities, 
and  the  Commander-in-chief,  wei'e  perplexed  and  alarmed  liere, 
in  England  the  threatened  danger,  the  intestine  commotion,  the 
panic,  w^ere  quite  as  great.  To  an  Englishman,  the  year  1779 
is  one  of  the  least  honourable  in  her  annals.  Not  only  were 
the  Parliamentary  feuds  more  virulent  than  ever,  the  Opposition 
stronger,  and  the  Administration  more  perversely  weak,  but  a 
deeper  mortification  than  the  pride  of  England  had  endured 
since  the  days  of  Van  Tromp  and  De  Ruyter,  was  inflicted. 
A  French  fleet  rode  in  triumph  in  the  Channel,  and  an  Ameri- 
can cruiser  threatened  the  coast  of  Scotland,  and  captured  a 
British   frigate   off  Flamborough    Head.      '*  I   alarmed   their 

*  October  14,  1792. — "Tlie  hymn  of  the  Marseillois  is  called  for  every  evening- 
at  every  theatre  in  Paris,  and  nothing  can  exceed  the  enthusiasm  with  which  it 
is  heard.  I  went  last  night  to  see  a  new  piece  called  the  Ephesian  Matron.  I 
sat  in  the  parquet  next  to  a  remarkably  tall  man  wrapped  in  a  drab-coloured 
great  coat,  who  seemed  between  sixty  and  seventy  years  of  ag-e.  On  his  with- 
drawing, I  was  told  it  was  Admiral  d'Estaing,  who  commanded  the  French  fleet 
and  army  in  America  during  the  last  war.  He  has  taken  no  part  in  the  latest 
transactions  ;  he  seems  to  desire  to  live  unnoticed,  and  hitherto  he  has  been 
unmolested." — Doctor  Moore's  Journal,  vol.  ii.  p.  134.  D'Estaing  was  guillotined 
in  1793. 


76  ALARM  IN  ENGLAND. 

coast,"  Paul  Jones  wrote    exultingly  to  Mr.  Morris,  "  prodi- 
giously, from  Cape  Clear  to  Hull."* 

"On  the  9ih  of  July,"  says  a  recent  British  writer,  •'  a  Royal 
proclamation  was  issued,  commanding  all  horses  and  cattle  to 
be  driven  from  the  coast.  Booms  were  placed  across  the 
entrance  of  Plymouth  harbour,  to  prevent  the  approach  of  the 
French,  and  orders  sent  from  the  Admiralty  to  sink  vessels  at 
the  mouth  of  the  harbour.  As  one  instance  of  the  general  alarm, 
a  congregation,  assembled  for  divine  service  near  the  coast, 
was  thrown  into  the  greatest  perturbation  by  a  voice  exclaiming 
that  the  French  had  landed.  Male  and  female  leaped  over  the 
pews,  and  rushed  out  with  loud  cries,  leaving  the  church  wholly 
deserted,  except  by  the  minister,  for  the  clerk  too  had  fled,  and 
a  few  of  the  military,  who  remained  by  command  of  the  Gene- 
ral of  the  district,  who  happened  to  be  present  on  the  occasion. 
The  greatest  consternation  prevailed  along  the  whole  line  of 
coast,  and  the  greater  number  of  those  who  had  the  means 
withdrew  to  the  interior,  and  thereby  increased  the  general 
panic.  By  the  happy  accident  of  an  easterly  wind,  the  enemy 
were  prevented  from  completing  the  national  disgrace  by  a 
descent  upon  our  shores.  Unable  to  anchor,  or  to  preserve 
their  stations,  the  combined  fleet  was  driven  down  the  Channel. 
The  wind,  soon  after,  coming  round  to  the  west,  Sir  Charles 
Hardy  profited  by  the  change  to  run  up  the  Channel,  when  he 
was  chased  by  the  enemy  into  Spithead.  Sir  Charles  found 
the  inhabitants  in  as  great  alarm  at  Portsmouth  as  they 
had  been  at  Plymouth.  Boats  were  lying  ready  to  cut 
away  the  buoys  upon  the  different  shoals,  and  the  leading 
marks  to  direct  ships  between  them  were  pulled  up.  If  the 
French  had  actually  effected  a  landing  at  either  port,  they 
would  have  encountered  but  few  obstacles  in  their  further 
progress.  There  was  a  most  disgraceful  deficiency  of  arms 
and  ammunition.  '  There  were,'  said  the  Duke  of  Richmond 
in  the  House  of  Lords,  '  guns  and  shot,  but  neither  one  nor 
the  other  answered;  all  pieces  of  what  are  called  small  stores 

*  MS.  letter  in  the  Morris  collection.  As  this  sheet  is  passing  through  the 
press,  (April  3,  1847,)  a  grand-nephew  of  Paul  Jones,  George  L.  Lowden,  of 
South  Carolina,  has  died  in  Philadelphia — a  victim,  it  is  feared,  to  that  delay  of 
hope  to  which  every  claimant  on  our  government  is  exposed. 


ALARM  IN  ENGLAND.  77 

were  totally  wanting ;  there  were  neither  handspikes  to  work 
the  guns  or  give  them  the  necessary  direction,  nor  wadding, 
rammers,  sponges,  spring  bottoms ;  nor,  in  short,  any  one  part 
of  the  apparatus  fit  to  meet  an  enemy.  Even  flints  for  muskets 
were  wanting,  and  there  were  only  thirty-five  invalided  artillery- 
men at  Plymouth  to  man  the  batteries  and  to  work  two  hundred 
guns.'"* 

Such  was  the  testimony  of  a  Peer  of  the  Realm,  of  high 
character  and  position.  It  was  faintly  contradicted  ;  yet  the 
British  historians  of  the  American  war,  whilst  publishing  the 
statements  of  the  destitution  and  wretchedness  of  the  "  rebel 
armies,"  have  rarely  referred  to  this  singular  disorganization 
and  alarm  at  home.  Hillhouse  and  the  brave  students  of  Yale 
College  showed  quite  as  much  spirit  to  encounter  an  enemy 
when  Tryon  landed,  as  did  the  orthodox  parishioners  on  the 
coast  of  Devon  when  D'Orvilliers  and  his  squadron  were 
supposed  to  be  in  sight ;  and  the  garrison  at  Plymouth,  with  its 
accomplished  equipment  and  its  two  hundred  guns,  would  have 
made  much  less  manly  resistance  than  the  raw  militia  behind 
the  ruined  platforms  of  Mud  Fort. 

This  very  general  view  of  the  state  of  affairs,  both  in  Ame- 
rica and  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic,  is  not  out  of  place 
as  an  introduction  to  the  correspondence  of  this  year,  which 
will  now  be  resumed  and  tells  its  own  story  of  difficulty  and 
vexation.  It  relates  in  some  degree  to  details  of  no  very 
captivating  interest,  but  no  student  can  pretend  to  appreciate 
or  comprehend  the  Revolution  without  a  precise  idea  of  these 
details,  unattractive  as  they  may  be.  No  one  reading  Presi- 
dent Reed's   correspondence,   can   fail   to   do  justice   to  the 

*  I  make  this  extract  from  an  extremely  interesting  biography  of  Admiral 
Keppel,  by  the  Honourable  and  Rev.  Thomas  Keppel,  London,  1842,  vol.  ii.  p.  243. 
Lord  Keppel  is  an  attractive  character  in  British  history ;  to  Americans  he  should 
be  especially  so.  In  1777,  he  declined  serving  on  this  station,  saying  decisively 
to  the  Admiralty,  "  If  the  necessities  of  the  times  call  for  my  services,  and  it  is 
the  King's  desire,  I  am  ready  to  do  my  duty,  but  not  in  the  line  of  America"  (vol- 
ii.  p.  2.)  In  1755,  Lord,  (then  Captain,)  Keppel  accompanied  Braddock's  expedi- 
tion to  America,  and  his  biographer  has  preserved  some  interesting  letters  from 
this  country,  (vol.  i.  chap,  vi.) 


78  PRESIDENT  reed's  CORRESPONDENCE. 

ability  with  which    these   details  of  executive  business  were 
treated. 

PRESIDENT  REED  TO  WASHINGTON. 

[Without  date.] 
Dear  Sir, 

I  beg  you  to  accept  my  thanks  for  your  favours  of  the  28th  and  29th 
ultimo,  and  the  intelligence  enclosed.  I  shall  esteem  such  communications 
a  particular  mark  of  your  regard,  and  if  you  could  occasionally  mix  your 
own  sentiments,  as  to  the  measures  most  advisable,  it  would  add  to  the 
favour.  My  ideas  upon  the  subject  so  perfectly  correspond  with  yours,  that 
I  shall  take  every  possible  measures  to  put  the  militia  in  the  best  posture  of 
preparation,  though  the  unhappy  disputes  of  the  state  have  made  government 
less  vigorous  than  it  would  otherwise  have  been ;  however,  I  have  the 
satisfaction  to  remark  that  they  decline  hourly,  and  of  consequence  the 
power  of  government  will  revive  with  renewed  strength.  I  hear  from 
good  authority  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  are  very  unanimous  in 
their  opinion  against  the  measures  of  opposition,  and  as  it  has  not  be- 
come personal,  at  least  on  my  part,  I  shall  cheerfully  overlook  the  abuse 
which  has  been  attempted  towards  ine,  and  make  every  advance  towards 
peace,  harmony,  and  mutual  civility.     —    —    —    —    — 

Enclosed  1  send  your  Excellency  General  Potter's  last  letter. 

The  accounts  from  Wyoming,  which  Colonel  Butler  has  transmitted  to 
you,  will  doubtless  bring  to  your  mind  t!ie  unhappy  situation  of  our  frontiers. 
From  the  communications  you  were  so  good  as  to  make  me  at  Head-Quar- 
ters, I  have,  without  descending  to  particulars,  encouraged  our  settlers  in 
Westmoreland,  Bedford,  and  Northumberland  to  stand  their  ground,  and 
have  ordered  two  hundred  and  fifty  militia  from  the  inner  counties  to  march 
for  their  immediate  protection,  and  in  the  mean  time  the  Assembly  has 
given  such  further  encouragement  as  we  hope  will  give  spirit  to  the  recruit- 
ing service  of  the  five  companies  proposed.  But  as  your  Excellency  well 
knows  the  delays  that  sometimes  happen  in  the  execution  of  orders,  I  hope 
you  will  not  think  me  troublesome  in  requesting  they  may  be  repeated  if 
necessary,  excepting  that  General  Hand's  detachment  would  effectually 
cover  Northumberland,  and  that  a  draught  of  militia  to  that  quarter  would 
only  consume  the  provisions.  I  did  not  order  any  militia  thither,  and  1  fear 
this  late  movement  will  occasion  an  evacuation  of  that  county  unless 
General  Hand  has  moved  a  part  or  the  whole  of  his  troops  thither.  I  must 
also  request  you  would  direct  the  fragments  of  corps  attached  to  Colonel 
Hartly's  regiment  to  join,  as  I  fear  they  have  not  paid  due  attention  to  your 
former  directions  on  this  subject. 

I  hope  we  shall  have  the  river  in  a  good  posture.  General  Du  Portail 
seems  very  well  pleased,  and  all  the  necessary  orders  are  given.  I  do  not 
think  a  little  apprehension  will  do  us  any  harm,  and  therefore  have  made 


PROCLAMATION  OF   1779.  79 

such  a  use  of  your  letter  as  may  awaken,  though  not  alarm  our  people  to  a 
sense  of  their  true  situation.  A  sordid  spirit  of  gain,  a  spirit  of  animosity 
and  selfishness  was  too  prevalent  for  anything  but  an  idea  of  danger;  I  can 
only  lament  that  even  good  minds  are  tainted,  in  some  instances  too  much 
tainted  ;  call  a  thing  trade,  and  let  it  be  ever  so  seemingly  unfair,  and 
really  prejudicial  to  the  common  interest,  and  it  will  make  its  way.  Every 
arrival  depreciates  our  currency  ;  and  I  cannot  learn  that  effectual  measures 
are  taken  on  this  subject,  or  indeed  any.  Some  of  our  principal  people 
seem  to  think  all  danger  over,  and  tliey  must  recover  lost  lime  and  profits: 
hence  all  the  passions  of  avarice  and  ambition  were  let  loose;  and  they  will 
scarcely  believe  that  the  day  of  our  redemption  is  not  at  hand,  and  all  far- 
ther efforts  unnecessary.  You  will  see  by  our  proclamation  of  this  day  that 
we  think  very  differently,  and  that  while  we  hope  we  tremble  too.*     We 

*  This  proclamation,  dated  2d  April,  1779,  is  characteristic  : 
Whereas  there  is  just  cause  to  believe  that  our  cruel  and  inveterate  enemies, 
despairing  of  the  conquest  of  America  by  open  and  manly  force,  are  about  to 
adopt  the  mean  and  savage  policy  of  distress  and  depredation.  And  as  vigorous, 
firm  and  united  resistance  can  alone  (under  Providence)  enable  us  to  disappoint 
and  defeat  their  barbarous  design,  we  do  hereby  most  earnestly  exhort  tlie  good 
people  of  this  state  to  prepare  themselves  for  such  events.  And  we  do  particu- 
larly enjoin  and  require  the  General  Officers,  Lieutenants,  Sub-Lieutenants,  Field 
and  other  officers  of  militia,  diligently  to  exert  themselves  in  arraying,  training 
and  disciplining  the  militia  of  the  state,  as  by  law  directed;  enforcing  the  said  law 
against  all  delinquents,  and  encouraging  and  animating,  by  their  presence  and 
example,  those  brave  and  faithful  subjects  who  cheerfully  stand  forth  in  defence 
of  the  liberties  of  their  country.  We  do  also  exhort  and  enjoin  all  officers,  both 
civil  and  military,  to  make  diligent  search  after  the  public  arms  and  accoutre- 
ments which  have  been  dispersed  and  lost  through  the  country,  and  to  recom- 
mend and  endeavour  to  have  all  the  fire  arms  in  their  respective  districts  and 
counties  put  in  the  best  repair,  so  as  to  be  ready  on  the  shortest  notice.  And  as 
the  designs  of  the  enemy,  so  far  as  they  may  regard  lliis  state,  must  in  their  im- 
mediate effect  (unless  frustrated)  desolate  those  parts  exposed  to  the  sea  on  one 
side,  and  the  frontiers  on  the  other,  we  do  in  a  special  manner  recommend  to  the 
good  people  there  residing  the  most  particular  attention  to  the  several  measures 
herein  expressed,  not  doubting  but  those  who  are  less  exposed  will  pay  all  due 
regard  to  the  alarming  intentions  of  the  enemy,  and  stand  ready  to  support  their 
friends  and  brethren,  if  necessary.  And  we  do  also,  in  a  very  especial  manner, 
recommend  a  spirit  of  union,  harmony,  and  mutual  affection,  as  the  most  effectual 
weapon  of  defence — laying  aside  all  animosities,  dissensions,  and  uncharitable- 
ness,  and  then  we  need  not  doubt  but  (with  the  blessing  of  God)  we  may,  as  we 
have  heretofore  done,  repel  our  invaders  with  shame,  disgrace,  and  disappointment, 
and  in  a  short  time  enjoy  the  blessings  of  peace  on  free  and  honourable  terms. 
Given  by  order  of  the  Council,  &c.  &,c. 

Joseph  Reed,  President. 
Attest.     T.  Matlack,  Secretary. 

God  save  the  People. 


80  Washington's  letters. 

are  therefore  resolved  to  pursue  rigorously  your  advice  to  be  prepared  for 
the  worst,  and  should  it  be  necessary  to  call  forth  the  militia  of  this  state,  I 
shall  think  it  my  duty  to  partake  of  their  fatigues  and  dangers,  and  yield  a 
cheerful  and  happy  obedience  to  your  orders. 

Yesterday  Mr.  Peale's  performance  was  placed  with  due  respect  in  the 
Council  Chamber,  and  an  elegant  one  it  is.  He  seems  to  have  profited  by 
his  subject,  and  never  did  anything  more  to  his  honour  as  an  artist. 

Since  I  wrote  the  above,  a  joint  committee  of  Council  and  Assembly  met 
a  committee  of  Congress  on  the  affairs  of  this  state,  and  with  a  view  of  re- 
moving jealousies  and  misunderstandings  which  have  too  much  prevailed  of 
late.  I  have  the  pleasure  of  informing  you  that  there  is  an  appearance  of 
perfect  harmony  being  restored ;  notwithstanding  the  utmost  efforts  of  some 
gentlemen  in  Congress  to  prevent  it.  It  is  really  melancholy  to  see  with 
what  unceasing  perseverance  some  gentlemen  endeavour  to  promote  a 
breach  between  this  state  and  Congress.  A  transaction  this  morning  seems 
to  confirm  suspicions  taken  up  formerly.  Mr.  Clymer,  who  is  full  in  oppo- 
sition here,  and  of  the  party  with  the  commercial  gentlemen  of  Congress, 
introduced  a  set  of  resolves  to  some  gentlemen  of  the  Assembly,  expressing 
the  sense  of  the  state  that  the  delegates  should  agree  to  any  terms  of  peace, 
securing  independence,  and  consistent  with  treaties  with  foreign  powers, 
by  no  means  insisting  upon  acquisitions  of  territory,  or  any  splendid  advan- 
tages. It  appeared  to  me  that  our  enemies  would  take  so  much  encourage- 
ment from  overtures  of  this  kind,  as  tending  to  show  the  sense  of  one  state 
of  our  weariness  of  the  war,  as  might  have  fatal  effects.  I  have  therefore 
used  my  influence  against  it.  My  opinion  clearly  is  that  Congress  ought 
to  have  the  sole  power  of  settling  this  business,  and  that  it  will  be  danger- 
ous for  any  state  to  interpose  its  particular  decision.  But  alas !  we  thirst 
after  trade  and  luxury,  and  many  wish  to  see  their  banished  friends  return 
in  triumph. 

I  beg  pardon  for  this  tedious  scrawl,  and  am,  with  the  greatest  respect, 
dear  sir. 

Your  very  obedient  and  affectionate  humble  servant. 


WASHINGTON  TO  REED. 

Middlebrook,  April  8th,  1779. 
Dear  Sir, 

Your  favour  without  a  date,  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  my  letters  of 
the  28th  and  29th  ultimo,  came  to  hand  a  day  or  two  ago — 

The  troops  from  Minisink  were  to  begin  their  march  for  the  enemy  last 
Monday.  The  bad  weather  all  the  month  of  March,  and  an  accident  to  one 
of  my  letters  to  General  Hand,  occasioned  a  delay  of  some  days.  Orders 
also  went,  (before  the  receipt  of  your  letter,)  to  Gen.  M'Dougall  to  put  the 
remains  of  Patten's  and  Malcolm's  regiments  in  motion  for  the  same  quarter. 


reed's  CORJR-ESPONDENCE.  81 

The  Board  of  War  some  time  since  has  been  applied  to  for  a  relief  to 
Rawling's  corps,  that  it  might  reinforce  Brodhead,  for  the  purpose  mentioned 
to  you  when  at  Camp;  but  what  they  have  done  in  the  matter  is  unknown 
to  me.  I  shall  be  very  glad  to  know  from  time  to  time  what  progress  is 
made  in  completing  the  five  independent  companies;  and  let  me  beseech 
you,  my  dear  sir,  while  I  am  upon  the  subject  of  recruiting,  to  give  the  most 
pointed  orders  to  those  who  are  engaged  in  this  service  for  your  battalions 
to  take  no  deserters.  They  weaken  instead  of  strengthen  the  regiments, 
and  not  only  rob  the  public  of  the  bounty  money,  arms,  accoutrements,  and 
clothes  which  they  receive,  but  poison  the  minds  of  other  soldiers,  and  carry 
many  of  them  to  the  enemy.  In  General  Potter's  letter,  (now  returned,) 
the  propriety  of  offering  land  as  an  encouragement  to  men  to  enlist  in  the 
above  companies,  is  suggested  for  your  consideration.  I  have  long  been  of 
opinion,  founded  on  observation,  that  if  the  state  bounties  are  continually 
increased  for  every  short  and  temporary  service  and  enlistment,  that  the 
price  of  men  another  year  will  be  far  above  but  purchase,  and  a  final  end 
will  be  put  to  recruiting,  the  consequences  of  which,  under  present  appear- 
ances, are  well  wortliy  of  consideration. 

To  hear  that  all  party  disputes  had  subsided,  and  that  harmony  (not  only 
between  Congress  and  the  States,  but  between  the  discordant  parts  of  the 
State,)  was  restored,  would  give  me  very  singular  pleasure.  If  party  matters 
were  at  an  end,  and  some  happy  expedient  hit  upon  to  check  the  further 
depreciation  of  our  money,  we  should  be  soon  left  to  the  enjoyment  of  that 
peace  and  happiness  which  every  good  man  must  wish  for,  and  none  but  the 
vitiated  and  abandoned  tribe  of  speculators,  &c.,  would  be  injured  by. 

If  propositions  have  not  been  made  to  Congress  by  Great  Britain,  for 
negotiating  a  peace  on  the  terms  which  have  been  held  out  to  the  Commis- 
sioners, upon  what  ground  is  the  resolution  you  speak  of  founded]  They 
surely  do  not  mean  to  be  the  movers  of  a  negotiation,  before  they  know  the 
terms  that  will  be  offered,  or  which  can  certainly  be  obtained  ?  In  a  word, 
the  whole  matter  (to  me)  is  a  mystery. 

I  am,  with  sincerity  and  truth. 
Dear  sir, 

Your  most  obedient,  &c., 

G.  Washington. 

P.  S.  April  9th. — I  have  accounts  of  the  marching  of  Patton's  and  Mal- 
colm's regiment,  and  that  the  troops  from  Minisink  will  be  at  Wyoming  this 
night,  if  no  accident  happens  to  them.  Yours,  &c., 

G.  W. 


PRESIDENT  REED  TO  WASHINGTON. 

Philadelphia,  April  14th,  1779. 
Your  favour  of  the  8th  was  delivered  me  on  Sunday,  and  I  beg  you  to 
VOL.  II.  6 


82  DEFENCE  OF  THE  FRONTIERS. 

accept  my  thanks  for  the  attention  to  our  distressed  inhabitants  on  the  fron- 
tiers. The  support  and  comfort  they  will  derive  from  it,  will  have  the  most 
happy  eifects,  and  confirm  the  hopes  I  have  given  them,  that  nothing  will 
be  omitted  for  their  safety,  consistent  with  the  necessary  caution  and  regard 
to  be  had  to  the  defence  of  the  sea  coast.  On  Saturday  we  had  an  account 
of  nine  persons  killed  at  Chilisquaque  in  Northumberland  ;  and  there  were 
just  reasons  to  apprehend  an  evacuation  of  the  county  would  have  ensued, 
but  General  Hand's  movement  to  Wyoming,  from  whence  I  hope  he  will  be 
able  to  spare  a  few  men  to  take  post  at  Fort  Muncy,  will,  I  am  told, 
eflectually  cover  that  county.  I  have  endeavoured  to  promote  a  spirit  of 
union  and  good  correspondence  between  our  people  and  the  inhabitants  of 
Wyoming,  under  Connecticut.  If  your  Excellency  would,  in  your  letters 
to  Col.  Butler,  inculcate  the  same  ideas,  I  think  the  effects  would  be  bene- 
ficial to  both.  The  Lieutenant  of  Northumberland  complains  that  Colonel 
Butler  gives  him  no  informatjm)  of  the  movements  of  the  enemy.  I  enclose 
the  last  accounts  received  from  Fort  Pitt,  to  which  I  have  only  to  add,  that 
General  M'Intosh,  taking  advantage,  as  I  suppose,  of  the  absence  of  the 
Governor  of  Detroit  and  the  Indians  on  some  expedition  against  Kentucky, 
has  gone  with  600  men  to  throw  some  provisions  into  Fort  Laurens,  which 
was  only  supplied  to  the  1st  of  April.  I  have  directed  regular  returns  to  be 
made  of  the  progress  of  the  recruiting  of  tiie  rangers.  The  officers  of  four 
companies  are  commissioned,  supplied  with  money  and  recruiting  orders, 
some  time  ago.  The  fifth  company  is  to  be  raised  in  Lancaster,  and  we 
wait  for  the  recommendation  of  the  proper  officers.  In  the  mean  time,  they 
have  raised  three  companies  in  Northumberland  of  thirty-five  men  each,  for 
two  months,  from  which  I  am  informed  the  nine  months  company  will  soon 
be  completed,  the  men  preferring  the  terms  of  the  latter. 

In  the  recruiting  instructions  given  to  the  rangers,  we  have  expressly 
told  the  officers  they  will  be  deemed  accountable  for  the  moneys  advanced 
to  deserters  of  any  kind,  or  expended  on  them.  In  recruiting  for  the  Con- 
tinental line,  you  may  depend  upon  every  precaution,  as  your  Excellency 
must  remember  I  ever  opposed  and  disliked  the  practice.  The  heavy 
arrearages  due  by  many  officers  on  the  recruiting  account,  will  require 
some  additional  regulations  and  caution  in  future.  I  am  told  that  in  New 
England  recruiting  money  is  not  put  into  the  hands  of  any  officer  without  a 
responsible  freeholder  as  a  security  for  his  faithfully  accounting.  As  the  re- 
cruiting service  is  profitable  to  the  officer,  the  caution  does  not  appear  un- 
reasonable; however,  I  have  sometimes  found  the  military  gentlemen  so 
tender,  that  I  would  not  propose  it  without  fir.-t  asking  your  advice. 

I  am  clearly  of  opinion,  that  Congress  should,  this  spring,  have  fixed 
their  ultimatums  of  bounty, — by  increasing  the  allowance  of  land,  and  that  all 
enlistments  should  be  during  the  war.  We  have  ever  been  of  this  sentiment 
in  this  State,  and,  therefore,  gave  the  high  bounty  last  year  out  of  the  State 
treasury.  Other  States  went  upon  the  short  periods;  now  they  have  come 
up  to  the  same,  or  rather  exceeded  us,  with  this  difference  also,  that  this 


REED  S  CORRESPONDENCE.  83 

high  bounty,  as  to  them  is  paid  by  the  United  States,  while  we  have  borne  the 
whole  partiality,  which,  in  my  opinion,  is  highly  unreasonable.  Had  every 
State  done  as  Pennsylvania  did,  the  army  would  have  been  much  stronger 
and  better,  and  there  can  be  no  justice  or  reason  that  we  should  pay  our  pro- 
portion for  their  mistaken  policy.  We  have  lately  had  a  return  of  clothing 
issued  to  the  officers  last  year,  commencing  1st  January,  1778,  and  ending 
1st  January,  1779,  and  we  find  there  has  been  a  suit  of  clothes  issued  to 
every  officer  of  the  Line;  supposing  us  to  have  ten  regiments,  upon  the 
new  arrangement,  and  thirty-one  suits  over,  besides  shoes,  shirts,  &c.,  to  a 
very  large  amount.  I  do  not  mean  that  every  officer  has  had  a  suit ;  but 
that  so  many  have  been  issued  ;  and  I  propose  to  send  the  return  to  Camp, 
that  it  may  be  seen  whether  the  clothiers  have  made  a  just  return,  and  if  so, 
that  it  may  be  seen  what  officers  have  gone  beyond  their  just  quota.  I  ob- 
serve staif  officers,  and  even  wagon-masters  have,  by  some  means  or  another- 
got  clothing  out  nf  the  store.     There  have, Relieve,  been  great  abuses. 

Officers  who  have  been  prisoners,  are  conmually  sending  in  their  claims: 
they  rely  much  upon  your  justice  to  them,  and  upon  the  Resolve  of  Con- 
gress of  the  24th  November,  in  their  favour.  I  hope  the  gentlemen  in  Camp, 
will  evince  a  proper  generosity  of  sentiment  upon  this  occasion,  and  not  ex- 
clude brave  men,  who  have,  from  their  services  and  sufferings,  every  claim 
upon  the  gratitude  and  attention  of  their  country. 

I  have  now  but  one  point  more  to  trouble  your  Excellency  with,  and  it  is 
of  considerable  importance.  A  deputation  has  lately  come  from  Massachu- 
setts Bay;  representing  their  great  necessity  for  bread.  We  have  a  sur- 
plus in  this  State  beyond  our  own  wants,  but  it  is  very  questionable  whether 
we  can  afford  a  supply,  without  endangering  the  subsistence  of  the  army. 
We  had  none  but  deputies  of  the  most  inferior  rank  to  consult  except  Col. 
Stewart,  Commissary  of  Issues.  If  it  is  not  too  troublesome,  we  should  be 
obliged  to  your  Excellency  to  call  upon  the  Commissaries  and  then  favour 
us  with  your  opinions,  by  which  we  shall  direct  our  answer. 

I  wish  I  could  tell  you,  that  any  steps  were  taken  to  restore  our  sinking 
money,  but  alas  !  Mr.  Deane's  affairs  take  up  all  the  time  of  Congress,  or 
at  least,  so  great  a  part  of  it,  as  to  leave  little  hopes  of  anything  on  that 
score  at  present.  There  is,  at  present,  a  scheme  on  the  tapis,  to  send  over 
quite  a  new  set  of  Commissioners,  and  recall  the  old.  Some  gentlemen  in 
Congress,  who  it  is  said  are  desirous  of  going  abroad  themselves,  press  this 
earnestly.  The  Board  of  War  inform  me  they  transmitted  your  letter  to 
Governor  Johnstone,  with  their  request,  that  he  would  relieve  Colonel  Raw- 
lins-, but  have  received  no  answer. 

The  allusion  in  this  letter  to  the  application  of  Massachusetts 
for  redress  from  the  prohibitory  legislation  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
the  decision  on  it,  are  curious  illustrations  of  revolutionary  po- 
licy.    Both    in    1776  and  1777,  stringent  embargoes    on  the 


84  potter's  letter. 

exportation  of  all  provisions  had  been  enacted,  and  continued 
in  full  force.  It  was  part  of  the  false  policy  of  the  times,  and 
seems  to  have  continued  in  favour  during-  the  greater  part  of 
the  contest.  On  receiving  the  application  from  Massachusetts, 
President  Reed  communicated  it  to  the  Assembly,  with  a  sug- 
gestion that  the  requisite  powers  of  relaxation  might  be  con- 
ferred on  the  Executive  Council.*  It  was  referred  to  a  com- 
mittee, which,  however,  never  seems  to  have  reported.  To 
this  false  system  of  the  worst  restriction,  as  will  be  seen,  Mr. 
Reed  was  uniformly  and  steadily  opposed. 

Again  the  cry  of  the  distressed  frontiers,  praying  for  aid, 
reached  the  Executive. 


GENERAL  POTTER  TO  PRESIDENT  REED. 

■Penn's  Valley,  April  17th,  1779. 
Dear  Sir, 

Your  favour  of  the  27th  of  March,  in  Council,  and  yours  of  the  3d  of 
April,  I  received  the  one  two  days  ago,  and  the  other  yesterday ;  it  gives  me 
pleasure  to  see  that  the  business  is  left  to  Council,  and  General  Washington. 
Your  letters,  I  am  convinced,  will  answer  a  very  good  end,  encouraging  the 
frontiers.  They  were  much  discouraged,  and  under  great  apprehensions  of 
danger.  But  hearing  of  such  preparations  and  supplies,  will  encourage 
them  to  make  a  stand,  and  I  think,  notwithstanding  the  preparations  that 
have  been  made  by  the  people  to  flee,  they  will  stand  the  shock  much 
better  than  they  did  last  year.  You  give  me  pleasure  by  informing  me  that 
public  dissensions  decline,  and  that  harmony  seems  likely  to  take  place. 
God  grant  it  may  be  so  throughout  the  United  States. 

I  am  sorry  that  any  calumny  or  reproach  should  be  thrown  on  any  charac- 
ter so  undeserving  of  it  as  yours  is,  but  such  is  the  evil  disposition  of  the 
world,  that  no  good  man,  that  does  his  duty  in  public  life,  can  escape. 
Dear  Sir,  patience  and  perseverance  in  doing  your  duty,  and  acquitting 
a  good  conscience,  will  give  ample  satisfaction.  Any  reproach  your  ene- 
mies have  endeavoured  to  throw  on  you,  will  end  to  their  dishonour  and 
your  advantage. 

You  express  your  desire  of  relieving  those  poor  people  that  have  fled  from 
the  frontiers;  they  are  so  numerous  and  scattered  over  the  country,  that  I 
cannot  see  anything  that  can  be  done  fbr  them,  but  leave  them  to  the  care 
of  Heaven  and  good  men. 


*  Journals,  350. 


Washington's  letter.  85 

I  see  the  Assembly  have  taken  under  their  consideration  the  proprietary 
encroachments.  I  hope  they  will  do  what  is  right  in  regard  of  them,  before 
this  comes  to  hand.  You  will  have  heard  of  the  attack  on  Wyoming,  and 
Whitmore  and  his  family  being  killed  up  Chilasquaque.  I  am,  dear  Sir,  with 
great  esteem, 

Your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

James  Potter. 

P.  S.  Before  I  received  your  favour,  I  received  a  letter  from  General 
Washington,  which  gave  me  a  full  account  of  what  he  was  determined  to 
do  for  our  relief,  but  I  was  not  allowed  to  publish  it. 


WASHINGTON  TO  REED. 

Head-quarters,  Middlebrook,  April  19th,  1779. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  been  honoured  with  yours  of  the  14th  inst.  I  shall  not  fail  to 
recommend  to  the  officer  who  will  command  upon  the  Susquehanna,  the 
cultivation  of  a  good  understanding  between  the  settlers  at  Wyoming,  and 
the  inhabitants  of  Northumberland  County. 

Upon  estimating  the  force  necessary  to  be  employed  upon  the  intended 
expedition,  so  as  to  give  the  most  probable  assurance  of  success;  I  find  that 
it  will  require  more  troops  than  can  possibly  be  spared  from  the  Continental 
army,  without  weakening  our  main  body  to  that  degree,  that  it  will  be  ever 
liable  to  be  insulted,  if  not  materially  injured,  by  the  enemy,  should  they 
move  out.  I  am,  therefore,  under  the  necessity  of  making  application  to 
the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  for  the  aid  of  six  hundred  militia,  including  the 
companies  of  Rangers,  to  continue  in  service  three  months  from  the  1st  of 
June,  if  the  laws  or  any  power  vested  in  the  Executive  Council  will  authorize 
the  calling  them  out  for  so  long  a  time.  They  must  come  provided  with 
arms,  as  from  the  exhausted  state  of  the  Continental  magazines,  they  cannot 
be  supplied  from  thence.  You  will  oblige  me  by  letting  me  know  as  early 
as  possible,  whether  this  demand  can  be  complied  with,  fully  in  point  of  terms 
of  service,  and  if  not,  for  the  longest  time  that  the  men  may  be  depended  upon. 
They  are  to  rendezvous  at  Sunbury  by  the  10th  of  May.  I  imagine  the 
Western  militia  will  be  called  out  upon  this  service.  They  are  infinitely 
to  be  preferred  on  many  accounts,  but  particularly  from  their  being  used  to 
the  Indian  mode  of  war,  which  is  apt  to  make  very  fatal  impressions  upon 
men  not  acquainted  with  that  kind  of  enemy. 

I  would  not  presume  to  nominate  the  officers  who  should  take  the  com- 
mand of  this  body  of  men,  but  I  hope  I  shall  stand  excused,  when  I  mention 
Brigadier-General  Potter.  From  my  knowledge  of  his  abilities,  and  his 
acquaintance  with  the  kind  of  service  upon  which  these  men  are  to  be  em- 


86  LETTER  TO  GENERAL  HAND. 

ployed  ;  I  should  be  very  happy,  should  the  State  think  proper  to  confer  the 
command  upon  him. 

Upon  the  several  hints  given  to  me  of  the  suspicions  of  Patterson's  cha- 
racter, I  have  taken  measures  to  prevent  him  from  being  mischievous, 
should  he  be  so  inclined,  and  I  have  desired  that  Colonel  Cox  may  give  him 
a  caution  against  making  a  needless  parade  of  the  employ  which  he  is  in. 
He  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  Quartermaster's  department. 

If  I  may  be  allowed  to  form  any  judgment  from  the  actual  returns  and 
reports  of  the  Commissaries,  of  the  quantity  of  flour  in  the  middle  depart- 
ment, I  should  suppose  that  the  army  must  be  much  distressed  for  the  article 
of  bread,  should  such  an  exportation  as  I  imagine  the  State  of  Massachusetts 
will  require,  be  allowed.  If  the  quantity  wanted  to  the  eastward  is  ascer- 
tained, the  Commissary-General  can  better  determine  whether  any  part,  or 
what  part  of  it  can  be  spared  without  injury  to  the  service. 

By  a  letter  which  I  have  received  from  General  M'Intosh,  dated  at  Fort 
Pitt  the  3d  inst.,  I  have  the  pleasure  to  find  that  he  had  returned  to  that 
place,  after  iiaving  relieved  Fort  Laurens,  and  thrown  a  proper  supply  of 
provisions  into  it.  He  adds  that  he  had  found  some  of  the  Indian  tribes 
more  friendly  than  he  expected. 

A  co-operation  by  the  troops  at  Fort  Pitt,  and  in  that  quarter  not  being 
deemed  either  very  practicable  or  of  much  use,  the  force  at  present  there 
will  remain.     This  I  hope,  with  the  assistance  of  the  militia,  should  there 
be  occasion,  will  cover  your  Western  Frontier,  and  that  of  Virginia. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be. 

With  the  greatest  regard, 

Your  Excellency's  most  obedient  servant, 

George  Washington. 


PRESIDENT  REED  TO  GENERAL  HAND. 

Philadelphia,  April  21st,  1779. 
Sir, 

Your  favour  of  the  16th*  inst.  I  duly  received,  and  observe,  with  some  con- 
cern, that  you  apprehend  the  station  you  are  directed  to  take,  will  not  afford 
protection  to  the  distressed  frontiers  of  Pennsylvania.  After  the  several 
conferences  this  winter,  between  Congress  and  the  Assembly,  the  defence  of 
the  frontiers  was  referred  to  the  Commander-in-chief,  and  the  Council  of  the 
State,  upon  which  I  went  to  Camp  to  confer  with  his  Excellency  on  the  sub- 
ject, who  communicated  to  me,  very  fully,  his  ideas  on  the  subject;  one 
material,  and  as  I  understood,  a  determined  part  of  the  system,  was,  that 

*  Not  in  my  possession.  General  Hand's  letters  are  probably  in  the  Executive's 
Archives  at  Harrisburg. 


DEFENCE  OF  THE  FRONTIERS.  87 

the  troops  under  your  command  should  be  withdrawn  from  the  State  of  New 
York,  and  take  post  at  Wyominof,  and  such  parts  of  Northumberland  County 
as  would  give  all  the  protection  to  the  frontiers  which  stationary  forces  can 
do.  This  idea  has  been  preserved  in  all  the  letters  which  I  have  received 
from  his  Excellency  since  that  time.  I  cannot  help,  therefore,  believing 
that  there  must  be  some  misapprehension  which  oiinht  to  be  immediately 
removed  ;  and  I  am  the  more  confirmed  in  this  opinion,  as  it  was  concluded 
between  us,  that  no  militia  should  be  sent  to  Northumberland,  as  they  would 
not  be  necessary,  and  would  consume  the  provisions.  Hence  when  militia 
was  ordered  to  Bedford  and  Westmoreland,  none  were  sent  to  Northumber- 
land. Depending  also  upon  the  troops  under  you  covering  that  country 
effectually,  I  wrote  to  the  inhabitants  there  encouraging  them  to  remain  on 
their  farms,  and  assuring  them  that  they  would  receive  ample  protection. 
It  will  therefore  be  a  distressing  circumstance  to  them,  and  mortifying  to 
me,  if,  after  all  these  assurances,  they  are  left  to  take  care  of  themselves. 

This  certainly  was  not  General  Washington's  intention  when  I  saw  him 
last  week,  and  as  a  few  men  posted  at  Muncy,  in  conjunction  with  those 
of  Wyoming,  will  give  the  people  great  encouragement,  I  hope  that  will  be 
done,  until  more  explicit  orders  are  obtained  from  the  Commander-in-chief. 

It  seems  peculiarly  hard  upon  Pennsylvania  that  her  troops  should  be 
drawn  both  ways  to  defend  Virginia  and  New  York  while  the  wide  interval 
has  only  had  the  weak  regiment  of  Hartley  for  its  protection,  and  few  of  them 
tolerable  woodsmen.  Colonel  Butler  is  now  here,  and  I  am  not  certain  that 
the  regiment  late  Hartley's  has  any  field  officers.  As  soon,  therefore,  as 
your  private  affairs  will  admit,  we  hope  you  will  return  to  the  troops.  The 
distressing  accounts  we  constantly  have,  and  the  complaints  made  by  the 
inhabitants  of  the  frontiers  of  being  neglected  by  us,  will  undoubtedly  prove 
a  powerful  incentive  to  you,  and  account  for  my  anxiety  on  this  occasion. 

I  shall  immediately  write  to  General  Washington  on  the  subject,  and 
shall  be  glad  to  hear  further  from  you.  For  if  you  cannot  pay  much  atten- 
tion to  Sunbury  and  the  contiguous  settlements,  we  have  been  led  into  a 
most  lamentable  error,  which  may  prove  fatal  to  the  inhabitants  of  that 
country,  who  have  been  assured  that  such  attention  would  be  paid  them, 
and  have  in  consequence  remained  there. 

P.  S.  In  your  next  I  shall  be  glad  to  know  what  number  of  men  you  have 
and  where  they  are  posted,  that  our  measures  may  be  taken  accordingly,  so 
far  as  the  communication  may  be  consistent  with  your  instructions  and 
propriety. 


CHAPTER    IV. 
1779. 

Correspondence  of  tlie  Executive  Council  with  Washington — Arnold's  Trial — 
Defence  of  the  frontiers — Mr.  Reed's  Letters  to  Washington,  24th  and  25th 
April,  1779 — Recommendation  of  General  Potter — Wasliington's  Letter  27th 
April,  as  to  Arnold — Court  Martial  ordered — Reed's  Letter  to  Wasliington,  May 
1st — Silas  Deane's  affairs — American  Commissioners — Washington's  Letter, 
May  8 — Reply  of  Council — Expedition  against  the  Indians — Irregularities  of 
Continental  officers — Washington  to  the  Council,  May  20th — Sullivan's  Expe- 
dition against  the  Indians. 

The  investigation  of  the  delinquencies  imputed  to  Arnold  by 
the  authorities  of  Pennsylvania,  has  been  already  alluded  to. 
Much  of  the  following  correspondence  will  be  found  to  refer  to 
its  details,  and  to  the  embarrassments  which  accident,  rather 
than  design,  threw  in  the  way  of  this  inquiry,  which  as  I  have 
stated  having  begun  before  Mr.  Reed's  accession  to  the  Presi- 
dency, was  fearlessly  and  resolutely  carried  by  him  and  the 
Council  to  a  result.  To  understand  clearly  the  difficulties  which 
are  apparent  in  this  part  of  the  correspondence,  which  often  is 
formal,  and  sometimes  a  little  harsh  in  its  tone,  it  should  be 
borne  in  mind  that  Arnold  was  all  the  time  secretly  and  assidu- 
ously writing  to  the  Commander-in-chief,  not  only  protesting  his 
innocence,  but  imputing  sinister  motives  and  policy  to  his  dis- 
tant accusers.  When  it  suited  his  purposes  of  defamation,  Ar- 
nold described  the  President  as  a  degraded  man,  unsustained  by 
public  sentiment,  and  solitary  in  his  persecutions.  When  ano- 
ther exigency  presented  itself,  Mr.  Reed's  influence  was  exag- 
gerated, and  he  was  described  as  the  master  of  Congress,  as 
well  as  of  the  State.  "  Mr.  Reed,"  said  Arnold,  in  a  letter  to 
Washington,  "  has  by  his  address  kept  the  affair  in  suspense 
for  two  months,  and  at  last  obtained  the  Resolution  of  Congress 


COURT  MARTIAL  ON  ARNOLD.  89 

directing  the  Court  Martial."  All  these  letters,  unknown  at 
the  time,  have  since  been  published,  and  account  for  much 
that  unexplained  was  calculated  to  excite  unpleasant  feel- 
ing in  the  minds  even  of  the  least  tenacious.*  All  this  time 
it  must  be  remembered  no  suspicion  of  Arnold's  deeper  crime 
was  harboured.  The  Executive  Council  seem  to  have  been 
determined  that  no  technical  artifice  should  place  them  in  a 
false  or  even  doubtful  position,  or  draw  them  down  from  the 
platform  of  state  authority  to  the  level  of  an  informer  or  common 
prosecutor.  They  resolutely  maintained  their  position,  and 
though,  as  will  be  seen,  on  the  verge  occasionally  of  unpleasant 
conflict  with  the  Commander-in-chief,  they  persevered  to  the 
end,  and  had  reason  to  be  fully  content  with  the  result.  It 
should  be  added,  and  it  will  be  very  apparent  in  the  private 
correspondence,  that  there  was  at  no  time  any  abatement  of 
personal  friendliness  arising  out  of  this  official  discussion. 

The  affairs  of  the  frontiers,  as  will  be  seen,  continued  pain- 
fully to  occupy  attention.  The  arm  of  the  Nation  was  at  last 
raised,  and  then,  and  not  till  then,  was  the  restless  spirit  of 
the  savages  effectually  crushed. 


PRESIDENT  REED  TO  WASHINGTON. 

In  Council,  Philadelphia,  April  24,  1779. 
Sir, 

Your  Excellency's  letter  of  the  20lh  instant  has  been  laid  before  the 
Board,  informing  us  that  a  Court  Martial  will  be  held  at  Camp  on  the  1st 
of  May  next  for  the  trial  of  General  Arnold  on  the  tirst,  second,  third,  and 
fifth  charges  exhibited  against  him  by  this  Board! 

We  apprehend  there  must  have  been  some  mistake  in  the  mode  of  trans- 
mitting this  business  to  your  Excellency,  as  we  never  exhibited  any  other 
charge  against  General  Arnold  to  Congress  than  that  of  appropriating  the 
public  wagons  of  the  State  to  private  uses;  and  that  only  that  he  may  re- 
main to  answer.  Nor  do  we  think  it  by  any  meuns  consistent  with  the  duty 
we  owe  the  State,  to  be  considered  in  the  light  of  parties,  as  thereby  we 
may  establish  a  principle  under  which  we  must  submit  silently  to  injuries 

*  Appendix  to  Volume  vi.  of  Sparks'  Washington.  During  nearly  the  whole 
lime  over  which  this  extends,  Arnold  was  busily  engaged  in  his  treasonable  cor- 
respondence with  Sir  Henry  Clinton. 


90  Arnold's  trial. 

and  insults,  or  follow  military  courts  into  any  part  of  the  country,  wherever 
the  service  may  require  the  army  to  be. 

The  light  in  which  we  have  ever  considered  ourselves,  and  which  we 
could  wish  to  be  considered  by  your  Excellency,  is  as  a  public  body,  the 
representation  of  the  freemen  of  Pennsylvania,  expressing-  our  opinion  of 
General  Arnold's  conduct,  founded  on  facts  disclosed  to  us,  and  arising  from 
our  own  knowledge,  asking  nothing  of  Congress,  but  that  he  should  not  con- 
tinue to  command  in  this  State.  The  history  of  this  country  affords  many 
instances  of  this  proceeding  in  the  cases  of  oppressive  governors;  and  it  is 
a  riglit  which  we  hold  ourselves,  independent  of,  and  unaccountable  to,  any 
other  power.  No  one  doubt;^  the  right  of  a  public  body  to  praise,  and  this 
shows  strongly  they  have  a  power  to  censure,  it  only  operating  as  an  opinion, 
unaccompanied  with  any  punishment.  In  the  present  instance.  General 
Arnold  refused  to  give  any  explanation  of  his  conduct,  though  civilly  re- 
quested ;  or  ever  offered  to  disprove  the  facts  alleged  ;  of  course  we  were 
obliged  to  exercise  our  judgments  upon  the  evidence  and  proofs  we  had. 
We  perfectly  approve  the  trial,  at  the  same  time  being  of  opinion  that 
General  Arnold's  conduct  deserves  some  military  reprehension,  and  we 
doubt  not  the  officers  of  the  army  will  impartially  weigh  the  duty  they  owe 
the  country,  as  well  as  the  person  charged,  and  if  the  facts  are  proved,  let 
the  palliating  circumstances,  if  there  be  any,  operate  in  the  sentence,  not  on 
the  nature  of  the  transaction.  Such  is  the  dependence  of  the  army  upon 
the  transportation  of  this  state;  and  such  the  feelings  of  the  people  upon 
this  sort  of  duty,  that  should  the  Court  treat  it  as  a  light  and  trivial  matter, 
and  found  an  opinion  upon  any  other  ground  than  the  innocence  of  the 
charge,  we  fear  it  will  not  be  practicable  to  draw  forth  wagons  in  future,  be 
the  emergency  what  it  may,  and  will  have  very  bad  consequences. 

We  could  have  wished  your  Excellency  had  appointed  a  later  day,  or 
we  could  have  had  earlier  notice.  Your  letter  is  dated  the  20th  instant, 
and  was  not  received  till  the  22d,  and  considering  the  distance  of  some  of 
the  witnesses,  we  fear  it  will  not  be  possible  to  give  them  notice,  much  less 
to  procure  their  attendance,  and,  we  presume,  no  ex  parte  testimony  ought 
to  be  received  by  the  Court.  Our  view  of  the  matter  was,  and  it  was  so 
considered  by  the  joint  committees,  that  we  should  transmit  the  papers  to 
your  Excellency,  and  inform  you  of  the  names  of  the  witnesses  to  prove  the 
several  points  ;  that  then  your  Excellency,  either  by  your  own  authority  or 
that  of  Congress,  would  have  procured  the  attendance  of  the  witnesses,  who 
are  two  officers  of  Congress  not  in  any  respect  under  our  control,  of  which 
we  informed  Congress,  requesting  they  might  not  proceed  to  Carolina  till 
their  testimony  could  be  had.  No  notice  was  taken  of  it,  and  they  set  off 
about  a  week  ago,  and,  as  we  have  reason  to  think,  with  a  view  to  be  absent 
till  the  trial  is  over.  Colonel  Fitzgerald,  who  is  also  a  material  witness, 
we  suppose  is  in  Virginia. 

As  substantial  justice,  not  a  mere  formality,  will  be  undoubtedly  your 
Excellency's  object  on  this  occasion,  we  submit  to  your  Excellency's  judg- 


DEFENCE  OF  THE  FRONTIERS.  91 

ment  whether  a  competent  lime  for  the  attendance  of  the  witnesses,  at  least 
who  are  within  reach,  and  the  adjustment  of  some  previous  points,  will  not 
make  a  further  day  necessary.  These  points  are,  at  whose  expense  and  by 
whose  procurement  are  the  witnesses  to  be  had ;  and  whether  the  service 
will  not  admit  of  the  setting  of  the  Court  at  some  nearer  place  than  Camp 
if  that  cannot  be,  we  must  rely  upon  your  Excellency  to  give  some  direc- 
tions for  the  accommodation  of  the  persons  who  may  attend  in  behalf  of 
the  prosecution.  As  the  idea  expressed  in  your  Excellency's  letter  does 
not  correspond  with  the  resolve  of  Congress  transmitted  to  us,  and  differs 
from  that  entertained  by  the  joint  Committee  of  Congress,  Council,  and 
Assembly,  in  which  it  was  expressly  declared,  that  this  Board  was  not  to  be 
considered  as  a  party,  we  trust  the  proceedings  in  the  business  will  con- 
form to  this  idea,  otherwise  besides  the  inconvenience  above  mentioned  we 
shall  be  liable  to  a  charge  of  inconsistency  not  well  founded. 

P.  S.  By  the  lime  this  will  reach  your  Excellency  there  will  remain  but 
three  days,  so  that  we  shall  be  glad  to  have  as  early  an  answer  as  possible, 
or  we  beg  leave  to  assure  you  that  no  other  delay  is  sought,  but  what  is 
necessary  to  proceed  to  business  with  effect. 


PRESIDENT  REED  TO  WASHINGTON. 

In  Council,  Philadelphia,  April  25th,  1779. 

I  am  to  thank  you  for  your  favour  of  the  19th  instant,  and  hope  the  state 
I  am  about  to  give  of  our  affairs  will  in  some  degree  answer  to  your 
Excellency's  satisfaction  the  most  important  parts  of  your  letter.  As  soon 
as  I  returned  to  Camp,  orders  were  issued  tor  calling  two  hundred  and  fifty 
militia  from  the  inner  counties  for  the  protection  of  Bedford  and  Westmore- 
land, those  counties  being  much  exposed  ;  at  that  time  little  expectations 
from  Fort  Hill  or  its  neighbourhood.  We  also  made  the  appointments  for 
the  corps  of  the  rangers,  which  at  its  full  complement  will  be  three  hundred 
and  eighty  men.  These  are  now  recruiting,  and  we  hope  with  considerable 
success,  but  we  cannot  flatter  ourselves  that  they  will  be  complete  by  the 
10th  of  May.  Nor,  from  the  forms  to  be  complied  with  in  the  militia  law, 
do  we  suppose  the  militia  are  more  than  prepared  to  march. 

If,  therefore,  as  is  mentioned  in  the  last  clause  of  your  Excellency's  letter, 
the  co-operation  of  the  troops  from  Fort  Hill  is  laid  aside,  perhaps  the 
assistance  intended  by  these  militia  to  Bedford  and  Westmoreland  may  be 
given  from  Fort  Hill,  and  the  militia  ordered  to  proceed  to  Sunbury  directly. 
By  these  means  a  body  of  men  may  be  had  in  season,  which  otherwise  we 
cannot  expect.  But  after  the  assurances  given  those  counties  of  protection 
from  the  militia,  we  fear  it  would  give  great  disgust  if  we  should  change 


92  INDIAN  DEPREDATIONS- 

their  destination  without  supplying  their  places.  I  mentioned  in  a  former 
letter  that  the  inhabitants  of  Northumberland  had  raised  three  companies 
at  their  own  expense  of  thirty-five  men  each,  which  I  suppose  will  be  ready 
by  the  time  proposed.  The  law  does  not  allow  the  keeping  the  militia  out 
longer  than  two  months  at  one  time,  nor  have  we  a  power  of  prolonging  it 
on  any  pretence  whatever.  As  to  bringing  their  arms,  it  will  generally  be 
impracticable;  we  must  endeavour  to  supply  them  in  some  way  or  other. 

Your  Excellency  must  recollect  that  in  1776  and  1777,  when  the  militia 
were  discharged,  their  arms  were  ordered  to  be  left ;  they  have  never  been 
replaced,  nor  have  the  people  had  an  opportunity  to  get  new  ones;  hence, 
whenever  the  militia  are  called  upon  tliere  is  a  general  and  real  deficiency 
which  we  are  endeavouring  to  supply  as  fast  as  possible.  But  unfortunately 
we  have  a  peculation,  that  of  carrying  off  the  arms  when  provided  by  the 
public,  circumstances  which  keep  us  very  needy,  and  are  attended  with 
many  bad  consequences.  I  should  mislead  your  Excellency  if  I  promised 
a  term  of  service  longer  than  two  months,  and  to  call  out  the  militia  of 
these  frontier  counties  at  this  time,  would  defeat  one  principal  benefit 
intended  them,  viz.,  the  giving  them  an  opportunity  to  sow  and  plant, 
without  which  they  must  leave  their  farms  for  want  of  bread,  be  the  issue 
of  the  expedition  ever  so  successful. 

We  perfectly  agree  with  your  Excellency  in  your  opinion  of  General 
Potter,  and  shall  most  cheerfully  put  the  Command  of  these  troops  into  his 
hands  from  every  motive  of  propriety  and  confidence. 

I  am  obliged  to  your  Excellency  for  your  communications  respecting 
flour.  We  have  lately  been  applied  to  from  Bermudas  on  the  same  account, 
but  we  are  very  unwilling  to  listen  to  their  applications  till  a  moral  certainty 
can  be  obtained  of  our  compliance  not  endangering  the  army. 

General  M'Intosh  is  arrived  in  town,  but  I  have  not  had  the  pleasure  of 
seeing  him,  except  once  in  the  street,  and  he  was  so  much  altered  that  I 
did  not  know  him  till  he  was  past.  We  have  been  at  a  very  great  expense 
in  sending  stores  of  all  kinds  up  to  Fort  Pitt,  and  as  that  part  of  the  plan  is 
altered,  which  seemed  to  require  a  collection  of  troops  there,  I  hope  they 
may  be  used  in  some  such  way  as  to  check  the  temporary  ravages  of  the 
Indians;  at  least  affording  Westmoreland  complete  protection. 

I  lately  received  the  letter,  of  which  the  enclosed  is  a  copy,  from  General 
Hand  ;  if  the  movement  takes  place  at  the  time  mentioned  in  your  Excel- 
lency's letter,  or  near  it,  our  apprehensions  for  Northumberland  will  be 
removed,  otherwise  I  fully  understood  that  his  detachment  would  be  so 
stationed  as  to  cover  Wyoming  and  that  country,  until  an  offensive  move- 
ment should  take  place,  which  was  expected  to  afford  the  most  effectual 
protection. 

No  Slate  has  suffered  so  much  upon  its  frontiers  as  this  has,  and  if  the 
depredations  continue  this  year,  the  present  interior  parts  will  be  the  frontier, 
and  as  we  bear  so  great  a  part  of  the  Continental  burthen,  both  in  men  and 
service,  your  Excellency  will  I  am  sure  think  with  us  that  we  are  entitled 


Arnold's  trial.  93 

to  a  proportionable  attention;  and  we  think  it  better  to  apprise  your  Excel- 
lency now,  than  that  any  dissatisfaction  should  appear  afterwards,  if  the 
Pennsylvania  troops  are  drawn  off  on  each  side,  especially  towards  New 
York,  which  does  so  little  for  itself,  and  the  interval  exposed.  This  is  a 
sentiment  not  drawn  from  us  by  any  doubt  of  an  equal  protection  being 
extended  as  times  and  circumstances  will  admit,  but  by  the  uneasiness 
expressed  this  spring.  Nor  have  we  the  least  idea  of  retaining  troops  as 
stationary,  unless  the  proposed  expedition  should  be  laid  aside,  or  some 
accident  occasion  a  division  of  the  troops  and  a  resuming  of  stations,  in 
which  case  we  rely  fully  upon  your  justice  and  judgment  to  dispose  them 
so  as  that  equal  benefit  may  result  to  all,  and  respect  be  had  to  the  abilities 
and  exertions  of  each  state  exposed.  Since  writing  the  above,  General 
M'lntosh  has  called  upon  me.  I  could  have  wished  to  have  had  a  longer 
conversation  with  him,  but  his  business  calls  him  out  of  town  very  soon.  I 
only  had  half  an  hour  of  his  company.  I  hope  he  will  be  able  to  give  your 
Excellency  a  satisfactory  state  of  things  in  that  quarter. 

WASHINGTON  TO  REED. 

Head.Quarters,  Middlebrook,  April  27,  1779. 

In  a  line  of  yesterday,  as  I  did  not  think  it  proper  to  detain  the  express, 
and  delay  the  notice  then  given,  till  I  could  prepare  a  more  explicit  answer, 
I  only  briefly  acknowledged  the  receipt  of  your  two  letters  in  Council  of  the 
24th  and  25th  instant,  to  which  I  should  have  added  that  of  the  26th.  I  am 
now  to  enter  into  a  consideration  of  their  contents,  and  to  offer  such  par- 
ticular explanations  as  may  seem  necessary  to  satisfy  any  doubts  which  the 
honourable  the  Council  may  entertain  on  the  subjects  they  respectively 
discuss. 

The  first  relates  wholly  to  the  trial  of  Major-General  Arnold.  It  is  with 
concern  I  observe,  that  the  Council  appear  to  have  misconceived  the  inten- 
tion of  the  notifications  contained  in  my  letter  of  the  20th,  and  to  imagine 
that  I  had  taken  up  the  matter  in  a  different  point  of  view  from  that  in 
which  it  is  considered  by  Congress  and  by  themselves,  placing  them  in  the 
light  of  a  party  in  the  prosecution.  I  flatter  myself  that,  on  a  revisal  of  my 
letter  and  of  the  resolve  of  Congress  on  which  it  is  founded,  this  opinion  will 
be  readily  retracted.  The  resolve,  of  which  the  enclosed  is  a  copy,  directs  me 
to  appoint "  a  court  martial  for  the  trial  of  General  Arnold,  on  the  first,  second, 
third,  and  fifth  articles  contained  in  the  Resolves  of  the  Executive  Council  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  to  notify  them  of  it,  with  a  request  that  they  would  furnish 
the  evidence  to  the  court."  My  letter  was  intended  as  a  simple  compliance 
with  this  order,  and  accordingly  informs  them  that  I  had  directed  a  court  to 
be  held  at  this  camp  on  the  1st  of  May  next,  for  the  trial  of  Major-General 
Arnold  on  the  first,  second,  third,  and  fifth  charges  exhibited  against  him 
by  the  Council,  requesting  that  they  would  be  pleased  to  furnish  the  Court 


94  Washington's  letter. 

at  the  appointed  lime  with  the  proper  evidence  in  support  of  the  charges. 
The  terms  of  tiiis  letter  were  such  as  in  common  speaking-  naturally  pre. 
sented  themselves  to  express  what  was  intended;  because  the  charges  there 
said  to  be  exhibited  by  the  Council,  though  in  their  present  form  they  are 
instituted  by  the  authority  of  Congress,  originated  in  the  resolves  of  the 
Council,  of  which  they  compose  a  part.  But  if  they  contain  any  ambiguity, 
or  seem  to  imply  more  than  those  of  the  resolve,  it  is  entirely  to  be  ascribed 
to  inadvertence,  and  to  a  want  of  precision.  It  will  easily  be  seen,  that 
they  could  not  be  meant  to  convey  the  idea  supposed,  when  it  is  recollected 
to  be  a  fundamental  maxim  in  our  military  trials,  that  the  judge-advocate 
prosecutes  in  the  name  and  in  behalf  of  the  United  States.  But  as  it  is 
customary  and  reasonable  for  those  who  exhibit  informations  on  which 
charges  are  founded,  to  produce  or  point  out  the  witnesses  necessary  to  sup- 
port them,  and  enable  public  justice  to  operate;  on  this  principle  I  presume 
Congress  directed  the  notification  which  has  been  made,  and  in  the  same 
spirit  was  my  intention  to  convey  it.  Further  than  this,  I  had  no  idea  of 
considering  the  Council  as  a  party. 

My  motives  for  appointing  the  trial  to  take  place  at  so  short  a  period  were 
these:  the  season  is  fast  advancing  when  we  shall  be  under  the  necessity 
of  taking  the  field;  and  as  it  is  at  most  times  very  inconvenient — in  the 
present  state  of  the  army  impracticable — to  spare  a  sufficient  number  of 
officers  of  high  rank  to  compose  a  court  at  a  distance  from  Camp,  and  almost 
equally  so  to  be  carrying  on  a  long  and  perhaps  complicated  trial  in  the 
midst  of  the  operations  of  a  campaign,  it  was  my  wish  to  bring  ii  on  at  once, 
in  hopes  it  might  be  concluded  before  they  began.  This  was  one  reason, 
and  to  me  a  weighty  one.  Another  was  that  General  Arnold  had  written 
to  me  in  a  very  pressing  manner,  requesting  the  trial  might  commence  as 
soon  as  possible.  Uninformed  of  the  particular  circumstances  which  might 
require  delay,  and  considering  it  as  my  duty  to  accelerate  the  execution  of 
justice,  as  well  to  the  public  in  case  of  real  guilt,  as  to  the  individual  if 
innocent,  I  could  have  no  objection  to  complying  with  his  request.  As  the 
affiiir  has  been  a  considerable  time  in  agitation,  I  took  it  for  granted  the 
Council  were  acquainted  with  the  order  of  Congress  for  appointing  a  court, 
I  concluded  the  witnesses  would  be  prepared,  and  that  little  time  was  neces- 
sary to  collect  them.  The  remoteness  of  the  persons  alluded  to  I  could  not 
foresee.  The  affair  of  the  two  officers  is  entirely  new  to  me ;  nor  did  it  ever 
occur  to  my  mind  as  probable,  that  the  two  gentlemen,  whom  I  conjecture 
to  be  hinted  at,  were  intended  to  be  summoned  as  witnesses  on  the  side  of 
the  prosecution, 

I  can  assure  the  Council,  with  the  greatest  truth,  that  "substantial  justice, 
not  a  mere  formality,  will  undoubtedly  be  my  object  on  this  occasion."  I 
shall  endeavour  to  act,  and  I  wish  to  be  considered  merely  as  a  public  exe- 
cutive officer,  alike  unbiassed  by  personal  favour  or  resentment,  and  having 
no  other  end  in  view  than  a  faithful,  ingenuous  discharge  of  his  duty.  To 
obviate  the  remotest  appearance  of  a  different  disposition,  as  well  as  to  give 


DEFENCE  OF  THE  FRONTIERS.  95 

the  freest  operation  to  truth,  I  have  determined  to  defer  the  trial  till  the  1st 
of  June,  if  it  is  thought  the  most  material  witnesses  can  be  produced  by  that 
time;  or  till  the  1st  of  July,  if  it  is  deemed  necessary  to  await  the  arrival  of 
the  two  officers  from  Carolina. 

I  am  therefore  to  request  of  the  Council  information  on  this  head,  and 
that  they  will  be  pleased  to  point  out  without  delay  the  persons  who  are  to 
be  called  as  witnesses  in  the  affair.  Where  my  authority  will  produce  their 
attendance,  it  is  my  duty  to  exercise  it;  where  1  have  no  right  to  order,  I 
can  only  request;  but  where  any  citizens  of  the  state  of  Pennsylvania  are 
concerned,  I  doubt  not  the  Council  will  employ  its  influence  and  authority 
to  induce  their  appearance. 

As  to  the  officers  who  n)ay  compose  the  court  martial,  I  trust  the  respec- 
tability of  their  characters  will  put  their  honour  and  impartiality  out  of  the 
reach  of  suspicion.  The  expense  of  witnesses,  as  the  prosecution  is  in  be- 
half of  the  United  States,  I  take  it  for  granted  will  be  borne  by  them. 
Whether  it  will  be  possible  for  the  court  to  sit  at  or  near  Philadelphia,  de- 
pends upon  circumstances  which  cannot  now  be  foreseen:  at  this  time  it 
could  not  by  any  means  be  done;  if  it  can  be  done  hereafter  without  any 
prejudice  to  the  service,  it  will  be  very  agreeable  to  me.  The  mode  of  con- 
ducting the  trial  will  be  strictly  conformable  to  the  orders  of  Congress  and  to 
the  sentiments  I  have  now  expressed;  and  I  hope  will  not  be  thought  in  any 
degree  to  deviate  from  the  respect  due  to  the  Council. 

It  gives  me  much  pain  to  find  by  your  letter  of  the  26tli,  that  there  is  not 
a  better  prospect  of  aid  from  the  militia  of  your  state  in  the  intended  Indian 
expedition.  The  drawing  out  the  militia  into  service  will  no  doubt  interfere 
with  the  culture  of  the  lands,  and  it  were  to  be  wished  that  it  could  be 
avoided.  But  the  reduced  state  of  our  regiments  and  the  little  apparent 
probability  of  augmenting  them  will  not  allow  me  to  prosecute  a  vigorous 
offensive  operation  to  the  westward,  wholly  with  Continental  troops,  without 
weakening  the  main  army  so  much  as  to  put  everything  to  hazard  this 
way.  Influenced  by  considerations  of  this  nature,  I  applied  to  your  state 
for  six  hundred  men;  to  New  York  for  an  undeterminate  number,  which 
has  voted  one  thousand  to  be  employed  on  the  frontier  also;  and  to  New 
Jersey  to  replace  as  far  as  was  thought  proper  the  Continental  troops  now 
stationed  on  the  coast  which  will  of  necessity  be  withdrawn.  If  these  ap- 
plications have  not  the  desired  effect,  bad  as  the  consequences  may  be,  I 
can  only  wish  what  I  am  unable  to  accomplish,  and  regret  that  it  is  not  in 
my  power  to  prevent. 

Notwithstanding  the  cautious  terms  in  which  the  idea  is  conveyed,  I  beg 
leave  to  express  my  sensibility  to  the  suggestion  contained,  not  only  in  your 
letter  of  the  25th,  but  in  a  former  one,  that  the  frontier  of  Pennsylvania  is 
left  unguarded  and  exposed,  while  that  of  some  other  states  is  covered  and 
protected.  Nor  can  I  be  less  affected  by  the  manner  of  the  application  for 
stationary  troops,  in  case  the  proposed  expedition  should  be  laid  aside,  an 
event  which  J  could  hardly  have  thought  supposable.     I  am  not  conscious 


96  DEFENCE  OF  THE  FRONTIERS. 

of  the  least  partiality  to  one  state  or  neglect  of  another.  If  any  one  has 
cause  to  complain  of  the  latter  it  is  Virginia,  whose  wide  extended  frontier 
has  had  no  cover  but  from  troops  more  immediately  beneficial  to  the  south- 
western part  of  Pennsylvania,  which  besides  this  has  had  its  northern 
frontier  covered  by  Spencer's,  Pulaski's,  and  Armand's  corps ;  its  middle 
by  Hartley's  and  some  independent  companies.  That  these  troops  were 
unequal  to  the  task  is  not  to  be  denied,  nor  that  a  greater  number  was  sent 
at  the  close  of  last  campaign  to  the  western  frontier  of  New  York.  But, 
for  the  former  the  scantiness  of  our  means  is  sufficient  reason.  If  the 
abilities  and  resources  of  the  states  cannot  furnish  a  more  competent  force, 
assailable  as  we  are  on  all  sides,  they  will  surely  be  more  just  than  to  expect 
from  the  army  protection  at  every  point.  As  to  the  latter,  those  troops  were 
not  sent  to  be  stationary.  The  repeated  accounts  transmitted  by  Congress 
and  received  from  other  quarters  of  the  ravages  actually  committed,  and  the 
still  greater  ones  threatened  on  the  western  frontier  of  that  state,  occasioned 
so  considerable  a  detachment  with  a  view  to  some  offensive  operations  in 
the  winter.  But  these  through  unforeseen  impediments  we  were  obliged 
to  lay  aside.  All  these  troops,  except  the  garrison  of  Fort  Schuyler,  are 
now  destined  for  the  Indian  expedition,  and  are  preparing  for  it. 

I  have  been  thus  particular  from  a  scrupulous  desire  to  show  that  no  part 
of  my  conduct  indicates  a  predilection  to  one  state  more  than  to  another ;  but 
that,  as  far  as  the  means  in  my  hands  will  extend,  I  aim  equally  at  the 
security  and  welfare  of  all.  This  is  only  to  be  obtained  by  rigorous  exer- 
tions, and  in  the  present  case  these  must  depend  on  the  aid  which  the  states 
most  interested  will  give.     With  great  esteem  and  respect,  I  am,  sir,  &c. 


PRESIDENT  REED  TO  WASHINGTON. 

Philadelphia,  May  1,  1779. 

I  received  your  favour  of  the  27th  April  this  afternoon,  and  the  Council 
having  adjourned  to  Monday,  when  it  will  be  laid  before  them  and  an  official 
answer  given,  I  could  not  rest  satisfied  without  immediately  in  a  private 
way  endeavouring  to  remove  some  of  those  impressions  which  seem  to  have 
been  made  from  a  misconception  of  our  last,  different  from  what  I  am  con- 
fident was  intended.  It  would  be  too  tedious  and  irksome  to  trouble  you 
with  a  repetition  of  the  coniplaints  which  have  poured  in  upon  us  from  the 
frontiers  ever  since  the  Indians  have  begun  their  depredations:  our  letters 
from  thence  are  full  of  them,  with  pathetic  apprehensions  that  they  are 
neglected  by  government.  We  have  endeavoured  to  remove  them,  and 
have  at  all  times  held  forth  assurances  and  endeavoured  to  convince  them 
that  all  attention  was  paid  to  them  consistent  with  the  general  safety,  but 
your  Excellency  must  know  from  experience  how  difficult  it  is  to  draw  the 
eyes  of  people  from  their  own  immediate  danger  to  distant  and  general 


DEFENCE  OF  THE  FRONTIEF^S. 


97 


objects.  As  you  generally  read  the  newspapers,  you  will  see  in  one  of  the 
24th  ultimo,  some  very  strong-  insinuations  and  very  unjust  ones;  but  I 
only  mention  these  as  a  specimen  of  what  we  have  had  laid  before  us.  I 
wrote  the  piece  signed  the  "  Pennsylvanian"  on  the  29th,  and  it  is  the  first 
anonymous  piece  I  have  wrote  in  the  newspapers  since  the  1st  December 
last.*  When  we  therefore  addressed  your  Excellency,  I  am  confident 
nothing  further  was  intended  than  to  disclose  the  anxiety  and  sentiments  of 
those  people,  that  being  apprised  of  them  they  might  be  counteracted  and 
removed  as  much  as  possible.  When  all  the  Continental  troops,  except 
Hartley's  small  regiment,  were  last  year  drawn  off  on  one  side  to  carry  on 
the  expedition  against  Fort  Pitt,  and  on  the  other  to  the  Mohawk  River,  by 
which  the  extended  frontier  of  Pennsylvania  was  necessarily  exposed,  though 
a  procedure  sufficiently  justified  to  all  acquainted  with  real  circumstances 
and  intentions,  yet  I  think  your  Excellency  will  be  of  opinion  with  me  that 
to  those  unacquainted  with  these  circumstances  it  had  an  appearance  of 
hardship;  and  it  left  an  unfavourable  effect  which  we  have  steadily  en- 
deavoured to  remove,  as  all  our  letters  will  demonstrate  ;  and  knowing  the 
candour  with  which  you  receive  all  kinds  of  information,  we  thought  it 
would  be  more  agreeable  and  useful  to  mention  it,  in  a  private  letter,  than 
that  any  of  this  spirit  should  appear  in  public.  If  we  have  judged  wrong 
and  given  you  a  moment's  pain,  I  do  assure  you  it  will  give  us  lasting 
concern,  as  I  am  authorized  to  say  that  it  is  impossible  for  any  human  being 
to  possess  more  entirely  the  confidence  of  a  public  body  than  you  do  of  ours, 
both  Council  and  Assembly.  I  have  endeavoured  to  learn  the  author  of  the 
piece  alluded  to  above,  but  without  success  farther  than  that  it  was  trans- 
mitted from  the  frontiers  to  the  press.  My  own  sentiments  so  far  as  they 
have  any  influence  are  fully  contained  in  the  answer,  and  as  I  have  in  this 
instance  broke  through  a  rule  I  had  laid  down  of  not  writing  in  the  papers, 
I  shall  counteract  in  the  same  manner  any  future  publications. 

I  enclose  you  copies  of  two  letters  received  this  day  ; — we  receive  the 
like  every  week,  only  many  of  them  contain  freer  sentiments  than  Colonel 
Hunter's,  who,  being  a  great  partisan  of  the  present  government,  sees  our  con- 
duct through  a  favourable  medium.  With  this  explanation,  therefore,  I  hope 
our  letter  will  be  taken,  as  giving  information  and  expressing  our  desires, 
not  intimating  doubts  or  distrusts,  which  we  do  not  harbour.  Though  we 
cannot  help  causeless  complaints,  we  should  wish  to  give  as  little  colour  to 
them  as  possible. 

I  believe  the  train  in  which  General  Arnold's  afl^air  is  put,  will  be  quite 
acceptable,  and  Colonel  Fitzgerald  having  accidentally  come  to  town,  since 
our  letter,  we  shall  by  that  means  save  considerable  time.  One  of  the  gen- 
tlemen gone  to  Carolina  having  wrote  a  letter  at  Darby,  to  General  Arnold, 
which  the  messenger  lost  on  the  road,  it  was  brought  to  me  open ;  from  this 
it  appears  to  me  very  probable  that  they  are  designedly  absent,  and  if  so,  it 

*  Pennsylvania  Packet,  April  29,  1779. 
VOL.  11.  7 


98  TE.IAL  OF  ARNOLD. 

will  be  vain  to  delay  on  tlieir  account,  as  it  is  not  likely  they  would  obey 
any  summons  within  a  reasonable  lime.  Having  informed  Congress  pre- 
viously to  their  departure,  and  requested  they  might  be  detained  for  exami- 
nation, we  have  done  all  in  our  power ;  if  the  trial  cannot  be  completed 
without  their  testimony,  it  is  probable  the  court  may  adjourn  it.  We  have 
nothing  in  view,  but  public  justice.  But  there  appears  such  a  connexion 
between  their  knowledge  of  sundry  facts,  and  the  testimony  we  are  possessed 
of,  that  I  doubt  whether  their  attendance  will  not  be  found  necessary  in  the 
sequel.  The  proposition  of  the  court  martial  came  from  us,  by  which  we 
gave  the  fullest  proof  of  our  confidence  in  the  gentlemen  of  the  army.  We 
were  desirous  that  all  the  points  might  go  to  that  tribunal,  but  Congress 
thought  otherwise,  and  selected  such  as  they  thought  proper.  —  —  — 
If  there  are  officers  enough  without,  it  would  be  most  satisfactory  to  avoid  a 
single  character  thus  circumstanced.  As  the  matter  now  stands,  I  think 
upon  three  weeks'  notice  at  any  time  of  the  precise  day  the  trial  may  be 
proceeded  on. 

I  profess  I  am  at  a  loss  how  we  shall  proceed  when  the  witnesses  are  un- 
willing to  attend.  Congress  have  declined  exercising  any  compulsory 
power  over  their  officers  on  the  occasion  ;  and  there  is  no  process  of  civil 
law,  to  compel  an  attendance  on  a  military  court,  and  especially'out  of  the 
State,  nor  is  there  any  power  to  oblige  a  witness  to  submit  to  examination 
out  of  Court.  However,  I  do  not  know  that  further  time  will  remedy  these 
evils,  so  that  we  must  proceed  under  them.  The  trial  here,  or  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  this  city,  would  have  obviated  them  in  a  degree  ;  but  that  I  am 
persuaded  would  be  incompatible  with  the  public  service,  and  is  not  to  be 
desired  or  expected.  Some  persons  here  have  affected  to  treat  the  using 
public  wagons,  for  private  uses,  as  a  trifling  and  inconsiderable  matter ; — 
lest  the  same  idea  might  be  propagated  at  Camp,  we  thought  it  necessary  to 
mention,  that  it  is  thought  of  high  consequence  in  this  State,  and  that  a 
contrary  sentiment,  inadvertently,  and  hastily  adopted,  would  be  attended  with 
very  injurious  consequences  to  the  public.  I  believe  nothing  further  was 
meant. 

I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  your  sentiments  as  to  the  people  of  Ber- 
mudas ;  they  have  settled  mine,  which  I  acknowledge  were  fluctuating 
between  the  hardships  of  refusal,  and  the  danger  of  concession.  What  you 
have  suggested  appears  to  me  quite  decisive  and  unanswerable.  Since  my 
last,  there  have  been  three  more  applications  of  the  like  kind  from  the  same 
quarter.  Our  coasts  are  now  pretty  clear,  and  vessels  arriving,  but,  I  am 
sorry  to  say,  with' little  effect  on  prices.  All  is  at  a  stand,  no  buyers ;  a  few 
more  arrivals  or  captures  by  the  enemy,  will  turn  the  scale  either  way. 
The  disputes  about  our  Commissioners  abroad,  have  taken  up  much  of  the 
time  of  Congress,  which  many  think  might  have  been  more  usefully  spent, 
in  devising  ways  and  means  to  restore  public  credit.  There  was  a  question 
to  call  them  all  home,  and  send  out  a  new  set ;  then  it  was  divided,  and  they 
were  taken  singly.     Dr.  Franklin  was  confirmed,  by  a  very  small  majority 


Washington's  lettek.  99 

of  those  who  dislike  Mr.  Deane.     The  fate  of  the  others  is  not  yet  known. 
No  authentic  accounts  from  Carolina,  though  there  are  many  reports. 

P.  S.  The  proposition  of  offering  a  reward  for  Indian  prisoners,  and  a  less 
one  for  scalps  of  Indians  only  is  revived.  We  shall  do  nothing  in  it  without 
your  advice.     I  fear  we  shall  be  forced  into  it  whether  we  like  it  or  not. 


WASHINGTON  TO  PRESIDENT  REED. 

Head-Quarters,  Middlebrook,  May  8th,  1779. 

I  have  delayed  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  your  favour  of  the  1st,  in 
expectation  that  it  would  soon  be  followed  by  an  official  one  which  would 
enable  me  to  take  final  measures  on  the  subject  of  the  trial. 

The  explanation  with  which  you  have  obliged  me  gives  me  pleasure  in 
the  same  proportion  as  the  disagreeable  inferences  I  had  drawn  gave  me 
pain.  It  wounds  me  sensibly  to  see  appearances  of  distrust  of  my  equal 
attention  to  the  security  and  welfare  of  the  different  States;  and  my  ardent 
desire  to  cultivate  mutual  confidence  and  harmony  with  every  one  will 
always  make  me  glad  to  find  any  apprehensions  I  may  entertain  on  this 
delicate  object  unfounded. 

1  am  also  happy  to  find  it  your  opinion  that  the  footing  on  which  General 
Arnold's  trial  is  now  put  will  be  agreeable.  If  the  Council  think  the  needful 
testimony  can  be  ready  by  the  1st  of  June,  it  will  come  on  then.  As  I  do 
not  hear  from  them,  and  time  is  slipping  away  fast,  I  enclose  a  letter  to 
General  Arnold,  fixing  the  trial  at  that  day  week  ;  you  will  be  pleased  to 
have  it  delivered  to  him  in  case  it  corresponds  with  the  sense  of  the  Council; 
otherwise  it  is  to  be  returned  to  me,  but  at  all  events  I  beg  you  will  press 
a  decision,  as  General  Arnold  has  again  signified  his  anxious  desire  to  me 
that  the  trial  may  be  brought  on,  as  the  sooner  it  is,  the  more  convenient  it 
will  be  to  our  military  arrangements. 

Speaking  of  witnesses,  you  say  Congress  have  declined  exercising  any 
compulsory  power  over  their  officers  on  the  occasion ;  where  any  person  in 
the  military  line  is  summoned,  as  I  mentioned  in  my  letter  to  the  Council, 
it  is  my  duty  to  order  their  attendance,  which  I  shall  of  course  do.  With 
respect  to  these,  therefore,  the  interposition  of  Congress  would  be  unneces- 
sary. 


100  PRESIDENT  reed's  LETTER. 


PRESIDENT  REED  TO  WASHINGTON. 

In  Council,  Philadelphia,  May  8th,  1779. 
Your  favour  of  the  27th  ultimo  has  been  considered  by  us  with  that  atten- 
tion and  respect  justly  due  to  it;  and  we  are  extremely  sorry  to  find  that 
the  expressions  of  solicitude  for  the  safely  of  our  distressed  inhabitants  on 
the  frontiers  and  our  anxiety  to  prevent  future  calamities  should  have  given 
you  pain.  We  hoped  we  had  expressed  ourselves  with  so  much  caution  on 
this  occasion  that  every  unacceptable  idea  would  have  been  fully  excluded. 
Be  assured,  sir,  our  intentions  were  only  to  convey  to  you  the  sense  of  the 
people  in  those  afflicted  counties,  presuming  it  would  be  much  more 
agreeable  to  receive  it  in  this  way  than  from  newspapers,  formal  applica- 
tions, or  painful  remonstrances.  And  we  did  it  the  more  readily,  as  we  ever 
understood  it  to  be  a^  distinguishing  part  of  your  Excellency's  character  to 
seek  for  every  sort  of  information,  and  more  especially  that  which  might 
prevent  evils  and  guard  against  dissatisfaction,  whether  well  or  ill  founded. 
If  the  manner  of  doing  it  did  not  correspond  with  our  intention,  we  would 
wish  you  to  ascribe  it  to  any  other  cause  than  a  diminution  of  that  confi- 
dence and  attachment  of  which  we  have  given  professions,  not  less  sincere 
than  they  were  public.  And  retaining  still  the  same  opinion  of  your 
Excellency's  candour  and  judgment,  we  submit  it  whether  the  expectations 
of  a  state  for  security  and  protection  are  not  mutually  limited  or  extended 
according  to  its  own  exertions  and  the  force  it  furnished  to  the  common 
cause.  If  its  supplies  of  men  and  other  military  means  are  ample,  and  the 
burden  heavy,  expectations  will  rise  proportionately.  If  we  are  to  judge 
of  the  contingent  furnished  to  the  Continental  army  from  this  state  by  the 
applications  made  to  us  to  partake  of  the  bounties  and  indulgences  lately 
given  by  this  State  to  the  troops,  we  must  hold  a  respectable  place  in  the 
military  line.  We  have  twelve  regiments  including  artillery  in  the  line, 
equally  filled  with  any  other  state,  and  much  superior  to  some.  We  have 
a  greater  proportion  raised  for  the  war,  (as  we  are  informed,)  than  any 
other  ;  besides  this,  a  regiment  of  horse,  the  invalid  corps,  or  at  least  two- 
thirds  of  it,  the  provost  corps,  and  the  half  of  the  German  battalion,  all  have 
put  in  their  claims,  making  in  the  whole  a  very  considerable  body.  We 
do  not  say  anything  of  the  artificers,  manufacturers,  &c.,  or  the  transporta- 
tion afforded  by  this  state,  though  forming  a  very  considerable  part  of  the 
public  burdens,  and  being  the  principal  dependence  of  the  army,  they 
naturally  give  the  people  of  the  State  a  sense  of  their  importance,  and 
would,  (if  the  occasion  should  happen,)  make  them  feel  very  sensibly  any 
hardships  which  might  arise  from  an  unequal  distribution  of  protection. 
That  we  have  been  by  far  the  greatest  sufferers  on  the  frontiers,  have  had 


STATE  OF  THE  FRONTIERS.  101 

more  people  killed,  and  more  country  desolated,  we  presume  cannot  be 
doubted. 

If  Virginia  and  the  other  States  have  suffered  by  the  ravages  of  the 
Indians  in  any  proportion  to  this  state,  the  particulars  have  never  reached 
us,  and  as  the  idea  of  our  receiving  any  protection  from  Armand's  and 
Pulaski's  corps  must  have  arisen  from  some  misapprehension  or  mistake, 
we  beg  leave  to  assure  your  Excellency  that  we  never  derived  the  least 
benefit  from  them,  but  on  the  other  hand,  are  still  smarting  under  their 
abuse  and  desolation,  the  complaints  of  which  were  suppressed,  and  com- 
plainants persuaded  to  bear  with  patience  their  losses  and  sufferings. 

We  apprehend  that  were  the  affairs  of  the  frontiers  of  Pennsylvania  more 
fully  known  to  your  Excellency,  it  would  in  some  degree  remove  the  idea 
of  our  southwestern  or  northern  frontier  having  been  so  effectually  covered; 
the  waste  of  country  and  evacuation  of  large  and  flourishing  settlements, 
whose  inhabitants,  as  General  M'Intosh  and  others  assure  us,  are  going 
down  the  Ohio  daily  to  settle  elsewhere,  give  but  too  melancholy  a  proof  of 
their  exposed  and  dangerous  situation,  and  that  they  think  their  new  settle- 
ments afford  a  better  prospect  of  safety.  But  as  discussions  of  this  nature 
seem  to  give  pain  where  we  would  always  wish  to  excite  contrary  sensations, 
we  shall  avoid  them  in  future,  and  endeavour  to  remove  from  the  minds  of 
the  sufferers  any  doubts  and  apprehensions,  which  being  the  natural  effects 
of  ruin  and  distress,  will  claim  our  pity,  however  groundless  at  this  distance 
they  may  appear. 

We  heartily  wish  success  to  the  proposed  expedition,  and  shall  do  every 
thing  in  our  power  to  promote  it.  It  is  our  interest  so  to  do,  for  if  it  should 
terminate  as  the  one  last  year  did  from  Fort  Pitt,  our  western  country  will  be 
in  a  most  deplorable  situation,  and  the  State  little  short  of  ruin.  When  we 
therefore  suggested  an  idea  that  it  might  be  laid  aside,  we  did  not  suppose 
that  it  would  be  so:  but  regarding  the  possibility  of  such  an  event,  from  the 
difficulty  of  combining  all  the  circumstances  necessary  to  its  progress  and 
success,  we  thought  it  our  duty  to  lay  our  expectations  and  wishes  before 
you,  that  we  might  avoid  any  complaint  in  future  from  the  inhabitants  of 
that  country.  And  we  shall  esteem  ourselves  peculiarly  unfortunate  if  the 
mode  of  doing  it,  should,  in  any  degree,  have  counteracted  our  own  wishe 
and  intentions. 

We  have  kept  from  public  view  most  of  the  accounts  we  have  received, 
but  that  your  Excellency  may  form  a  more  just  judgment  of  our  situation, 
we  have  selected  a  few  from  men  of  the  most  note  in  the  country,  which  have 
just  come  to  hand.  When  you  have  considered  them,  and  also  that  we  have 
a  discontented  party  in  the  State,  seeking  every  occasion  to  disparage  the 
Government,  we  flatter  ourselves  you  will  allow  for  our  feelings  and  anx- 
ieties. To  us  the  inhabitants  look  in  the  first  instance,  and  upon  us  the 
odium  and  blame  will  fall,  if,  after  holding  out  hopes  of  safety  to  them,  they 
should  find  themselves  disappointed,  though  from  causes  unforeseen  and  un- 
avoidable. 


102  heed's  letter. 

Your  Excellency  has  observed  "  that  if  the  resources  of  the  States  cannot 
furnish  a  competent  force  for  complete  defence,  they  will  be  more  just  than 
to  expect  from  the  army  protection  in  every  point."  We  feel  the  justice  of 
the  remark,  but  our  expectations  go  no  farther  than  protection  in  proportion 
to  tiie  troops  furnished  by  the  State  to  the  army.  If  from  seeing  the  regi- 
ments of  Pennsylvania  drawn  oft"  on  both  sides,  and  forming  part  of  the 
protection  of  New  York  and  Virginia,  while  no  other  troops  from  any  other 
State  formed  a  part  of  ours,  an  undue  inference  has  been  drawn  of  our 
strength  and  numbers,  we  readily  admit  it  to  be  unjust  and  groundless,  for 
the  circumstances  alone  can,  by  no  means,  warrant  it ;  but  whatever  the  re- 
sources of  all  the  Slates,  collectively,  may  be,  each  will,  we  conceive,  ex- 
pect an  attention  individually  according  to  its  resources,  and  its  exer- 
tions. We  are  perfectly  satisfied  with  the  motives  which  have  induced 
your  Excellency  to  lay  aside  the  co-operation  of  the  troops  from  Fort  Pitt, 
nor  should  we  have  troubled  you  with  any  observations  thereupon,  if  it  had 
not  been  suggested  to  us  that  in  this  case  a  smaller  garrison  might  perhaps 
be  sufiicient  for  Fort  Pitt,  and  some  of  Brodhead's  people,  without  incon- 
venience, spared  to  Westmoreland,  so  as  to  make  the  militia  there  less  ne- 
cessary, but  as  you  seem  to  think  any  diminution  of  the  strength  at  that  post 
hazardous,  we  readily  acquiesce. 

The  transaction  respecting  General  Arnold  is  put  upon  a  footing  so  satis- 
factory to  us  that  we  regret  the  misconception,  which  seems  to  have  taken 
place,  of  our  ideas  upon  it.  It  is  apparent  to  us  that  your  Excellency  has 
not  understood  us.  We  think  there  is  a  material  difl^ereiice  between  a  pub- 
lic body  exhibiting  charges  against  a  man,  to  his  superior  officers  or 
authority,  and  expressing  their  sense  of  his  conduct,  and  assigning  their 
reasons  for  it.  In  the  first  case  they  virtually  offer  them  as  prosecutors  ap- 
peal to  some  tribunal,  and  claim  the  infliction  of  the  punishment  annexed 
by  civil  or  military  law  on  the  offences  charged.  In  the  other  case  they  give 
an  opinion  operating  only  as  the  world  shall  give  it  weight,  drawing  with  it 
no  military  or  civil  punishment.  In  this  last  view  we  acted  in  this  business, 
and  considering  ourselves  entitled  to  appear,  in  either  capacity,  it  was 
matter  of  concern  to  us  to  see  that  the  idea  which  was  carefully  excluded, 
as  we  thought,  from  the  resolution  of  Congress,  appeared  in  your  Excel- 
lency's letter,  that  a  trial  was  directed  on  the  second,  third,  and  fifth  charges 
exhibited  by  the  Council  against  him.  Our  wish  was  to  be  understood,  not 
as  having  exhibited  any  charges  to  Congress,  or  yourself,  against  bim,  ex- 
cept that  of  abusing  wagons,  and  that  only  that  he  might  remain  to  answer. 
And  tiiough  at  first  view  it  may  seem  a  refinement,  yet,  if  your  Excellency 
will  reflect  upon  the  consequences,  you  will  see  they  are  very  important. 
For  if,  by  a  public  body,  expressing  their  sense  of  an  officer's  conduct,  they 
are  to  be  considered  as  exhibiting  charges  against  him  to  superior  authority, 
it  will  follow,  that  they  become  his  prosecutors,  must  support  the  charges, 
attend  any  tribunal,  however  distant,  inconvenient,  or  prejudicial  to  other  pub- 
lic affairs  of  the  State,  or  subject  themselves  to  imputations  of  malice  or  wan- 


Arnold's  coukt  martial.  103 

tonness.  And  we  think  it  would  not  be  a  pleasing  sight  to  your  Excellency 
to  behold  the  Legislature  or  Executive  bodies  of  the  States,  following  the 
Camp,  under  all  its  inconveniences  and  dangers,  on  such  occasions.  If  mi- 
litary punishment  is  sought,  the  seekers  must  submit  to  the  inconveniences, 
whatever  they  are,  otherwise  injustice  may  be  done  the  individual.  But 
where  no  such  object  is  in  view,  but  the  public  judgment  appealed  to,  the 
individual  has  his  opportunity  of  vindicating  himself,  and  show  the  opinion 
formed  of  him  to  be  unjust.  There  has  been  scarcely  a  bad  governor  on 
the  Continent,  of  whom  the  public  bodies  have  not  expressed  such  opinions, 
and  yet  there  was  always  a  regular  tribunal  and  proper  authority,  where 
they  might  have  sought  redress. 

In  this  transaction,  though  a  remedy  for  public  abuses  was  our  object,  un- 
foreseen and  unexpected  difficulties  occurred,  until  we  got  it  put  into  your 
Excellency's  hands;  we  were  encouraged  by  that  circumstance,  and  are  now 
resolved  to  go  through  with  this  ;  but  are  inclined  to  believe  that  we  shall 
in  future  bear  our  part  patiently  of  the  consequences  of  any  evils  of  this 
kind  as  the  lesser  inconvenience  of  the  two.  In  the  present  case,  for  the 
sake  of  peace,  and  that  Congress  might  not  consume  more  days  (for  many 
were  spent  on  this  comparatively  trifling  business),  we  proposed  the  present 
trial,  and  are  content  to  be  considered  in  any  point  of  view  necessary  to 
bring  it  to  a  proper  issue.  When  we  speak  of  difficulties  or  obstructions, 
we  beg  you  to  believe  we  confine  our  views  entirely  to  this  City.  The  par- 
ties which  then  divided  the  State,  created  and  continued  them.  If  the  same 
transaction  was  to  happen  again,  different  measures,  we  think,  would  be 
pursued. 

The  President  has  communicated  to  us  that  he  has  received,  in  a  private 
letter,  a  notification  of  the  trial  for  the  1st  of  June,  which  is  quite  agreeable 
to  us,  and  the  letter  has  been  delivered  to  General  Arnold  accordingly. 

The  necessary  connexion  of  evidence  on  one  point  will  fail  by  the  absence 
of  Clarkson  and  Franks,  but  as  we  have  no  doubt  it  was  intentional,  we 
think  postponing  the  trial  on  that  account  would  be  of  no  effect,  as  they 
would  not  probably  return  to  these  parts  till  it  was  finished,  even  if  post- 
poned to  the  1st  of  July,  or  a  later  day.  We  shall  have  the  papers  got  in 
readiness,  with  such  other  preparation  as  may  be  necessary. 

We  do  not  expect  that  any  influence  or  authority  of  ours  will  induce  the 
appearance  of  those  from  this  State  whose  attendance  is  necessary.  We 
must  therefore  endeavour  to  supply  it  as  well  as  circumstances  will  admit- 
We  are  sorry  your  Excellency  should  suppose  we  had  suspicions  of  the 
honour  and  impartiality  of  the  officers  who  are  to  compose  the  court;  if 
such  is  the  natural  inference  from  our  expressions  it  was  a  very  great  in- 
accuracy. We  thought  there  was  a  material  distinction  between  the  doing 
an  act  and  the  nature  of  it  when  done ;  that  the  objects  of  consideration 
were  quite  different;  and  from  sentiments  expressed  here  by  some,  we  had 
reason  to  apprehend  that  persons  unacquainted  with  the  nature  of  the  ser- 
vice, and  the  consequences  of  preventing  the  public  wagons,  might  deem  it 


104  reed's  letter. 

a  small  matter  and  treat  it  accordingly.  But  we  would  much  rather  have 
omitted  the  remark  wholly  than  have  given  room  for  such  a  construction. 

We  hope  your  Excellency  will  excuse  the  length  of  these  observations,  as 
we  did  not  apprehend  that  any  such  consequences  would  have  flowed,  or 
inferences  have  been  drawn  from  ours  of  the  24lh  and  25th  of  April ;  we 
have  been  the  more  solicitous  to  obviate  them,  and  are  equally  so  to  avoid 
any  occasion  for  the  like  in  future. 

When  we  consider  the  situation  of  our  militia  in  the  State,  their  defi- 
ciency in  arms,  and  that  those  counties  from  whence  they  ought  to  be 
furnished  have  been  so  constantly  called  upon  for  near  two  years,  that  they 
seem  weary  and  averse  to  the  service;  we  fear  it  will  be  utterly  impracti- 
cable to  draw  out  any  number  of  them  within  the  time  required,  and  though 
it  is  painful  to  us  to  acknowledge  it,  we  think  it  better  to  do  so  than  to  give 
expectations  which  we  have  so  much  reason  to  fear  will  fail  us.  These  are 
the  principal  difficulties,  but  there  are  others  of  an  inferior  nature  which 
time  only  can  remedy.  The  militia  is  composed  altogether  of  those  who 
are  attached  to  the  present  government.  They  see  all  the  appointments  of 
Commissaries,  Quartermasters,  and  other  officers  of  Continental  establish- 
ment bestowed  almost  without  exception  on  persons  opposed  to  the  govern- 
ment. Many  of  these  are  profitable;  all  give  an  influence  of  which  they 
are  never  like  to  partake;  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  employed  to  support 
opposite  measures.  Former  and  late  appointments,  have  ran  in  the  same 
channel,  so  that  the  body  of  Whigs  in  the  State  have  in  a  great  degree  lost 
that  ardour  and  zeal  which  gives  life  and  spirit  to  service.  We  wish  it 
was  otherwise,  and  that  as  a  common  and  indisputable  duty  all  ranks  would 
concur,  however  smaller  circumstances  might  run  counter;  but  it  is  to  be 
feared  there  is  too  much  of  human  nature  in  it  to  be  easily  rectified.  We 
have  long  seen  and  lamented  the  progress  of  this  evil,  the  effects  of  which 
are  every  day  more  visible  throughout  the  State, 

The  imprudent  behaviour  of  some  officers  stationed  in  the  country  also 
contributes  to  increase  the  mischief.  The  inhabitants  of  Lancaster  County 
actually  embodied  themselves  against  Pulaski's  corps;  and  Colonel  White's 
conduct  at  Lancaster  has  not  lessened  the  disquiet. 

We  had  yesterday  a  return  of  forage  drawn  at  that  post  by  his  regiment, 
by  which  it  appears  that  in  the  time  they  have  been  there,  they  have  drawn 
seven  thousand  and  fifty  bushels  of  grain  and  two  hundred  and  thirty  tona-of 
hay  ;  no  state  or  country  can  support  such  expense.  These  circumstances 
have  a  very  unhappy  effect,  and  the  continuance  of  staff-officers  whose 
management  is  so  notorious,  discourages  the  people  in  their  exertions  for  real 
and  actual  service.  We  forward  your  Excellency  letters  lately  received  from 
the  Lieutenants  of  Lancaster  and  York  Counties,  and  we  find  that  from 
the  difficulty  of  procuring  militia  and  the  period  of  their  service,  we  cannot 
draw  that  eflfectual  support  from  them  that  we  wish.  We  have  endeavoured 
to  supply  it  in  the  following  manner,  which  we  believe  you  may  depend  upon. 
We  are  forwarding  the  five  companies  of  Rangers,  which  will  make  three 


PROGRESS  OF  ENLISTMENTS.  105 

hundred  and  eighty  men.  Westmoreland  has  raised  two  additional  com- 
panies under  the  encouragement  of  General  M'Intosh,  and  has  offered  to 
raise  another;  Northumberland  has  also  raised  three  :  these  will  make  two 
hundred  and  sixty-five  men ;  and  though  they  have  been  raised  by  a  kind 
of  private  subscription,  we  have  encouraged  and  adopted  them.  Tiiese 
will  make  in  the  whole  seven  hundred  and  forty-six  men,  none  of  less  term 
of  service  than  six  months.  In  addition  to  these,  if  the  commanding  officer 
of  the  expedition,  when  he  gels  in  the  country,  finds  it  expedient  and  prac- 
ticable, orders  will  be  lodged  with  the  Lieutenant  of  the  county  to  comply 
with  any  requisition  he  may  make  of  militia  for  the  purposes  mentioned  in 
your  Excellency's  letter,  and  we  hope  in  such  case,  it  will  be  effectual,  as 
the  season  being  past  for  putting  in  their  spring  grain,  they  will  have  more 
leisure  and  inclination.  Last  year  the  Counties  of  Lancaster,  York,  Cum- 
berland, Berks,  and  Northampton,  furnished  twelve  hundred  men,  for  the 
frontiers  on  this  side  the  mountains.  Westmoreland  sent  every  man  that 
they  could  spare  to  Fort  Pitt.  The  unevacuated  part  of  Northumberland 
kept  all  their  militia  under  arms  with  Colonel  Hartley  the  whole  season. 
Besides  this,  Lancaster  has  kept  one  hundred  and  forty  men  since  last  fall ; 
and  now  has  the  same  number  guarding  Continental  stores  at  Lancaster 
and  Lebanon.  Two  hundred  were  also  kept  on  duty  the  whole  summer 
and  fall  in  and  about  this  City  for  the  like  purposes.  We  took  our  share 
of  guarding  the  Convention  troops,  and  since  Proctor's  regiment  has  been 
ordered  to  march,  we  have  garrisoned  the  forts  on  the  river.  When  all 
these  circumstances  are  considered,  we  hope  we  shall  not  be  esteemed  so 
deficient  in  public  duty  as  may  appear  at  first  sight.  Maryland  has  de- 
clined even  furnishing  a  company  of  militia  to  relieve  Rawlin's  regiment, 
and  Congress  has  directed  a  special  regiment  to  be  raised  in  Virginia,  for 
guarding  the  Convention  prisoners. 

Should  any  emergency  make  it  expedient  to  call  a  reinforcement  of 
militia  to  the  grand  army,  for  any  special  purpose,  we  think  we  could  pro- 
mise your  Excellency  a  body  of  men  from  the  city  and  adjacent  counties, 
they  not  having  been  called  to  any  other  duty  for  some  time  than  we  have 
mentioned  above ;  and  we  flatter  ourselves  that  in  this  case  many  gentlemen 
of  note  would  set  a  laudable  example. 

Upon  the  whole,  we  beg  leave  to  assure  your  Excellency  of  our  very  sin- 
cere regard  and  most  respectful  attachijient,  and  that  we  shall  on  all  occa- 
sions most  cheerfully  co-operale  in  any  and  every  measure  you  shall  recom- 
mend to  us;  being  fully  convinced  that  in  all  your  views  and  actions  a  dis- 
interested love  to  your  country,  and  regard  to  its  safety  and  happiness,  are 
the  ruling  principles  of  your  conduct.  With  these  sentiments  and  most 
unfeigned  wishes  for  your  health,  success  and  happiness,  we  remain  your 
Excellency's  most  obedient  and  very  humble  servants. 

Signed,  by  order  of  Council, 

Joseph  Reed, 
'  President. 


lOG  Washington's  letter. 

P.  S.  We  beg  that  what  we  have  said  respecting  Colonel  White  and 
the  Quartermaster's  department  may  not  be  understood  by  your  Excellency 
as  making  complaints ;  we  only  state  them  as  public  opinions,  influential  on 
the  people  ;  we  do  not  know  whether  they  are  well  or  ill  founded. 


WASHINGTON  TO  THE  EXECUTIVE  QOUNCIL. 

Head-Quarters,  Middlebrook,  May  20,  1779. 
Gentlemen, 

A  few  days  since  I  was  honoured  with  your  favour  of  the  8th  inst.  It  is 
my  constant  endeavour  to  cultivate  the  confidence  of  the  governments  of  the 
several  States  by  an  equal  and  uniform  attention  to  their  respective  interests 
so  far  as  falls  within  the  line  of  my  duty,  and  the  compass  of  the  means  with 
which  I  am  entrusted.  While  I  have  a  consciousness  of  this,  it  is  natural 
my  sensibility  should  be  affected  even  by  the  appearance  of  distrust.  The 
assurances  of  the  Council  that  I  have  misconceived  their  former  letters, 
affords  me  pleasure  proportioned  to  the  pain  which  that  misconception  occa- 
sioned. I  shall  not  at  present  trouble  them  with  any  remarks  on  the  sub- 
ject discussed  in  their  last,  respecting  the  degree  of  protection  which  each 
State  has  a  right  to  expect.  I  shall  only  beg  leave  to  assure  them  that  I  do 
full  justice  to  the  exertions  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  and  to  express  my 
hope,  that  if  circumstances  will  permit  the  execution  of  the  immediate  and 
ultimate  projects  of  the  campaign,  effectual  relief  will  be  given  to  our  fron- 
tier in  general.  This  is  a  favourite  object  with  me,  and  nothing  but  neces- 
sity, or  more  decisive  prospects  elsewhere,  will  divert  me  from  it. 

If  the  independent  companies  raising  shall  amount  to  the  number  the 
Council  mention,  they  will  answer  my  expectation  of  succour  from  the 
State,  and  will  make  it  unnecessary  to  call  out  immediately  a  body  of 
militia.  I  shall  only  entreat  that  measures  be  taken  to  have  them  as 
speedily  as  possible  at  the  place  of  rendezvous,  Sunbury  or  Wyoming, 
where  they  will  receive  orders  from  General  Sullivan,  who  commands  the 
expedition.  I  am  happy  to  find  that  General  Arnold's  trial  is  now  put  upon 
a  satisfactory  footing,  and  I  regret  that  any  misapprehension  has  happened. 
I  shall  endeavour  to  have  the  affair  conducted  in  its  future  progress  with  un- 
exceptionable propriety.  The  period  now  fixed  for  entering  upon  it  relieves 
me  from  much  embarrassment.  1  beg  the  Council  to  accept  my  warmest 
thanks  for  the  favourable  sentiments  of  my  conduct  which  they  do  me  the 
honour  in  this  new  instance  to  express,  and  I  entreat  them  to  be  assured 
of  the  perfect  respect  and  esteem  with  which  I  am,  &c. 

On  the  3 1st  May,  the  expedition  against  the  Indians,  under 
General  Sullivan,  was  matured,  and  general  orders  to  carry  it 


Sullivan's  expedition.  107 

into  effect  were  issued  by  the  Commander-in-chief.  Various 
circumstances  delayed  the  march  till  the  middle  of  summer, 
when  Sullivan,  with  an  imposing  force,  marched  up  the  Sus- 
quehanna. The  triumphant  result  of  this  movement  is  well 
known.  The  Indian  settlements  were  destroyed  by  fire  and 
sword,  and  frontier  hostilities  in  that  direction  effectually 
arrested. 


CHAPTER  V. 
1779. 

Military  Correspondence— Henry  Lee's  letter  of  July  Gtli — Battle  of  Stoney  Point 
— Lee's  letter  describing  the  attack — Arrival  of  the  news  at  Philadelphia — 
Thanks  of  President  Reed  and  the  Assembly — General  William  Irvine — His 
correspondence  with  President  Reed — Affairs  on  the  North  River — Wayne's 
Letters — Charles  Lee's  political  and  military  Queries — Washington's  Letter  to 
Reed,  July  29th,  1779 — Wayne's  Letter,  6th  August — Washington's  views  of 
Pennsylvania  affairs — Correspondence  of  Wayne,  Henry  Lee,  and  Irvine — 
William  Bradford — His  career  and  character — George  Bryan — Letter  from 
Baltimore,  August,  1779 — Dispute  as  to  Boundary  Line  with  Virginia,  and  its 
adjustment. 

During  the  whole  period  of  his  administration,  in  the  few 
intervals  of  leisure  which  its  perplexities  allowed,  Mr.  Reed 
kept  up  an  active  and  minute  correspondence  with  his  military 
friends  at  Camp,  then  on  and  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  North 
River.  Few  of  his  letters  have  been  recovered,  no  drafts 
or  copies  being  made.  The  following  are  some  of  those 
that  he  received,  which,  hitherto  unpublished,  have  reference 
to  the  movements  on  the  Hudson,  and  especially  to  the  brilliant 
distinction  gained  in  the  course  of  the  summer  at  Stoney 
Point.  The  letters  will  be  given  in  the  order  of  time,  with 
no  other  annotation  or  attempt  at  connecting  narrative  than 
is  absolutely  requisite  for  explanation. 


HENRY  LEE  TO  PRESIDENT  REED. 

Camp  at  Haverstraw,  July  6,  1779. 
Kingsbridge,     On  the  28th  of  June,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  left  New  York. 
His  baggage  was  sent  out  by  water  the  preceding  evening  to  While  Plains. 
The  same  morning  a  number  of  cruisers  sailed  for  the  Capes  of  Delaware, 


HENRY  lee's  LETTER.  109 

and  the  whole  body  of  transports  stood  up  tlie  Sound, — presumable,  that 
their  desire  is  to  receive  the  main  army  or  a  detachment  for  some  Eastern 
expedition. 

The  possession  and  fortifying  of  King's  Ferry,  the  manner  in  which  the 
army  is  subsisted,  and  the  knowledge  of  the  States  from  which  all  their 
bread  is  brought,  conspired  to  form  my  mind  on  the  objects  of  Gen.  Clinton 
for  a  moment  or  two.  I  communicated  my  opinion  to  his  Excellency  early, 
and  repeated  it  in  two  successive  letters. 

Unhappily,  I  believe  that  the  neglect  or  ignorance  of  the  constructors  of 
West  Point  has  obliged  this  long  halt  in  the  Clove. 

I  fear  it  will  be  still  longer.  Gen.  Clinton,  by  his  movements,  is  in  full 
possession  of  West  Chester  County,  and  has  taken  a  healthy  position,  wliere 
he  may  refresh  his  army,  wait  for  reinforcements,  or  by  grand  detachments 
plunder  the  contiguous  states.  Nothing  but  an  advance  over  the  river,  and 
a  real  or  feigned  attack  on  the  garrisons  at  the  Ferry,  will  prevent  Eastern 
expeditions.  The  adoption  of  this  measure  might  compel  Sir  Henry  to  keep 
his  army  collected,  for  tiie  purpose  of  foiling  any  attempt  on  tiie  Ferry.  For 
my  part,  I  must  confess  I  view  General  Clinton's  commencement  of  the 
campaign  as  something  masterly.  The  principle  on  which  his  schemes 
seem  to  have  been  founded  is  to  render  the  attainment  of  supplies  to  our 
army  as  difficult  as  possible.  He  has  nothing  offensive  at  present  in  his 
composition,  and  the  apprehensions  of  an  attack  on  West  Point  were  ideal. 
The  strength  of  his  army  forbade  the  attempt;  even  had  he  been  certain  of 
success,  the  sure  loss  of  men  in  the  attack  could  not  be  compensated  by  vic- 
tory. He  might  have  gained  possession  of  the  river.  His  army  would  have 
been  so  reduced  as  to  have  obliged  him  to  a  state  of  inactivity  during  the 
remainder  of  the  campaign.  Had  he  been  baffled  in  his  attempt,  he  would 
have  been  totally  ruined. 

The  Cork  Fleet  had  not  arrived  on  the  28th,  nor  had  the  April  packet. 
The  Refugee  regiments  recruit  very  fast ;  the  army  under  the  immediate 
command  of  General  Clinton  is  computed,  by  some  accurate  judges  in  the 
City  of  New  York,  to  be  about  10,000.  No  official  despatches  have  been 
received  by  the  British  Commander  since  February.  It  is  certain  that  a 
British  Captain  had  several  packages  for  Members  of  Congress. 

He  persists  in  an  obstinate  denial ;  a  Mr.  Wallace,  merchant,  deposes  that 
he  saw  the  packets — the  Captain  is  confined  in  Provost. 

A  vessel,  five  weeks  from  Liverpool,  mentions  the  arrival  of  three  thou- 
sand troops  from  Britain  at  Barbadoes  ;  an  equal  number  of  the  forces  under 
General  Grant  are  to  be  detached  from  St.  Lucia  for  the  grand  army.  They 
are  daily  expected. 

This  letter  is  hasty,  incorrect,  and  hardly  legible;  pardon  it,  and  be  as- 
sured my  sole  object  is  your  information  of  things,  as  they  actually  stand 
with  us.  The  intelligence  conveyed,  I  received  from  a  person  who  left 
New  York  on  the  29th.  It  came  to  him  directly  from  Dr. ,  pur- 
veyor of  the  hospitals,  an  intimate  of  Sir  Harry  and  Lawyer  Smith,  who 


110  ATTACK  ON  STONEY  POINT. 

Stands  high  in  the  estimation  of  the  King's  leaders.     Do  not  divulge  this 
matter,  as  it  may  preclude  further  intelligence. 

I  am  at  perfect  [illegible]  the  enemy  never  venture  out  of  their  lines.  The 
war  will  last  for  many  years  to  come.  I  wish  our  preparations  were  more 
vigorous,  and  that  the  spirit  of  false  economy  was  banished  from  the  Coun- 
cil Chamber  of  America. 

1  inclose  your  Excellency  a  draft  of  the  works  at  Stoney  Point,  and  have 
the  honour  to  be,  sir,  with  perfect  respect  and  singular  esteem, 

Your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 
Henry  Lee,  Jr. 

A  Pennsylvania  writer  may  be  pardoned  for  dwelling  on  the 
brilliant  affair  which,  with  a  corps  principally  of  Pennsyl- 
vania men,  led  by  a  Pennsylvanian,  broke  up  the  inactivity 
of  the  campaign.  The  storming  of  Stoney  Point  was  one 
of  the  best  conducted,  and  most  gallant  incidents  of  the  war. 
On  the  1st  of  July,  Washington  directed  the  attention  of  Ge- 
neral Wayne  to  this  post,  of  which  but  a  few  weeks  before, 
by  the  movement  described  in  Lee's  letter  to  Mr.  Reed,  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  had  taken  possession.  "  It  is  a  matter,"  said 
Washington,  "  I  have  much  at  heart,  and  I  entreat  your  best 
endeavours  to  acquire  the  necessary  information,  and  to  give 
me  your  opinion  on  the  practicability  of  a  surprise  of  one  or 
both  the  posts,  especially  that  on  the  west  side  of  the  river." 
On  receipt  of  this,  Wayne,  with  two  confidential  officers. 
Colonel  Richard  Butler  and  Major  Walter  Stewart,  recon- 
noitered  the  British  works,  and  though  he  concluded  that  a 
storm  was  inexpedient,  suggested  a  plan  of  enticing  the  enemy 
out  of  the  intrenchments,  and  then  "  enter  the  fort  with  them." 
On  the  10th,  Washington  reconnoitered  the  Point  in  person, 
and  on  full  conference  agreed  to  Wayne's  plan  of  attack,  giving 
him  full  liberty  to  change  or  modify  it  as  he  might  think  de- 
sirable. On  the  14th,  Washington  wrote :  "  You  are  at  liberty 
to  choose  between  the  different  plans  on  which  we  have  con- 
versed ;  but  as  it  is  important  to  have  any  information  we  can 
procure,  if  you  could  manage  it  in  the  mean  time  to  see  Major 
Lee,  it  may  be  useful.  He  has  been  so  long  near  the  spot,  and 
has  taken  so  much  pains  to  inform  himself,  that  I  imagine  he 
may  be  able  to  make  you  acquainted  with  some  further  details. 


'^: 


G^^:.y 


Wayne's  ORDER  OF  BATTLE.  Ill 

Your  interview  must  be  managed  with  caution,  as  it  may 
possibly  raise  suspicion." 

On  the  morning  of  the  15th  of  July,  1779,  Wayne  wrote  his 
last  letter  to  the  Commander-in-chief,  full  of  hopeful  confidence 
in  the  result.  He  enclosed  him  also  his  plan  of  attack,  w^hich 
though  possibly  familiar  to  the  student  of  our  military  history, 
I  am  tempted  here  to  republish,  as  a  curious  and  characteristic 
memorial  of  this  untaught  soldier  of  the  Revolution. 

The  troops  will  march  at  —  o'clock,  and  move  by  the  right,  making  a 
short  halt  at  the  creek,  or  run,  on  this  side  next  Clement's :  every  officer  and 
non-commissioned  officer  will  remain  with,  and  be  answerable  for,  every 
man  in  his  platoon  ;  no  soldier  to  be  permitted  to  quit  his  ranks  on  any  pre- 
text whatever,  until  a  general  halt  is  made,  and  then  to  be  attended  by  one 
of  the  officers  of  the  platoon. 

When  the  head  of  the  troops  arrive  in  rear  of  the  hill,  Colonel  Febiger 
will  form  his  regiment  into  a  solid  column  of  a  half  platoon,  in  front,  as  fast 
as  they  come  up,  Colonel  Meigs  will  form  next,  in  Colonel  Febiger's  rear, 
and  Major  Hull  in  the  rear  of  Meigs,  which  will  form  the  right  column.* 

Colonel  Butler  will  form  a  column  on  the  left  of  Febiger,  and  Major 
Murfree  in  his  rear.  Every  officer  and  soldier  will  then  fix  a  piece  of  white 
paper  in  the  most  conspicuous  part  of  his  hat  or  cap,  as  a  mark  to  distin- 
guish him  from  the  enemy.  At  the  word  march.  Colonel  Fleiiry  will  take 
charge  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  determined  and  picked  men,  properly  offi- 
cered, with  arms  unloaded,  placing  their  whole  dependence  on  fixed 
bayonets,  who  will  move  about  twenty  paces  in  front  of  the  right  column, 
and  enter  the  Sally-port  marked  ;  he  is  to  detach  an  officer  and  twenty  men, 
a  little  in  front,  whose  business  will  be  to  secure  the  sentries,  and  remove 
the  abbatis  and  obstructions,  for  the  column  to  pass  through.  The  column 
will  follow  close  in  the  rear,  with  shouldered  muskets,  led  by  Colonel 
Febiger  and  General  Wayne  in  person.     When  the  works  are  forced,  and 

not  before,  the  victorious  troops  will  give  the  watchword, ,  with 

repeated  and  loud  voices,  and  drive  the  enemy  from  their  works  and  guns, 
which  will  favour  the  pass  of  the  whole  troops;  should  the  enemy  refuse  to 
surrender,  or  attempt  to  make  their  escape  by  water,  or  otherwise,  effectual 
means  must  be  used  to  effect  the  former  and  prevent  the  latter. 

Colonel  Butler  will  move  by  the  route  (2)  preceded  by  one  hundred 
chosen  men,  with  fixed  bayonets,  properly  officered,  at  the  distance  of 
twenty  yards,  in  front  of  the  column,  which  will  follow  under  Colonel 
Butler,  with  shouldered  muskets.  These  hundred  will  also  detach  a  proper 
officer,  and  twenty  men,  a  little  in  front,  to  remove  the  obstructions,  &lc.  ; 

*  Christian  C.  Febiger,  a  Dane  by  birth,  but  a  resident  of  Philadelphia,  Return 
Jonathan  Meigs,  of  Connecticut,  and  William  (in  1813,  General)  Hull. 


rli 


112  STONEY  POINT. 

as  soon  as  they  gain  the  works,  they  will  also  give,  and  continue  the  watch- 
word, which  will  prevent  confusion  and  mistake.  If  any  soldier  presume  to 
take  his  musket  from  his  shoulder,  or  to  fire,  or  begin  the  battle  until 
ordered  by  his  proper  officer,  he  shall  be  instantly  put  to  death  by  the  officer 
next  him;  for  the  misconduct  of  one  man  is  not  to  put  the  whole  troops  in 
danger,  or  disorder,  and  he  be  suffered  to  pass  with  life.  After  the  troops 
begin  to  advance  to  the  works,  the  strictest  silence  must  be  observed,  and 
the  closest  attention  paid  to  the  commands  of  the  officers. 

The  General  has  the  fullest  confidence  in  the  bravery  and  fortitude  of  the 
corps  that  he  has  the  happiness  to  command.  The  distinguished  honour 
conferred  on  every  officer  and  soldier,  who  has  been  drafted  into  this  corps 
by  his  Excellency,  General  Washington,  the  credit  of  the  States  they 
respectively  belong  to,  and  their  own  reputations,  will  be  such  powerful 
motives  for  each  man  to  distinguish  himself,  that  the  General  cannot  have 
the  least  doubt  of  a  glorious  victory;  and  he,  hereby,  most  solemnly  engages 
to  reward  the  first  man  who  enters  the  works  with  five  hundred  dollars  and 
immediate  promotion;  to  the  second,  four  hundred  dollars;  lo  the  third, 
three  hundred  dollars;  to  the  fourth  two  hundred  dollars;  and  to  the  fifth 
one  hundred  dollars;  and  he  will  represent  the  conduct  of  every  officer  and 
soldier,  who  distinguishes  himself  in  this  action,  in  the  most  favourable  point 
of  view  to  his  Excellency,  whose  greatest  pleasure  is  rewarding  merit.  But 
should  there  beany  soldier  so  lost  to  feelings  of  honour,  as  to  attempt  to  re- 
treat one  single  foot,  or  skulk  in  the  face  of  danger,  the  officer  next  to  him 
is  immediately  to  put  him  to  death,  that  he  may  no  longer  disgrace  the 
name  of  a  soldier,  or  the  corps,  or  the  State  lo  which  he  belongs. 

As  General  Wayne  is  determined  to  share  the  danger  of  the  night,  so  he 
wishes  to  participate  in  the  glory  of  the  day,  in  common  with  his  fellow- 
soldiers. 

The  result  is  well  known.  Wayne  stormed  the  British  in- 
trenchments,  and  when  wounded,  fatally,  as  it  at  first  seemed, 
insisted  on  being  carried  forward  with  his  men,  that  he  might 
die  within  the  lines  of  the  conquered  Fort.*  The  following 
letter,  written  two  days  afterwards,  by  Lee,  gives  a  vivid  nar- 
rative of  this  attack. 


*  "  I  should  be  wanting  in  gratitude,"  said  Wayne,  in  his  official  despatch 
"were  I  to  omit  mentioning  Captain  Fishbourne  and  Mr.  Archer,  my  two  Aids, 
who  on  every  occasion  showed  the  greatest  intrepidity,  and  supported  me  into  the 
works,  after  I  received  my  wound  in  passing  the  last  Abattis."  Of  Henry  W. 
Archer,  thus  distinguished,  I  have  not  succeeded  in  ascertaining  any  thing  fur- 
ther. Benjamin  Fishbourne  was  a  native  of  Philadelphia,  and  served  throughout 
the  war  with  great  credit.  He  was  the  brother-in-law  of  Tliomas  Wharton,  the 
first  President  of  the  state.  Major  Fishbourne  subsequently  settled,  and  died  in 
Georgia.    His  daughter,  the  widow  of  the  late  Joshua  Clibborne,  is  still  living. 


STONEY  POINT. 


113 


HENRY  LEE  TO  PRESIDENT  REED. 

Stoney  Point,  July  18th,  1779,  11  o'clock  at  night. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  wrote  your  Excellency  by  Mr.  Gordon,  since  which  the  object  which  has 
engaged  our  attention  from  the  commencement  of  the  campaign  is  no  more. 
Previous  to  this,  an  official  account  of  the  enterprise  on  the  night  of  the 
15th  must  have  reached  Congress.  For  your  satisfaction  I  furnish  the 
particulars. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  1.5th,  I  received  orders  from  General  Wayne 
to  join  the  light  infantry  with  my  corps.  The  General  was  so  polite  as  to 
show  me  his  disposition  of  attack,  and  as  my  station  was  the  post  of  intelli- 
gence, he  also  consulted  with  me  on  the  line  of  approach. 

The  right  column  under  the  command  of  General  Wayne  took  the  route 
along  the  beach,  crossed  the  morass  up  to  their  knees  in  mud  and  water, 
and  moved  on  to  the  enemy's  left. 

Colonel  Butler  commanded  our  left  column,  and  made  his  way  through 
the  morass  over  the  relic  of  the  bridge,  although  the  passage  was  very 
difficult  and  defended  by  a  work  in  twenty  steps  of  it;  a  feint  was  made  in 
the  centre ;  my  corps  of  infantry,  annexed  pro  tem.  only,  followed  on  the 
rear  of  the  two  columns  as  a  reserve. 

The  troops  rushed  forward  with  a  vigour  hardly  to  be  paralleled,  and 
uith  a  silence  which  would  do  honour  to  the  first  veterans  on  earth.  A 
spirit  of  death  or  victory  animated  all  ranks.  General  Wayne  has  gained 
immortal  honour;  he  received  a  slight  wound,  one  proof  that  Providence 
had  decreed  him  every  honour  in  her  gift.  Every  officer  acquired  fame 
proportionable  to  his  opportunity.  The  storm  was  more  rapid  than  can  be 
conceived,  and  in  fifteen  minutes,  works  were  carried  with  the  loss  only  of 
eleven  killed  on  the  spot,  which  every  officer  engaged  reckoned  would  be- 
purchased  by  the  sacrifice  of  nothing  less  than  every  third  man.  Lieutenant- 
Colonul  Fleury  led  on  the  right,*  Major  Stewart  the  left;  Captain  Lawson 
and  Lieutenant  Gibbons,  who  commanded  the  vans  of  the  columns,  distin- 
guished themselves  by  their  valour  and  coolness. 

We  captured  the  whole  garrison  excepting  a  few  who  got  off  in  boats. 
One  hundred  of  them  were  killed  and  wounded;  four  hundred  and  farty-four 
inclusive  of  eighteen  officers  have  marched  towards  Lancaster  as  prisoners. 
The  humanity  of  the  Americans  perhaps  never  was  more  conspicuous  than 
on  this  occasion. 

Although  from  the  repeated  cruelties  of  the  enemy  exercised  on  our 

*  Lieutenant-Colonel  Lewis  Fleury.  This  was  the  same  brave  Frenchman 
whose  journal  of  the  defence  of  Fort  Mifflin  is  well  known  to  every  American 
student.  It  was  he  who  hauled  down  the  British  flag  at  Stoney  Point,  in  the 
midst  of  the  fight. — Sparks^  Washington,  vi.  304. 

VOL.  II.  8 


114  STONEY  POINT. 

countrymen,  known  by  all  and  felt  by  many,  from  the  nature  of  assaults  by 
storm  and  particularly  in  the  dead  of  night,  yet  I  can  venture  to  affirm  the 
moment  a  surrender  was  announced,  the  bayonet  was  laid  aside.* 

The  British  officers  are  candid  enough  to  declare  their  gratitude  for  the 
lenity  ot'tlieir  treatment.  May  this  fresh  proof  of  the  magnanimity  of  our 
soldiers  tend  to  civilize  our  foe  ;  if  it  does  not,  it  must  and  will  be  the  last. 

Fifteen  cannon,  mortars,  cohorns,  howitzers,  &c.,  were  found  in  the  fort, 
an  abundance  of  military  stores  and  a  quantity  of  baggage.  The  most 
valuable  of  these  are  safe,  the  rest  are  now  burning.  Some  unfortunate 
accidents  have  prevented  till  too  late  the  intended  attack  on  Verplauk's 
Point.     General  Clinton  is  at  hand,  and  we  have  evacuated  Stoney  Point. 

I  fear  the  consequences  from  this  signal  success  will  not  be  adequate  to 
moderate  expectations. 

Our  not  possessing  both  sides  has  compelled  us  to  relinquish  the  one ;  it 
is  probable  it  will  be  repossessed  by  the  British,  and  of  course  our  old  posi- 
tion will  be  reassumed,  a  position  which  both  policy  and  comfort  conspire  to 
reproach. 

To-morrow  perhaps  Clinton's  intentions  will  begin  to  show  themselves ; 
should  anything  turn  up  and  I  should  be  among  the  fortunate,  you  may 
expect  to  hear  from  me,  provided  you  assure  me  that  my  hasty  incorrect 
epistles  are  not  disagreeable. 

I  have  long  wished  my  corps  were  legionary.  The  event  of  the  15th 
makes  me  more  anxious  on  this  head.  His  Excellency  has  been  pleased  to 
flatter  me  with  McClane's  incorporation. f  It  is  now  before  Congress.  I 
shall  be  very  unhappy  if  it  does  not  succeed,  as  the  mode  of  carrying  on 
the  war  now  renders  infantry  absolutely  necessary  for  the  accomplishment 
of  anything  clever.  I  wish  you  would  think  of  me  on  this  occasion.  Two 
companies  of  infantry  besides  McClane's  are  now  under  my  command,  but 
as  it  is  but  a  temporary  annexion,  I  conceive  it  useless  to  establish  the 
police  most  advantageous  to  partisan  officers,  and  do  not  therefore  receive 
their  full  use.  Please  make  my  most  respectful  compliments  to  your  lady, 
.and  believe  me  to  be  with  great  sincerity. 

Your  affectionate,  humble  servant, 

Henry  Lee,  Jun. 

The  news  was  quickly  carried  by  Captain  Archer,  one  of 
Wayne's  aids,  to  Philadelphia.  The  joy  was  unbounded, 
and  for  a  time  drowned  the  clamorous  discontent  of  the 
loyalists  and  their  sympathizing  friends.  Archer  thus  describes 
it  in  a  letter  to  General  Wayne. 


*  Stedman  says :  "The  conduct  of  the  Americans  on  this  occasion,  was  highly 
meritorious;  for  they  would  have  been  fully  justified  in  putting  the  garrison  to 
the  sword:  not  one  man  of  which  was  put  to  death  but  in  fair  combat." — History 
of  the  War. 

t  No  doubt  Captain  Allen  M'Lane. 


reed's  letter  to  WAYNE.  115 

"  I  arrived  here  Sunday  morning  at  half-past  ten  o'clock. 
From  various  impediments  I  could  not  get  from  Head-Quarters 
till  near  four,  Thursday  afternoon.  I  rode  that  evening  to  Mr. 
Wickham's,  twenty-one  miles;  made  forty-six  miles  the  next 
day,  and  slept  at  Hacketstown  ;  got  up  in  the  morning  at  two 
o'clock,  and  made  the  Billet  by  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening, 
being  sixty-three  miles  that  day,  and  within  sixteen  miles  of 
Philadelphia,  at  which  place  I  breakfasted  with  the  President  of 
Congress.  I  was  obliged  to  press  a  horse  for  one  of  the 
dragoons  on  the  road,  which  I  suppose  he  will  complain  of  at 
Head-Quarters. 

"  I  came  into  the  City  with  colours  flying,  trumpets  sounding, 
and  heart  elated,  drew  crowds  to  the  doors  and  windows,  and 
made  not  a  little  parade,  I  assure  you.  These  were  Baron 
Steuben's  instructions,  and  I  pursued  them  literally,  although  I 
could  not  help  thinking  it  had  a  little  the  appearance  of  a 
puppet  show. 

"  I  made  a  point  of  waiting  on  the  French  Ambassador  and 
President  Reed  in  your  name,  who,  as  well  as  others,  speak  of 
your  achievement  with  wonder  and  praise. 

"  I  have  sent  you  the  newspapers  of  the  day.  Adieu  ;  may 
you  long  enjoy  your  present  laurels  and  quickly  have  an  op- 
portunity of  acquiring  new  ones." 


PRESIDENT  REED  TO  WAYNE. 

Philadelphia,  July  20th,  1779. 
Dear  General, 

Until  you  receive  more  substantial  marks  of  honour  and  public  regard, 
accept  the  sincere  congratulations  of  one  of  your  best  friends  on  your  late 
success,  It  is  not  the  surprise  of  a  po.^t  or  the  capture  of  five  hundred  men 
that  pleases  me  so  much,  as  the  manner  and  address  with  which  it  has 
been  executed.  You  have  played  their  own  game  upon  them,  and  eclipsed 
the  glory  of  the  British  bayonet,  of  which  we  have  heard  so  much.* 
God  grant  you  health  and  long  life  to  enjoy  your  laurels. 

Yours,  most  sincerely, 

Joseph  Reed. 

*  When  General  Grey,  in  1777,  attacked  Wayne's  post  at  Paoli,  it  was  a  mat- 
ter  of  exultation  "  that  he  rushed  in,  directed  by  the  light  of  the  fires,  killed  and 
wounded  not  less  than  300  on  the  spot,  and  took  70  or  80  prisoners  !" — Sir  W. 
Howe's  Letter  to  Lord  G.  Germain. — Almon,  vol,  iv.  p.  412. 


116  Wayne's  LETTER. 

The  Assembly  did  not  meet  till  September,  when  the  Presi- 
dent in  his  Message  called  attention  to  the  conduct  of  the 
troops.  On  the  10th  October,  its  action  being,  it  would  seem, 
rather  dilatory,  the  Assembly  passed  the  following  Resolution: — 

"  The  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  taking  into  their  consideration  the  ser- 
vices performed  by  General  Wayne  and  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Line  in  the  attack  on  Stoney  Point,  and  the  recommendation 
of  the  Supreme  Executive  Council, 

"Resolved,  That  the  thanks  of  this  House  be  given  to  General  Wayne 
and  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  Pennsylvania  Line  for  the  courage  and 
conduct  displayed  by  them  in  the  attack  on  Stoney  Point.  The  honour  they 
have  reflected  on  the  State  to  which  they  belong,  the  clemency  they  showed 
to  those  in  their  power,  in  a  situation  when,  by  the  laws  of  war,  and  stimu- 
lated by  resentment  occasioned  by  the  remembrance  of  a  former  massacre, 
they  would  have  been  justified  in  putting  to  death  every  one  of  the  garrison, 
will  transmit  their  names  with  honour  to  the  latest  posterity,  and  will  show 
that  true  bravery  and  humanity  are  inseparable. 

"  Resolved,  That  this  Resolution  be  transmitted  to  the  Supreme  Executive 
Council,  and  that  they  be  requested  to  transmit  the  same  to  General  Wayne^ 
to  be  by  him  conveyed  to  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  Pennsylvania  Line 
under  his  command  in  the  attack  above-mentioned." 

WAYNE  TO  REED. 

New  Windsor,  July  26th,  1779. 
Dear  Sir, 

Your  very  polite  favour  of  the  20th  inst.  I  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving 
last  evening,  and  am  much  honoured  by  the  manner  in  which  you  are 
pleased  to  express  your  approbation  of  the  enterprise  against  Stoney  Point. 

Permit  me  to  mention  to  your  Excellency  the  good  conduct  of  Mr.  Gib- 
bons of  the  6th,  and  Mr.  Knox  of  9lh  Pennsylvania  Regiments,  the  two  gen- 
tlemen who  had  the  van  of  the  right  and  left  columns,  and  whose  intrepidity 
and  address  would  have  done  honour  to  the  oldest  soldier.* 

*  Wayne,  in  another  letter,  thus  speaks  of  these  two  gallant  Pennsylva- 
nians: — "I  am  not  satisfied  with  the  manner  in  which  I  have  mentioned 
the  conduct  of  Lieutenants  Gibbons  and  Knox,  the  two  gentlemen  who  led 
the  advanced  parties  of  twenty  men  each.  Their  distinguished  bravery  deserves 
the  highest  commendation.  The  former  belongs  to  the  sixth  Pennsylvania,  and 
lost  seventeen  men  killed  and  wounded  in  the  attack ;  the  latter  belongs  to  the 
ninth  Pennsylvania  regiment,  and  was  more  fortunate  in  saving  his  men,  though 
not  less  exposed."  James  Gibbons,  a  native  of  Pennsylvania,  died  at  Richmond, 
of  which  City  he  was  Collector,  in  June,  1835,  in  the  77th  year  of  his  age.  His 
son,  James  Gibbons,  was  an  officer  of  the  U.  S.  Navy,  and  perished  in  the  con- 
flagration of  the  Richmond  Theatre,  December,  1811. 


WILLIAM  IRVINE.  117 

You  will  have  goodness  enousjh  to  excuse  seeming  neglect,  when  I  assure 
you  I  have  not  put  pen  to  paper  on  the  occasion,  except  to  his  Excellency- 
General  Washington ;  indeed,  my  head  has  been  too  much  disordered  to 
attempt  it,  which  will  also  apologise  for  the  shortness  of  this. 

My  best  wishes  to  Mrs.  Reed,  and  believe  me,  with  every  sentiment  of 
esteem, 

Your  Excellency's  most  obedient  and 

Very  humble  servant, 

Anthony  Wayne. 

GENERAL  IRVINE  TO  PRESIDENT  REED.* 

Camp  at  West  Point,  July  23d,  1779. 
Dear  Sir, 

Since  the  affair  at  Stoney  Point,  nothing  material  has  happened.  Why 
Verplank's  Point  wa.*  not  also  taken,  remains  yet  a  matter  of  speculation. 
The  officer  who  commanded  the  troops  destined  for  the  assault,  is  a  good 
deal  suspected  by  many  for  having  a  talenl  (at  least  on  that  occasion)  of 
finding  many  supposed  obstructions,  and  barely  plausible  pretences  for  his 
delay;  how  just  these  reflections  are,  I  will  not  pretend  to  say,  as  I  am  not 
personally  acquainted  with  the  circumstances.  But  I  have  il  from  good 
authority  that  his  Excellency  fully  expected  General  Howef  would  have 
made  the  attack,  for  which  purpose  he  waited  a  whole  day  at  Stoney  Point, 
not  only  to  see  the  business  commence,  but  also  to  favour  it  by  a  cannonade 
across  the  river,  by  which  the  enemy  were  actually  drove  to  the  rear  of 
their  works.  A  most  glorious  opportunity  escaped  ;  had  there  been  another 
Wayne  on  that  side  the  river,  Mr.  Clinton's  army  would  this  day  have  been 
cooped  up  in  New  York,  and  not  dare  to  set  their  noses  out.  I  should  be 
very  happy  to  be  able  to  inform  the  officers  and  men  under  my  command, 
what  real  ly  may  be  depended  on  respecting  clothing  and  necessaries,  generally, 
as  I  much  fear  we  cannot  depend  on  Congress  for  supplies.  The  dragoons, 
artillery,  and  military  staff  of  the  army,  are  now  serving  with  clothing,  &c. 
Troops  who  are  in  anywise  considered  as  belonging  to  particular  States  are 
excepted.  This  will  render  it  indispensably  necessary  that  each  State  shall 
provide  for  itself;  blankets  and  other  warm  clothing  should,  in  our  climate, 
be  put  on  the  men's  backs  by  the  middle  of  October  at  farthest.     1  own  it 

*  William  Irvine  was  one  of  the  best  officers  Pennsylvania  produced.  He  was 
appointed  a  Brigadier  by  Congress  on  12th  May,  1779,  and  served  throughout  the 
War.  He  was  the  father  of  Callender  Irvine,  for  many  years  Commissary-General 
of  the  United  States.  General  W.  Irvine  was  a  valued  friend  and  constant  corre- 
spondent of  Mr.  Reed.     He  died  in  1804. 

t  General  Robert  Howe  of  the  American  Army.  In  his  despatch  to  Congress 
of  20th  July,  Washington,  whilst  he  expresses  regret  at  the  failure  of  the  attempt 
on  Verplank's  Point,  throws  no  censure  on  the  commanding  officer. — Sparlct' 
Washington,  vi.  298. 


118  RECRUITING  SERVICE. 

would  be  best  in  March  to  dress  men,  provided  the  old  coats  were  not 
too  much  worn ;  but,  alas,  many  of  ours  are  in  pieces  now,  and  I  am  sorry 
we  are  got  to  the  old  trade  of  building  forts,  which  will  not  only  tear  the 
coats,  but,  what  is  worse,  the  men  also.  The  stores  at  present  supplied  by 
our  State  put  the  officers  on  a  superior  footing  to  any  other;  both  they  and 
the  men,  I  hope  and  believe,  have  a  grateful  sense  of  it.  I  know  the  officers 
believe  your  Excellency  has  and  will  continue  to  exert  yourself  to  get  an 
honourable  provision  for  them,  as  well  while  in  the  field  as  when  they 
retire,  and  their  country  have  no  more  service  for  them  in  their  present 
occupation.  I  have  heard  sundry  hints,  or  rather  wishes,  expressed,  that 
the  Resolve  of  the  Assembly  should  be  enacted  into  a  law.  Many  think 
hard  that  half-pay  should  exempt  them  from  civil  employments.  They  have 
no  idea  that  their  being  soldiers  for  a  lime  should  lay  them  under  disabilities 
of  any  kind.  Indeed,  I  fear  it  is  bad  policy  on  many  accounts;  one  is,  that 
I  believe  a  number  of  them  will  make  excellent  civilians,  much  better  than 
if  they  had  never  been  soldiers.  Should  there  be  occasion  to  fill  up  our  army, 
which  I  fear  will  be  the  case,  we  have  hitherto  been  too  late  in  the  season. 
Recruiting  should  commence  at  the  close  of  the  campaign.  Should  not  the 
Assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  at  next  sitting,  take  this  business  up?  The  com- 
mon mode  will  not  do.  Men  are  not  to  be  got  by  it;  besides,  it  is  a  mon- 
strous burden  on  the  State. 

I  have  long  thought  of  a  method  which,  in  my  opinion,  would  at  once 
accomplish  the  end,  at  the  same  time  be  least  burdensome  to  the  State.  It 
is  this :  first  ascertain  the  number  wanted  to  fill  up  the  quota,  then  get 
returns  of  the  strength  of  the  militia  by  detail,  let  the  calculation  descend 
to  battalions  and  companies,  each  obliged  to  find  the  complement  in  propor- 
tion. I  presume  about  a  fifteenth  man  would  do ;  there  is  scarce  a  com- 
pany but  could  find  two,  three,  or  four,  who  would  engage  during  the  war ; 
were  they  to  do  it  in  an  equitable  way,  (perhaps  as  taxes  are  laid,)  it  would 
be  but  a  small  matter  to  the  fifteen  to  make  up  a  sufficient  sum  to  induce 
one  man  to  enter.  I  understand  that  some  such  mode  is  now  practised  in 
New  England,  but  they  enlist  theirs  only  for  nine  months ;  this  by  no  means 
answers  the  end  ;  they  are  never  made  soldiers  of,  and  the  people  who  hire 
them  are  at  the  same  yearly  expense  as  it  would  cost,  did  they  engage  them 
for  the  war.  A  few  of  those  are  now  coming  on,  we  are  told  two  thousand, 
some  of  whom  it  is  said  cost  £3000  lawful  to  the  purchasers,  I  may  call 
them. 

Since  I  wrote  the  above,  a  paper  has  come  to  hand,  with  a  piece  signed 
a  Citizen  of  Philadelphia,  the  officers  (of  our  line  in  particular)  are  in  rap- 
tures with  the  author.  I  believe  they  are  not  much  noistaken  in  their  con- 
jectures who  he  is.  I  believe  the  best  apology  I  can  make  for  troubling 
your  Excellency  with  so  long  a  letter  is,  that  I  can't  do  so  often. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  the  greatest  respect  and  esteem,  sir, 
Your  Excellency's  most  obedient 

And  very  humble  servant, 

William  Irvine. 


CHARLES  LEE.  119 

It  was  about  this  time  that  Charles  Lee,  brooding  over  his 
disappointments,  and  stimulated  probably  by  the  officious 
malignity  of  some  of  his  friends,  published  the  attack  upon 
Washington  under  the  title  of  "  Queries  Political  and  Military," 
which  has  been  referred  to  incidentally  in  the  early  part  of  this 
memoir.*  He  resided  then  in  Berkely  County,  Virginia,  asso- 
ciating with  his  dogs,  and  living,  says  his  biographer, "  in  a  house 
without  glass  windows  or  plastering,  and  more  like  a  barn  than 
a  palace."  He  had  in  Philadelphia  one  correspondent  at  least, 
whose  identity  can  only  be  surmised  from  the  fact  that  he  de- 
scribes himself  as  having  been  in  July,  1776,  elected  to  Con- 
gress, and  who,  fearing  to  sign  his  proper  name  to  his  let- 
ters, subscribed  himself  an  "  Old  Friend."f  This  correspondent 
was  the  recipient  of  Lee's  defamatory  contributions  to  the 
press.  The  Queries  political  and  military  referred  not  only 
to  military  matters,  but  to  the  politics  of  Pennsylvania ;  not 

*  Vol.  i.  p.  261. 

t  The  letters  of  an  Old  Friend  will  be  found  in  Langworthy's  Memoirs  of  Lee, 
and  are  dated  severally,  19th  February,  1775,  (p.  224),  23d  July,  1776,  (p.  267), 
24th  October,  1779,  (p.  285).  The  following  extract  taken  from  the  last,  shows 
the  extremity  of  feeling  in  whicii  this  anonymous  writer  indulged : 

"Have  patience;  time  and  posterity  will  do  you  justice.  The  summer  flies 
that  now  din  our  ears  must  soon  retire.  Nothing  but  virtue  and  real  abilities 
will  finally  pass  muster,  when  the  public  cool  a  little  from  the  ferment  into  which 
the  great  and  sudden  events  of  the  late  Revolution  have  thrown  us.  /  would  rather 
be  one  of  your  dogs  in  a  future  history  of  the  present  war,  than  possess  the  first 
honours  that  are  now  current  in  America,  with  the  characters  which  I  know 
some  of  our  great  men  merit.  Poor  Permsylvania  has  become  the  most  miserable 
spot  upon  the  surface  of  the  globe.  Our  streets,  alas !  have  been  stained  already 
with  fraternal  blood  ;  a  sad  prelude  we  fear  of  the  future  mischiefs  our  Constitu- 
tion will  bring  upon  us ;  they  call  it  a  Democracy,  a  mobocracy  in  my  opinion 
would  be  more  proper.  All  our  laws  breathe  the  spirit  of  town  meetings  and 
porter  shops ;  but  I  forget  that  I  am  not  safe  in  communicating  my  opinion  of 
men  and  measures  to  paper.  Oh,  Liberty  !  Liberty !  I  have  worshipped  thee 
as  a  substance  !  But  it  is  near  twelve  o'clock  at  night,  and  I  am  much  fatigued 
with  an  unusual  share  of  business,  for  in  the  true  style  of  the  subject  of  a  monarch, 
my  family  and  my  business  must  engross  all  my  time  and  attention.  My  country 
I  have  long  ago  left  to  the  care  of  Timothy  Matlack,  Charles  Wilson  Peale,  and 
Co.  I  must  therefore  bid  you  good  night,  wishing  you  at  the  same  time,  all 
possible  health  and  happiness,  and  am,  my  dear  Lee, 

"  Your  sincere  and  affectionate, 

"  Old  Friend." 


120  lee's  military  queries. 

only  to  Washington  and  his  military  conduct,  but  to  Mr.  Reed 
and  his  Administration.  Those  relating  to  Washington  have 
already  been  quoted  ;  the  following  may  be  taken  as  specimens 
of  the  others : 

"4th.  Whether  the  present  men  in  power  in  this  State,  do  not  tread 
exactly  in  the  steps  of  this  pernicious  ministry,  by  proscribing  and  disfran- 
chising so  large  a  proportion  of  citizens  as  those  men  whom  they  find  it 
their  interest  to  brand  with  the  denominatioaof  Tories? 

"7th.  Whether  a  subject  of  Morocco  is  not,  when  we  consider  human 
nature,  a  happier  mortal,  than  a  disfranchised  citizen  of  Pennsylvania,  as 
the  former  has  the  comfort  of  seeing  all  about  him  in  the  same  predicament 
with  himself;  the  latter,  the  misery  of  being  a  slave  in  the  spacious  bosom 
of  liberty  7  The  former  drinks  the  cup,  but  the  latter  alone  can  taste  the 
bitterness  of  it. 

"9th.  Whether  it  is  salutary  or  dangerous,  consistent  with  or  abhorrent 
from,  the  principles  and  spirit  of  liberty  and  republicanism,  to  inculcate  and 
encourage  in  the  people  an  idea  that  their  welfare,  safety,  and  glory,  de- 
pend on  one  man  1     Whether  they  really  do  depend  on  one  man  ■?" 

These  Queries  were  sent  to  Philadelphia  for  publication,  but 
the  conductors  of  the  press,  of  all  parties,  refused  to  print  them  ; 
they  were  then  returned  to  hee,  who  procured  their  insertion 
in  Goddard's  Maryland  Journal,  published  at  Baltimore. 

Immediately  on  hearing  of  them.  President  Reed  published 
his  brief  and  peremptory  reply,  and  at  once  wrote  to  Wash- 
ington.* 


PRESIDENT  REED  TO  WASHINGTON. 

Philadelphia,  July  15th,  1779. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  should  not  trouble  you  with  the  enclosed  paper,  if  I  did  not  know  that 
you  can  look  down  with  contempt  on  these  feeble  efforts  of  malevolence  and 
resentment;  and  that  I  am  introduced  into  it  to  bear  false  witness.  I  have 
addressed  a  piece  to  the  printer,  wherein  I  have  made  such  remarks,  and 
taken  such  notice  of  this  attempt,  as  I  thought  a  respect  to  my  own  charac- 
ter required.  I  have  also  the  pleasure  of  assuring  you,  that  the  performance 
has  met  with  the  most  general  detestation  and  resentment,  involving  the 
printer,  and  all  concerned,  in  a  most  disagreeable  dilemma.    This  is  so  true 

*  Mr.  Reed's  reply  will  be  found  in  Vol.  i.  p.  262  of  this  Memoir. 


PUBLIC  RESENTMENT. 


121 


a  criterion  of  tlio  sense  of  the  public,  that  I  cannot  help  congratulating  you 
on  this  genuine  mark  of  public  affection. 

The  public  papers  convey  a  tolerable  idea  of  our  public  affairs.  There 
seems  to  be  a  general  wish  for  attention  to  our  finances,  and  a  revival  of 
that  spirit  of  patriotism,  which  marked  our  early  efforts.  This,  if  properly 
cherished,  may  produce  happy  effects;  if  suffered  to  languish  and  expire, 
will  carry  public  credit  with  it.  I  am  fully  convinced  this  is  the  opportu- 
nity, and,  if  lost,  or  neglected,  will  never  be  recovered.  It  would  be  too 
tedious  and  improper  an  interruption  for  me  to  enter  into  any  detail ;  and 
perhaps  I  am  not  sufficiently  impartial.  Great  events  are  certainly  com- 
prised in  the  next  six  months;  God  grant  they  may  be  favourable  to 
America.  I  verily  believe  Spain  has  declared  for  us  by  this  time;  though 
there  is  no  certain  account  of  it. 

I  dare  not  presume  to  wish  you  a  shining  or  a  pleasant  campaign  ;  the 
state  of  the  country  where  you  are  forbids  the  one,  and  I  fear  the  state  of 
your  army  forbids  the  other.  But  I  may  and  do  most  sincerely  wish  you 
health,  and  at  least  a  safe  campaign, — in  some  sense  safety  to  us  is  victory. 

Public  indignation  was  not  confined  to  Philadelphia  ;  the  most 
respectable  citizens  of  Baltimore  withdrew  their  patronage  from 
the  Maryland  Journal,  publicly  avowing  as  a  reason  that  they 
considered  it  subservient  to  the  interests  of  the  enemy  ;  and  the 
Editor  published  a  recantation,  in  which  he  humbly  acknow- 
ledged that  "  he  had  trangressed  against  truth,  justice,  and  his 
duty  as  a  good  citizen,  in  giving  currency  to  the  Queries."* 
General  Lee's  name  was  given  up  as  that  of  the  author.  Lee, 
it  would  seem,  prepared  a  reply  to  Mr.  Reed's  publication,  but 
it,  too,  the  printers  refused  to  publish.  Its  temper  may  be  in- 
ferred from  the  criticism  of  his  anonymous  friend  in  Philadel- 
phia, "  that  it  was  best  for  the  writer  that  the  printers  refused 
to  publish  it."-]-  I  am  not  aware  that  this  ever  was  given  to  the 
world. 

How  Washington  encountered  this  new  and  malignant 
attack,  with  what  high  and  contemptuous  indignation  he  looked 
down  upon  these  assaults, — for  there  were  more  than  one — will 
appear  from  his  answer  to  Mr.  Reed's  letter. 

•  Sparks^s  Washington,  vol.  vi.  p.  308. 

t  Letter  of  an  Old  Friend,  24th  October,  1779,   Langworthy's  Memoir,  p.  285. 


122  Washington's  letter. 


WASHINGTON  TO  REED. 

West  Point,  July  29th,  1779. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  a  pleasure  in  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  your  obliging  letter  of 
the  15lh  inst.,  and  in  finding,  by  it,  that  the  author  of  the  Queries  "  political 
and  military,"  has  had  no  great  cause  to  exult  in  the  favourable  reception 
of  them  by  the  public. 

Without  a  clue,  I  should  have  been  at  no  loss  to  trace  the  malevolent 
writer ;  but  I  have  seen  a  history  of  the  transaction,  and  felt  a  pleasure 
mingled  with  pain  at  the  narration.  To  stand  well  in  the  estimation  of  one's 
country,  is  a  happiness  that  no  rational  creature  can  be  insensible  of.  To 
be  pursued,  first  under  the  mask  of  friendship,  and  when  disguise  would, 
suit  no  longer,  as  an  open  calumniator,  with  gross  misrepresentation  and 
self-known  falsehoods,  carries  an  alloy  which  no  temper  can  bear  with  per- 
fect composure. 

The  motives  which  actuate  this  gentleman  are  better  understood  by  him- 
self than  me.  If  he  can  produce  a  single  instance  in  which  I  have  men- 
tioned his  name  (after  his  trial  commenced)  where  it  was  in  my  power  to 
avoid  it,  and  when  it  was  not,  where  I  have  done  it  in  the  smallest  degree 
of  acrimony  or  disrespect,  I  will  consent  that  the  world  shall  view  my  cha- 
racter in  as  disreputable  a  light  as  he  wishes  to  place  it ;  what  cause  then 
there  is  for  such  a  profusion  of  venom,  as  he  is  emitting  upon  all  occasions, 
unless  by  an  act  of  public  duty,  in  bringing  him  to  trial,  at  his  own  solicita- 
tion, I  have  disappointed  him,  and  raised  his  ire,  or  conceiving  that  in  pro- 
portion as  he  can  darken  the  shades  of  my  character,  he  illuminates  his  own. 
Whether  these,  I  say,  or  motives  yet  more  dark  and  hidden,  govern  liim,  I 
shall  not  undertake  to  decide,  nor  have  I  time  to  inquire  into  them  at  pre- 
sent. 

If  I  had  ever  assumed  the  character  of  a  military  genius,  and  the  officer 
of  experience,  if,  under  these  false  colours  I  had  solicited  the  command  I 
was  honoured  with,  or  if,  after  my  appointment,  I  had  presumptuously  driven 
on  under  the  sole  guidance  of  my  own  judgment,  and  self-will,  and  misfor- 
tunes, the  result  of  obstinacy  and  misconduct,  not  of  necessity,  had  followed, 
I  should  have  thought  myself  the  proper  object  for  the  lash,  not  only  of  his, 
but  the  pen  of  every  other  writer,  and  a  fit  subject  of  public  resentment. 
But  when  it  is  well  known  that  the  command,  in  a  manner,  was  forced  upon 
me,  that  I  accepted  it  with  the  utmost  diffidence,  from  a  consciousness 
that  it  required  greater  abilities  and  more  experience  than  I  possessed  to 
conduct  a  great  military  machine,  embarrassed,  as  I  knew  ours  must  be,  by 
a  variety  of  complex  circumstances,  and,  as  it  were,  but  little  better  than  a 
mere  chaos,  and  when  nothing  more  was  promised  on  my  part  than  has  been 
most  inviolably  performed,  it  is  rather  grating  to  pass  over,  in  silence, 
charges  which  may  impress  the  uninformed,  though  others  know  that  these 


STATE  OF  THE  ARMY.  123 

charges  have  neither  reason  nor  truth  to  support  them,  and  that  a  simple 
narrative  of  facts  would  defeat  all  his  assertions,  notwithstanding-  they  are 
made  with  an  effrontery  which  few  men  do,  and  for  the  honour  of  human 
nature,  none  ought  to  possess. 

If  this  gentleman  is  envious  of  my  station,  and  conceives  that  I  stand  in 
his  way  to  preferment,  I  can  assure  him,  in  the  most  solemn  terms,  that  the 
first  wish  of  my  soul  is  to  retire  to  that  peaceful  retirement  and  domestic 
ease  and  happiness,  from  whence  I  came.  To  this  end  all  my  labours  have 
been  directed,  and  for  this  purpose  have  I  been  more  than  four  years  a  per- 
fect slave,  endeavouring',  under  as  many  embarrassing  circumstances  as  ever 
fell  to  one  man's  lot  to  encounter,  and  with  as  pure  motives  as  ever  man 
was  influenced  by,  to  promote  the  cause  and  service  I  had  embarked  in. 

You  may  form  a  pretty  good  judgment  of  my  prospect  of  a  brilliant  cam- 
paign, and  the  figure  I  shall  cut  in  it,  When  I  inform  you,  that,  excepting 
about  400  recruits  from  the  State  of  Massachusetts,  (a  portion  of  which,  I 
am  told,  are  children,  hired  at  about  $1,500  each  for  nine  months'  service,) 
I  have  had  no  reinforcement  to  this  army  since  last  campaign,  while  our 
numbers  have  been,  and  now  are  diminishing  daily,  by  the  expiring  term  of 
men's  services,  to  say  nothing  of  the  natural  waste  by  sickness,  death,  and 
desertion. 

Discouraging  as  all  this  is,  I  feel  more  from  the  stateof  our  currency,  and 
the  little  attention  which  hitherto  appears  to  have  been  paid  to  our  finances, 
than  from  the  smallness  of  our  army: — and  yet  (Providence  having  so  often 
taken  us  up,  when  bereft  of  every  other  hope)  1  trust  we  shall  not  fail  even 
in  this.  The  present  temper  and  disposition  of  the  people  to  facilitate  a 
loan,  to  discountenance  speculation,  and  to  appreciate  the  money  is  a  happy 
presage  of  resulting  good;  and  ought  to  be  cherished  by  every  possible 
means  not  repugnant  to  good  order  and  government. 

With  you,  1  conceive  that  great  events  are  comprised  in  the  next  six 
months,  and  1  wish  I  had  such  information  as  would  carry  me  along  with 
you  in  opinion  that  Spain  has  declared  in  our  favour.  But  having  no  know- 
ledge of  facts  to  ground  such  a  belief  on,  I  am  apprehensive  that  the  natu- 
ral sloth  of  one  Court,  and  the  intrigues  and  artifice  of  the  other,  will  keep 
things  in  a  state  of  negotiation  till  the  effect  of  the  present  exertion  of 
Great  Britain  this  campaign  is  known,  when  possibly  a  new  scene  may 
open.* 

The  public  are  already  possessed  of  the  little  military  occurrences  of  this 
quarter.  I  need  not  repeat  them — some  considerable  movement  of  the 
enemy  is  in  agitation,  but  of  what  nature,  and  where  pointed,!  have  not  yet 

*  Mr.  Reed  was  right  in  his  conjecture,  having  readier  access  to  state  secrets  in 
Philadelphia  than  Washington  had  at  camp.  On  the  16th  of  June,  Lord  North 
communicated  to  Parliament  the  fact  that  the  Spanish  Ambassador  had  quitted 
London. 


124  STATE  OF  THE  AK.MY. 

been  able  to  discover.     Lord  Cornwallis  is  arrived,  and  a  number  of  troops 
(it  is  said)  are  hourly  expected. 

My  respectful  compliments  attend  Mrs.  Reed  and  the  ladies  of  your 
family.     With  very  great  esteem  and  regard,  I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  and  affectionate  humble  servant, 

G.  Washington. 


WASHINGTON  TO  REED.^ 

West  Point,  August  22d,  1779. 
Dear  Sir,* 

My  ideas  of  what  seems  to  be  the  only  mode  left  to  keep  our  battalions 
to  their  establishment  or  near  it,  you  are  already  acquainted,  as  they  were 
conveyed  at  large  to  the  Committee  at  Valley  Forge  in  '7H.  I  have  seen 
no  cause  since  to  change  my  opinion  on  this  head,  but  abundant  reason  to 
confirm  me  in  it.  No  man  dislikes  short  and  temporary  enlistments  more 
than  I  do.  No  man  had  greater  cause  to  reprobate  and  even  curse  the  fatal 
policy  of  the  measure  than  I  have;  nor  no  man  (with  decency)  ever  opposed 
it  more  in  the  early  part  of  this  contest:  and  had  my  advice  respecting  this 
matter  been  pursued  in  the  years  '75  and  '76,  our  money  would  have  been 
upon  a  very  different  establishment  in  point  of  credit  to  what  it  is  at  this  day, 
and  we  should  have  saved  millions  of  pounds  in  bounty  money,  and  the  conse- 
quent evils  of  expiring  armies  and  new  levies.  But  those  hours  are  passed, 
never  to  be  recalled.  Such  men  as  compose  the  bulk  of  the  army  are  in  a 
different  train  of  thinking  and  acting  to  what  they  were  in  the  early  stages 
of  the  war;  and  nothing  is  now  left  for  it  but  an  annual  and  systematical 
mode  of  drafting,  which,  while  we  retain  the  stamina  of  an  army,  (engaged 
for  the  war,)  will  be  the  best — indeed,  I  see  no  other  substitute  for  voluntary 
enlistment.  In  fact,  it  will  come  to  this,  for  there  are  people  enow,  (old 
soldiers,)  who  will  hire  as  substitutes;  and  the  difference  will  be,  that  in- 
stead of  the  public's  emitting  or  borrowing  money  to  pay  their  bounties, 
which  is  enlarged  greatly  every  new  enlistment,  these  sums  will  be  paid 
by  individuals — will  increase  the  demand  for  circulating  cash,  and  as  with 
all  other  commodities  in  demand,  raise  the  value  of  it  by  multiplying  the 
means  of  its  use. 

How  far  those  governments  which  are  rent  and  weakened  by  intestine 
divisions  have  energy  enough  to  carry  statutes  of  this  nature  into  execution 
I  do  not  pretend  to  be  a  competent  judge;  but  such  as  are  well-established 
and  organized  I  am  sure  can  do  it.  Those  that  are  not,  the  propriety  of  the 
measure  is  so  necessary  and  obvious  that  I  should  entertain  a  little  doubt  of 
their  success  in  the  experiment. 

The  spunge  which  you  say  some  gentlemen  have  talked  of  using,  unless 

*  The  first  part  of  this  letter,  relating  to  Charles  Lee,  has  been  printed  in  the 
early  part  of  these  Memoirs,  vol.  i.  p.  263. 


POWLES  HOOK.  125 

there  can  be  a  discrimination  and  proper  saving  clauses  provided,  (and  how 
far  this  is  practicable  I  know  not,)  would  be  unjust  and  impolitic  in  the  ex- 
treme. Perhaps  I  do  not  understand  what  they  mean  by  using  the  spunge. 
If  it  be  to  sink  the  money  in  the  hands  of  the  holders  of  it,  and  at  their  loss, 
it  cannot,  in  my  opinion,  be  justified  upon  any  principle  of  common  policy, 
common  sense,  or  common  honesty.  But  how  far  a  man,  for  instance,  who 
has  possessed  himself  of  twenty  paper  dollars  by  means  of  one,  or  the  value 
of  one  in  specie,  has  a  just  claim  upon  the  public  for  more  than  one  of  the 
latter  in  redemption,  and  in  that  ratio  according  to  the  period  of  depreciation, 
I  leave  to  those  who  are  better  acquainted  with  the  nature  of  the  subject, 
and  have  more  leisure  than  I  have  to  discuss.  To  me  a  measure  of  this 
kind  appears  substantial  justice  to  the  public  and  each  individual;  but 
whether  it  is  capable  of  administration,  I  have  never  thought  enough  to 
form  any  opinion. 

We  have  given  the  enemy  another  little  stroke  at  Powles  Hook,  an 
account  of  which  is  transmitted  to  Congress  by  this  conveyance,  and  will,  I 
presume,  be  handed  to  the  public.  In  the  meanwhile  I  have  the  pleasure  to 
inform  you  that  about  one  hundred  and  sixty  prisoners  and  the  colours  of  the 
garrison  were  brought  off. 

1  am,  with  great  esteem  and  regard,  dear  sir, 

Your  most  obedient  and  affectionate  humble  servant, 

G.  Washington. 

The  "little  stroke  at  Powles  Hook"  was  Henry  Lee's  gallant 
surprise  of  that  post  on  the  19th  of  July,  thus  described  in  a 
contemporary  letter,  never  before  published,  from  a  Maryland 
officer.  Delaware,  Maryland,  and  Virginia  in  this  affair  well 
emulated  the  heroism  of  Stoney  Point,  though  it  would  seem, 
from  a  private  letter  from  Lee  to  President  Reed,  he  had 
reason  to  censure  very  strongly  some  of  the  "  chivalry"  of  his 
own  State. 


LEVIN  HANDY  TO  GEORGE  HANDY.* 

Paramus,  22d  July,  1779. 
Dear  George, 

Before  this  reaches  you,  I  doubt  not  but  you  have  heard  of  our  success  at 

Powles  Hook,  where  the  enemy  had  a  very  strong  fort,   within  one  and 

a  quarter  miles  from  New  York.    We  started  from  this  place  on  Wednesday 

last  [at]  half  after  ten  o'clock,  taking  our  route  by  a  place  called  the  New 

*  For  an  account  of  Captain  Levin  Handy,  see  Garden's  Anecdotes,  p.  130.  I 
am  indebted  for  this  letter  to  Edward  D.  Ingraham,  Esquire.  In  Mr.  Duer's 
Life  of  Lord  Stirling,  p.  204,  is  a  description  of  this  affair. 


126  handy's  letter. 

Bridge  on  Hackensac  River,  where  my  two  companies  were  joined  by  three 
hundred  Virginians,  and  a  company  of  dismounted  Dragoons,  commanded 
by  Capt.  McLane.  We  took  up  our  line  of  march  about  5  o'clock  in  the 
evening  from  the  Bridge,  the  nearest  route  with  safety,  to  Powles,  distant 
then  about  twenty  miles,  with  my  detachment  in  front,  the  whole  under 
command  of  the  gallant  Major  Lee.  The  works  were  to  be  carried  by 
storm — the  whole  to  advance  in  three  solid  columns,  one  of  which  I  had  the 
honour  to  command.  The  attack  was  to  commence  at  half  after  twelve 
o'clock,  but  having  been  greatly  embarrassed  on  our  march,  and  having  a 
number  of  difficulties  to  surmount,  did  not  arrive  at  the  point  of  attack  till 
after  four  o'clock  in  the  morning,  when,  after  a  small  fire  from  them,  we 
gained  their  works,  and  put  about  fifty  of  them  to  the  bayonet,  took  one 
hundred  and  fifty-seven  prisoners,  exclusive  of  seven  commanding  officers; 
this  was  completed  in  less  than  thirty  minutes,  and  a  retreat  ordered,  as  we 
had  every  reason  to  suppose,  unless  timely,  it  would  be  cut  off.  Our  situation 
was  so  difficult  that  we  could  not  bring  oflT  any  stores.  We  had  a  morass 
to  pass  of  upwards  two  miles,  the  greatest  part  of  which  we  were  obliged 
to  pass  by  files,  and  several  canals  to  ford  up  to  our  breast  in  water.  We 
advanced  with  bayonets,  pans  open,  cocks  fallen,  to  prevent  any  fire  from 
our  side ;  and  believe  me,  when  I  assure  you,  we  did  not  fire  a  musket. 

You  will  see  a  more  particular  account  of  it  in  the  papers  than  it  is  in 
my  power  to  give  you  at  present.  It  is  thought  to  be  the  greatest  enter- 
prise ever  undertaken  in  America.     Our  loss  is  so  inconsiderable  that  I  do 

not  mention  it. 

Levin  Handy. 

On  the  27th  of  Auerust,  Lee  himself  thus  writes: 


HENRY  LEE  TO  PRESIDENT  REED. 

August  27th,  1779. 
My  dear  Sir, 

I  never  conceived  myself  so  important  in  the  army  as  I  find  I  am.  Cap- 
tains and  Subalterns  used  to  seek  me.  Generals  and  Colonels  are  now  bark- 
in"  at  me  with  open  mouth.  Colonel  Gist,  of  Virginia,  an  Indian  hunter, 
has  formed  a  cabal.  I  mean  to  make  the  matter  very  serious,  because  a  full 
explanation  will  recoil  on  my  foes,  and  give  new  light  to  the  enterprise. 

In  my  report  to  General  Washington,  which  I  hope  Congress  will  do  me 
the  justice  to  publish  as  soon  as  possible,  I  passed  the  usual  general  com- 
pliments on  the  troops  under  my  command.  I  did  not  tell  the  world 
that  near  one  half  of  my  countrymen  left  me — that  it  was  reported  to  me 
by  Major  Clarke  as  I  was  entering  the  marsh, — that  notwithstanding  this  and 
every  other  dumb  sign,  I  pushed  on  to  the^ attack. 

Had  I  been  unsuccessful,  I  was  determined  to  leave  my  corpse  within  the 


HENRY  lee's  LETTER.  127 

enemy's  lines.  The  brave  Marylanders  stood  by  me  faithfully.  Major 
Clarke,  with  the  Virginians,  exerted  himself.  Their  efforts  to  second  his 
endeavours  were  not  the  most  vigorous.  What  I  now  write,  I  write  in 
confidence.  You  probably  will  see  the  whole  matter  in  print.  I  am  deter- 
mined to  push  Colonel  Gist  and  party.  The  brave  and  generous  throughout 
the  whole  army  support  me  warmly.  I  do  not  know  that  any  General  Offi- 
cers are  my  foes.  I  have  received  the  thanks  of  General  Washington  in  the 
most  flattering  terms,  and  the  congratulations  of  General  Greene,  Wayne 
and  the  officers  of  the  Light  Infantry.  Do  not  let  any  whispers  afl^ect 
you,  my  dear  sir.  Be  assured  that  the  more  full  the  scrutiny,  the  more 
honour  your  friend  will  receive,  and  the  more  ignominy  will  be  the  fate  of 
my  foes.     My  respects  to  your  lady  and  family. 

Adieu,  yours,  most  sincerely, 

Henry  Lee,  Jun. 

HENRY  LEE  TO  PRESIDENT  REED. 

Head-Quarters,  Sept.  9,  1779. 
Mv  DEAR  Sir, 

I  thank  you  for  the  sincerity  of  your  letter  of  August  29th. 

Believe  me,  sir,  the  congratulations  of  my  friends  are  more  pleasing  to 
me,  (although  a  young  soldier,)  than  any  applause  from  the  public.  Con- 
gress have  not  yet  published  any  report.  I  presume  they  have  good  reasons 
for  it.  If  they  have  not,  they  treat  me  injuriously.  My  trial  goes  on  apace; 
the  evidence  of  the  prosecution  throws  additional  lustre  on  every  part  of  my 
conduct.  I  expect  concessions  will  be  offered  this  day  from  the  chief  of  the 
conspiracy:  their  own  interest,  not  candour,  will  induce  the  offer;  if  made, 
perhaps  I  may  be  good-natured  on  the  occasion.  Pity  already  has  got  the 
better  of  resentment.  I  mean  to  have  my  trial  printed,  for  the  satisfaction 
of  some  gentlemen  of  the  Virginia  line.  I  enclose  my  order  of  battle  and 
disposition  on  the  march;  I  wish  it  to  be  published  with  my  report,  as  it 
will  serve  to  elucidate  the  enterprises. 

Be  pleased  to  present  my  respects  to  your  lady,  my  good  friends  Smith 
and  Hutchinson.* 

I  havethe  honour  to  be,  dear  sir, 

Your  affectionate,  humble  servant, 

Henry  Lee,  Jun. 

*  Among  President  Reed's  most  valued  friends,  and  one  of  his  truest  political 
supporters,  was  Doctor  James  Hutchinson,  to  whom,  probably,  Major  Lee  refers. 
He  was  an  ardent  Constitutionalist,  and  having,  with  his  friends  Mr.  Reed  and  Mr. 
Sergeant,  shared  in  the  obloquy  which  the  animosity  of  the  times  cast  upon  that 
party,  deserves  some  notice  (and  the  narrative  of  the  lives  of  the  Constitutional 
Whigs  of  Pennsylvania  is  their  best  vindication)  in  this  Memoir.  He  was  born  in 
Makefield  Township,  Bucks  County,  Pennsylvania,  on  the  29th  day  of  January, 
1752,  and  was  the  son  of  Randal  Hutchinson,  a  highly'respectable  farmer,  and  one  of 
the  Society  of  Friends.    He  began  his  education  under  the  tuition  of  Paul  Preston, 


128  DOCTOR  HUTCHINSON. 

GENERAL  IRVINE  TO  PRESIDENT  REED. 

West  Point,  Sept.  15,  1779. 
Dear  Sir, 
I  have  conversed  with  General  Wilkinson  this  day,  he  says  he  has  not 


then  a  distinguished  teacher,  went  subsequently  to  a  school  in  Virginia,  and  re- 
turned  to  complete  a  collegiate  course,  with  the  highest  honours,  at  Philadelphia. 
Having  devoted  himself  to  the  science  of  medicine,  his  professional  studies  were 
first  pursued  with  Doctor  Evans  in  that  city.  From  the  Medical  College,  in 
1774,  he  received  a  gold  medal  as  a  testimonial  of  his  ability  and  attainments, 
more  particularly  in  the  department  of  chemistry.  Shortly  after  this  he  went 
to  England,  and  availed  himself  of  the  instruction  of  the  celebrated  Dr.  Fo- 
thergill.  His  return  to  America  was  hastened  by  the  political  events  of  the 
times.  The  freedom  of  his  opinions  had  indeed  been  the  main  inducement 
with  his  uncle,  Israel  Pemberton,  (under  whose  care  he  was  at  Philadelphia, 
his  father  being  dead,)  to  send  him  abroad,  to  withdraw  him,  if  possible, 
from  the  impending  contest.  It  was  impossible,  however,  to  keep  from  him  a 
knowledge  of  the  principles,  designs,  and  exploits  of  his  countrymen.  He  returned 
by  way  of  France,  as  the  bearer  of  important  despatches  from  Dr.  Franklin  to  his 
government.  When  on  the  American  coast,  the  vessel  he  was  in  was  chased  by 
a  British  ship  of  war;  and  being  determined  to  save  the  despatches,  he  left  her 
in  an  open  boat,  landed  under  the  fire  of  the  enemy,  and  thus  succeeded.  A  short 
time  after,  she  was  captured,  and  every  thing  he  had,  including  a  medical  library 
collected  in  England  and  France,  was  lost.  Immediately  on  his  arrival  in 
America  he  joined  the  army,  and  continued  with  it  till  the  peace,  taking  an  active 
and  decided  part  in  favour  of  America.  The  Friends  were  inclined  to  expel  him 
from  their  Society  for  his  (as  they  conceived)  breach  of  their  favourite  principle 
of  non-resistance;  but  on  exhibiting  to  them  a  letter  from  Dr.  Fothergill,  advising 
him  to  the  course  he  pursued,  were  induced  to  pass  the  matter  over.  The  Doctor, 
in  taking  part  with  his  fellow-citizens,  was  well  aware  of  the  consequent  loss  of 
the  patronage  of  his  uncle,  so  well  known  and  so  influential  a  man,  who  would 
no  doubt  have  introduced  him  to  an  extensive  practice  in  his  profession  among 
the  most  wealthy  of  the  Society  of  Friends.  After  the  evacuation  of  Philadelphia 
by  the  British  army,  he  was  called  upon  to  act  as  one  of  the  Committee  of  Safety. 
He  was  frequently  at  Head-Quarters  in  times  of  peculiar  difficulties.  He 
was  appointed  by  the  Act  establishing  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  when 
but  twenty-seven  years  of  age,  one  of  the  Trustees ;  elected  Professor  of 
Chemistry  by  that  institution;  chosen  a  member  of  the  Philosophical  Society, 
and  Physician  to  the  Pennsylvania  Hospital,  in  all  of  whicli  situations  he  con- 
tinued during  his  life.  His  abilities  as  a  physician  were  universally  acknow- 
ledged. At  the  time  of  the  yellow  fever  in  1793,  his  exertions  day  and  night 
were  unceasing,  but  beyond  his  strength.  He  fell  a  lamented  victim  to  that 
fatal  disease  on  the  5th  day  of  September  of  that  year.  His  two  sons,  I.  Pem- 
berton Hutchinson  and  Randal  Hutchinson,  now  reside  in  Philadelphia. 


Irvine's  letter.  129 

yet  got  a  return  to  enable  him  to  make  an  exact  estimate,  but  assures  me 
we  need  not  depend  on  the  Continent  for  either  hats,  shirts,  blankets,  nor 
stockings;  he  hopes  coats  can  be  procured.  Many  of  our  poor  fellows  have 
been  two  years  in  service  and  never  had  a  blanket  to  this  day,  I  may  say 
we  have  no  hats  at  all,  as  they  are  truly  next  to  none;  the  Eastern  troops 
have  all  got  fine  new-fashioned  hats,  said  to  be  made  at  Boston,  but  I  believe 
they  are  French.  I  wish  we  could  get  good  hats  for  the  whole  line  at 
once,  as  nothing  can  add  so  much  to  the  appearance  of  a  soldier.  I  am  told 
Mr.  Henry  at  Lancaster  could,  in  a  very  short  time,  get  any  number  made. 
Inclosed  is  a  list  of  the  surgeons  and  mates  of  the  Regiments  on  this  ground. 
I  promised  to  send  them  after  General  St.  Clair,  who  was  to  add  them  to 
the  regimental  list  of  officers,  but  as  I  doubt  he  will  have  left  town,  I  think 
it  is  best  to  forward  it  to  your  Excellency. 

It  seems  to  be  the  sense  and  wish  of  everybody  that  they  should  be 
supplied  as  other  officers  with  clothing  and  necessaries;  indeed  if  they  are 
not,  we  shall  lose  them.  Some  are  of  old  standing,  and  perhaps  have  lost 
an  opportunity  of  establishing  themselves  in  their  profession,  that  it  will 
look  too  ungenerous  to  cast  them  out  now. 

Colonel  Nicola's  justification  or  defence  is  by  no  means  satisfactory  to 
me;  that  he  has  some  kind  of  surgeon's  certificate  I  make  no  doubt  of,  but 
he  should  (agreeable  to  the  Resolution  of  Congress),  have  a  transfer  from 
the  Colonel  of  the  Regiment  to  which  the  soldier  belonged.  I  know  he  has 
men  picked  up,  some  who  had  gone  on  furlough  and  never  returned  to  their 
Regiments;  their  officers  think  them  deserted,  unless  they  happen  to  hear 
by  mere  accident  that  they  are  in  the  invalid  corps.  However,  it  is  now 
too  late  in  the  season  to  bring  any  of  them  on.  When  I  go  to  Philadelphia, 
I  will  see  them  examined  myself  I  am  certain  there  are  men  in  that  corps, 
who  have  been  certified  by  surgeons  not  fit  for  field  duty,  that  are  now  as  fit 
as  any  men  in  the  world.     This  I  know  of  my  own  certain  knowledge. 

The  new  French  Ambassador  is  to  be  here  this  day,  on  his  way  to  Phila- 
delphia; it  is  said  he  is  of  a  very  different  turn  from  Monsieur  Gerard,  being 
very  gay,  volatile,  pompous,  &c.     He  is  to  be  received  here  as  a  private 
gentleman  only;  we  are  putting  on  our  holiday  clothes  notwithstanding.* 
I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  real  esteem. 

Your  Excellency's  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

William  Irvine. 

*  The  new  Ambassador  was  the  Chevalier  de  la  Luzerne,  who  succeeded  M. 
Gerard;  It  would  be  curious  to  know  the  impression  made  by  the  "  holiday 
clothes"  of  the  hatless,  ragged  Americans,  on  a  French  courtier,  fresh  from  a 
review  of  the  French  Guards  on  the  terraces  of  Versailles.  Everything,  it  may 
be  here  observed,  connected  with  the  official  intercourse  of  the  French  and  Ame- 
ricans, the  choice  of  their  agents,  the  very  contrast  of  deportment  to  which 
General  Irvine  refers,  was  successful,  and  in  strange  contrast  with  the  awkward 
blundering  of  the  British  cabinet.  No  more  suitable  representatives  could  have 
been  selected  than  Gerard,  Barbd  Marbois,  and  Luzerne,  The  same  remark 
VOL.  II.  0 


130  CLOTHING  OF  THE  TROOPS. 


IRVINE  TO  REED. 

September  17th,  1779. 
Dear  Sir, 

In  addition  to  my  letter  of  yesterday,  I  must  beg  your  Excellency's 
patience  a  little  farther. 

The  Continental  suits  of  clothing  are  all  of  the  same  quality,  no  distinc- 
tion between  the  non-commissioned  officers  and  the  privates.  I  need  not 
tell  you  how  necessary  it  is  to  have  Serjeants  kept  in  a  certain  degree 
of  credit,  nor  that  it  is  impossible  to  do  this  without  a  distinctive  dress. 
Some  gentlemen  have  wrote  to  get  the  sergeants'  pay  augmented,  but  I  am 
clear  it  will  answer  a  much  better  purpose  to  lay  it  out  in  some  articles  of 
clothing;  a  silver-band  hat,  worsted  epaulettes,  &c.,  these  small  trappings 
I  could  wish  the  State  to  make  a  present  of,  and  if  practicable  have  a 
middling  cloth  procured  for  coats.  This  is  to  be  charged  to  the  Continent. 
We  can  get  them  made  up  at  Camp,  which  will  reduce  the  cost  to  the 
same  of  the  men's  coats  if  made  in  the  country.  Our  drummers  and  fifers 
are  also  in  the  same  uniform  with  the  men,  which  is  by  no  means  military. 
As  the  State  is  at  such  vast  expense  already  with  her  troops,  I  would  not 
ask  it  did  I  not  think  it  may  be  done  with  little  or  no  addition,  A  small 
degree  of  cleverness  in  an  agent  can  do  the  business.  You  can  scarcely 
conceive  how  far  a  few  things  of  this  kind  would  make  us  outshine  all 
other  troops;   I  say  outshine,  because  we  excel  far  enough  already. 

I  most  sincerely  beg  your  Excellency's  pardon  for  troubling  you  with  these 
small  things,  and  in  a  measure  making  a  mere  clothier  of  you,  and  can 

applies  to  the  military  men.  Even  the  reckless  libertinism  of  Lauzun,  as 
exhibited  in  his  curious  Memoirs,  seems  here  to  have  been  controlled,  for  the 
only  women  of  whom  he  speaks,  except  in  the  tone  of  a  triumphant  debauchee, 
were  the  Americans  who  nursed  him  in  his  illness  in  Rhode  Island. — (Meinoires 
du  Due  de  Lauzun,  p.  170,  Paris,  1822.)  I  find  in  a  newspaper  of  the  times 
the  following  primitive  description  of  the  reception  of  the  first  French  Envoy  at 
Philadelphia.  "  Early  last  Sunday  afternoon,  his  Excellency  M.  Gerard,  Am- 
bassador from  his  most  Christian  Majesty,  arrived  in  this  city.  He  was  accom- 
panied  from  Chester  to  an  elegant  apartment,  provided  for  him  in  Market  Street, 
by  a  Committee  of  Congress  appointed  for  that  purpose.  On  his  entrance  in  the 
City,  he  was  saluted  by  Colonel  Proctor's  artillery.  It  is  impossible  to  describe 
the  joy  that  appeared  in  every  good  man's  countenance  upon  this  auspicious 
event.  Who  would  have  thought,  says  a  correspondent,  that  the  American 
Colonies,  imperfectly  known  in  Europe  a  few  years  ago,  and  claimed  by  every 
pettifogging  lawyer  in  the  House  of  Commons,  and  every  cobbler  in  the  beer 
houses  of  London,  as  a  part  of  their  property,  should  in  the  course  of  a  three 
years'  war  with  Great  Britain,  receive  an  Ambassador  from  the  most  powerful 
monarchy  of  Europe." — Pennsylvania  Packet,  14  July,  1778. 


WILLIAM  ERADFOKD.  131 

assure  yon  would  not,  had  I  the  smallest  expectation  of  getting  anything  of 
this  kind  (however  small)  accomplished  without  your  friendly  influence. 
I  am,  dear  sir, 

Yours,  most  sincerely, 

William  Irvine. 

In  connexion  with  this  portion  of  Mr.  Reed's  hfe,  the  two 
following  letters  may  here  be  introduced.  The  one  from  Mr. 
Bradford  has  peculiar  interest,  not  only  from  the  professional 
eminence  which  the  writer  subsequently  attained,  but  as  a 
sincere  acknowledgment  of  grateful  feelings  for  Mr.  Reed's 
considerate  kindness.  William  Bradford  had  served,  as  an 
officer,  in  the  Pennsylvania  line  with  considerable  distinc- 
tion. Having  yielded  to  President  Reed's  instance,  and  re- 
moved to  Philadelphia,  he  was  afterwards  appointed  Attor- 
ney-General of  Pennsylvania.  In  1791,  as  is  well  known, 
he  was  appointed  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  in  1794,  General  Washington  made  him 
Attorney-General  of  the  United  States,  in  which  post  he  died, 
in  the  following  year.*  This  letter  illustrates  the  unpretend- 
ing beginning  of  his  distinguished  career. 


WILLIAM  BRADFORD  TO  PRESIDENT  REED. 

Yorktown,  July  17th,  1779. 
Sir, 

I  have  the  pleasure  of  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  your  Excellency's 
favour  of  the  9th  instant,  and  must  beg  leave  to  present  you  with  my  grateful 
thanks  for  the  honour  you  have  done  me.  The  favourable  opinion  you  are 
pleased  to  entertain  of  me  is  extremely  flattering;  for,  I  assure  you, — and 
it  is  with  the  sincerity  of  truth  I  do  it, — that  ever  since  I  have  had  the  honour 
of  knowing  you,  whether  in  a  public  or  private  station,  my  heart  has  done 
homage  to  your  virtues,  and  been  ambitious  of  your  esteem. 

For  your  polite  offer  of  serving  me  in  my  civil  pursuits,  you  have  my 
warmest  acknowledgments.  Since  my  leaving  the  Army,  I  have  been  en- 
gaged in  reviewing  my  studies,  and  am  now  just  entering  upon  the  practice 
of  the  law,  and,  if  my  friends  do  not  flatter  me,  have  a  prospect  of  some 

*  Mr.  Bradford  was  in  the  fortieth  year  of  age,  at  the  time  of  his  death. 


132  WILLIAM  BRADFORD. 

little  success  in  my  profession.  I  am  not,  however,  so  firmly  rooted  here  as 
to  render  a  removal  inconvenient;  and  I  confess  it  would  not  be  disagreeable 
to  my  inclination  to  be  in  some  public  office  in  which  I  could  serve  my 
country  with  reputation  to  myself;  and  this  would  be  still  more  acceptable, 
were  it  in  the  line  of  my  profession,  or  such  as  would  not  drive  me  from  my 
studies,  or  render  them  useless. 

If,  there  ore,  1  should  be  called  to  any  office  of  public  trust,  to  which  my 
abilities  are  equal,  and  in  which  I  could  serve  the  community  without  too 
much  disserving  myself,  I  should  accept  it  with  pleasure.  And,  if  anything 
of  this  kind  should  offer  at  a  future  day,  I  shall  be  happy  to  avail  myself  of 
your  Excellency's  influence.  At  present  an  immediate  acceptance  of  any 
post  would  be  inconvenient.  A  weakness  of  the  nervous  system,  occasioned 
by  a  fevere  bilious  fever,  has  rendered  a  little  relaxation  necessary,  and  for 
the  removal  of  which,  my  physicians  recommend  a  journey  to  the  Springs, 
in  Berkely  County.  For  these  I  shall  probably  set  out  a  fortnight  hence, 
and  continue  there  a  month  at  least. 

If  you  have  any  particular  place  in  view  which  you  wish  me  to  fill,  (as 
the  close  of  your  letter  leads  me  to  imagine,)  and  will  indulge  me  with  a 
few  lines  more  explicit,  I  will  do  myself  the  honour  of  answering  them  fully 
before  I  set  out  for  Virginia.  A  letter  sent  to  my  father's  will  reach  me 
with  certainty  and  expedition. 

Very  truly  and  respectfully  yours, 

William  Bradford,  Jr.* 

*  In  Mr.  Rawle's  Sketches  of  the  ancient  Bar  of  Philadelphia,  {Hazard^s 
Register,  vol.  x.  p.  291,)  is  the  following  description  of  Mr.  Bradford's  short,  but 
most  distinguished  career. 

"Bradford  was  the  youngest  of  those  who  flourished  at  this  active  and  interest- 
ing period,  and  his  history  merits  the  attention  of  the  younger  part  of  my  brethren, 
as  indicating  that  however  discouraging  the  prospects  may  be,  one  should  never 
despair.  I  have  understood  that  for  three  or  four  years  after  his  admission,  he 
had  scarcely  a  single  client;  his  circumstances  were  so  slender,  and  his  hopes  so 
faint,  that  he  had  at  one  time  determined  to  relinquish  the  profession  and  go  to 
sea,  but  his  abilities,  though  known  to  few,  were  justly  appreciated  by  Mr.  Reed, 
then  Pesident  of  the  Supreme  Executive  Council.  On  the  resignation  of  Mr. 
Sergeant,  in  1780,  he  was  unexpectedly  appointed  Attorney-General.  At  that 
time  the  office  required  no  feeble  hand.  The  Executive  Administration  was  in- 
volved in  the  most  serious  responsibilities.  The  ability  of  his  predecessor  had 
been  eminently  useful  to  them.  If  Bradford  had  proved  unequal  to  its  duties,  the 
appointment  would  have  covered  both  him  and  the  Administration  with  disgrace; 
if  otherwise,  it  elevated  him  to  honour,  while  it  highly  promoted  the  political  in- 
terests he  belonged  to — the  latter  was  the  result.  Those  of  his  brethren  who  had 
only  noticed  him  as  a  mute  and  humble  attendant  on  the  courts,  now  watched 
his  progress  with  political  if  not  professional  jealousy,  and  soon  perceived  with 
surprise,  the  first  displays  of  eloquence  in  a  style  not  common,  of  knowledge  not 
suspected,  of  judicious  management  not  frequent  in  youth.     He  advanced  with  a 


CONTROVERSY  WITH  VIRGINIA.  133 

The  other  letter  has  a  less  personal  interest.  For  a  number 
of  years,  disputes  had  existed  between  Pennsylvania  and  Vir- 
ginia relative  to  boundaries,  which  were  finally  adjusted  by  a 
Commission,  that  met  in  Baltimore  in  the  summer  of  1779. 
The  Commissioners  from  Pennsylvania  were,  George  Bryan, 
David  Rittenhouse,  and  John  Ewing ;  from  Virginia,  James 
Madison*  and  Robert  Andrews.  The  following  letter  was  writ- 
ten during  the  session  of  the  Commissioners.  It  is  curious 
as  descriptive  of  Baltimore  when  a  village. 

GEORGE  BRYAN  TO  PRESIDENT  REED. 

Baltimore,  August  31st,  1779. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  wrote  you  yesterday  by  Captain  Keith,  but  he  is  yet  here  waiting  the 
departure  of  the  stage,  which  is  fixed  for  this  afternoon. 

The  enemy's  cruisers  in  the  Chesapeake  appear  to  be  the  Rainbow  and 
Salisbury,  with  some  privateers.  They  took,  it  is  said,  a  vessel  bound  in, 
and  a  ship  going  out,  tobacco  laden,  with  eight  or  ten  small  craft.  They 
retired  towards  the  Capes  on  Saturday,  and  are  supposed  to  have  instantly 
put  to  sea. 

This  town,  filled  with  industrious  people,  has  suddenly  sprouted  out  to 
the  size  of  1000  dwellings  in  a  country  of  indolence.  The  country  here- 
abouts is  a  poor  gravelly  soil.  They  talk  of  fine  land  in  the  necks  which 
lie  eastward  towards  the  Bay,  and  of  good  farms  ten  or  twelve  miles  north- 
west or  inland.  But  I  fancy  the  town  is  rather  too  large  for  the  neighbour- 
ing people,  slothful  as  they  seem,  to  supply.  Meadow  they  seem  to  have 
little,  scarce  any  marsh  on  their  rivers  have  I  seen.  All  the  shores  are 
gravelly  and  dry.  This  inattention  of  the  Marylanders  to  the  vast  advantage 
of  the  Baltimore  market  is  easily  accounted  for,  from  looking  back  to  the 
fettered  state  of  trade  formerly,  as  conducted  by  a  combination  of  little 
Scotch  dealers,  who  kept  the  people  in  such  bondage  as  stifled  all  industry. 
The  cash  trade  of  the  land  and  the  building  this  town  has  indeed  removed 
many  obstacles,  but  the  habits  of  a  whole  people,  educated  and  confirmed  in 
indolency,  are  hardly  surmountable.     The  readiest  remedy  certainly  would 

rapid  progress,  to  an  eminence  of  reputation  which  never  was  defaced  by  petty 
artifices  of  practice  or  ignoble  associations  of  thought;  his  course  was  lofty  as  his 
mind  was  pure ;  his  eloquence  was  of  the  best  kind  ;  his  language  was  uniformly 
classical ;  his  fancy  frequently  interwove  some  of  those  graceful  ornaments,  which 
delight  when  they  are  not  too  frequent,  and  do  not  interrupt  the  chain  of  argu- 
ment." 

*  Bishop  Madison. 


134  BALTIMOllE  IN   1779. 

be  to  introduce  some  new  farmers,  bred  in  a  land  of  industry.  Against  this 
the  difficulty  of  getting  lands  for  them  is  urged,  for  the  law  of  inheritance 
in  the  eldest  son,  the  difficulty  of  selling  real  estate  for  common  debts, 
entails,  and  the  shame  of  parting  with  paternal  lands,  combine  against  stran- 
gers. An  unaccountable  jealousy  too  against  this  collection  of  strangers, 
as  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  generally  are,  is  no  small  embarrassment. 
Narrowness  and  stupidity  prevented  the  houses  here,  which  are  on  bad 
ground,  that  is  to  say,  low,  flat,  and  under  the  hills,  from  being  planned  on 
an  elegant  spot  two  miles  lower, — a  narrow  point  between  two  basins,  with 
deep  water  adjoining,  and  high,  dry  ground  between.  At  Baltimore  they 
soon  found  a  great  impediment  to  business  ;  their  ships  of  large  size,  for  want 
of  depth,  being  obliged  to  lie  a  mile  off  the  wharf.  This  last  circumstance  has 
induced  many  to  build  at  the  place  where  the  vessels  lie,  and  thus  a  village 
is  grown  up  there  on  a  remarkable  neck  of  land  called  the  Point,  and  the 
place  is  growing  fast.  Both  there  and  here  we  find  brick  buildings  going 
forward,  for  rents  are  very  high.  On  taking  the  number  of  persons  in  this 
Town  and  the  Point,  which  are  indeed  called  one  town,  there  appeared  not 
above  five  to  a  family,  which  leads  to  a  suspicion  that  we  count  our  citizens 
too  largely. 

Butter  is  at  four  dollars  a  pound.  Hay  £90  to  j£120  per  ton.  Vegetables 
very  dear.     Beef  (less  than  our  price)  10s. 

This  place  was  formerly  more  subject  to  fevers  and  agues  than  now. 
The  stillness  of  the  basin  before  the  town,  and  some  low  ground,  since  filled 
in  or  drained,  has  altered  this.  But  there  is  scarce  any  mud  to  be  seen; 
all  is  gravel.  The  tide  is  very  slack  every  where,  and  rises  only  four  feet. 
It  swells,  but  has  no  current  at  the  town.  All  the  inhabitants  seem  healthy. 
Indeed,  all  round  this  place,  the  nature  of  the  soil  promises  better  for  health 
than  our  town.  The  very  spot  of  Baltimore  is,  indeed,  too  flat,  and  under 
high  ground,  but  is  a  bed  of  coarse  gravel. 

They  raise  no  tobacco  now  in  these  parts,  or  at  least  very  little.  That 
article  is  had  from  Virginia  on  easy  terms  by  water.  By  this,  they  trade 
to  Europe  at  this  time  on  a  better  footing  than  we  do. 

The  fort  here  I  have  not  seen,  but  I  perceive  that  a  small  body  of  men 
might  pass  up  the  main  river,  Patapsco,  without  difficulty,  come  behind  it, 
and  do  what  they  please,  by  a  march  of  two  miles  only.* 

Mr.  TurnbuU  finds  there  are  some  suits  in  tiie  buckskin,  but  not  enough 
of  trimmings  and  linings.  I  have  spoken  to  R.  Purviance  for  them,  and 
Mr.  T.  has  it  in  charge  to  secure  them.  The  shoes  are  very  bad.  They 
ask  for  pig  lead  30s.  per  lb. 

The  Virginia  gentlemen  offer  to  divide  exactly  the  40th  degree  with  us, 
which  I  wish  to  accept.  Mr.  Rittenhouse  is  not  averse  from  my  idea.  Per- 
haps we   would  be  as  well  off  with  Mason  and  Dixon's  line  continued. 

*  Something  of  this  kind  was  attempted,  and  nearly  with  success,  by  the  British 
in  1814. 


BOUNDARY  LINE.  135 

Then  we  should  have  no  farther  discussion  with  Maryland.     Our  company 
are  all  well. 

I  am,  dear  sir,  very  truly, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

George  Bryan. 

P.  S.  The  Lark,  a  vessel  from  hence,  was  taken  by  the  cruisers  in  the 
bay  last  week. 

On  the  day  this  letter  was  written,  the  agreement  was 
signed  by  which  the  line  known  as  Mason  and  Dixon's,  conti- 
nued west  five  degrees  of  longitude  counted  from  the  Dela- 
ware, was  to  be  the  southern  line  of  Pennsylvania,  and  its 
western  boundary  a  meridian  line  from  that  point.  This 
agreement  was  communicated  to  the  Assembly  in  November, 
1779,  and  finally,  though  with  some  reluctance,  ratified  by  law 
in  1780.* 

In  May,  1781,  the  following  official  letter,  curiously  illustra- 
tive of  our  scientific  infancy,  was  written  to  Governor  Jeffer- 
son.    The  original  is  in  the  archives  at  Richmond. 

TO  THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 

In  Council,  Philadelphia,  May  14th,  1781. 
Sir, 

Since  I  had  the  honour  of  addressing  your  Excellency  on  the  6th  instant, 
we  have  conferred  with  the  Commissioners  who  settled  the  agreement 
entered  into  at  Baltimore  in  August,  1779,  and  we  fully  concur  in  the 
method  proposed  by  your  Excellency  of  settling  the  extent  of  the  five  de- 
grees of  longitude  by  astronomical  observation,  not  only  as  determining  the 
present  question  with  more  certainty,  but  as  it  tends  to  solve  a  problem  both 
useful  and  curious  to  the  learned  world.  But  as  we  are  sorry  to  find  that  it 
is  the  opinion  of  our  gentlemen  of  science  that  the  season  will  be  too  far 
advanced  before  the  observations  can  commence,  and  more  especially  as  the 
principal  astronomical  instruments  in  this  city  are  so  scattered  and  out  of 
repair  as  to  require  a  considerable  time  to  put  them  in  order.  For  these 
reasons,  though  with  great  reluctance,  we  have  thought  it  best,  after  ex- 
pressing our  full  acquiescence  in  the  mode  suggested  by  your  Excellency, 

*  Journals,  pp.  400,  519  ;  Srn.ith''s  Laws,  vol.  ii.  p.  261.  The  whole  subject  of 
the  boundary  controversy  of  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia  has  been  fully  examined 
by  Neville  B.  Craig,  Esq.,  of  Pittsburg.  His  results  were  embodied  in  a  very  able 
lecture  delivered  and  published  in  the  year  1843,  and  are  to  be  found  in  his  valu. 
able  western  periodical,  "  The  Olden  Tima." 


136  BOUNDARY  LINE. 

to  propose  the  1st  of  May  next  to  run  the  line  by  astronomical  observations- 
But  in  the  mean  time,  for  the  sake  of  settling  the  minds  of  the  people,  and 
preventing  disputes  among  the  borderers,  to  have  a  temporary  line  run  by 
common  surveyors,  from  the  termination  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line  to  the 
Ohio,  or,  if  that  should  not  be  agreeable,  to  extend  it  twenty-three  miles 
from  the  end  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line,  that  being  the  extent  of  five  de- 
crees according  to  common  computation.  In  this  case  we  only  pro}X)se  to 
mark  the  trees,  avoiding,  as  much  as  possible,  unnecessary  expense.  We  hope 
this  last  proposition,  in  which  we  have  no  other  intentions  than  to  quiet  the 
minds  of  the  people,  and  compel  militia  services,  will  be  acceptable  to  your 
Excellency,  as  the  best,  and,  indeed,  the  only  expedient  which  can  now  be 
adopted. 
I  am,  with  great  consideration  ansl  resj&ect, 

Your  Excellency's  most  obedient  and  very  humble  servant, 

JosEFH  Reed, 

President, 
To  His  Excellency,  Thomas  Jefferson,  Esq., 
Governor  of  the  State  of  Virginia. 


CHAPTER  VI. 
1779. 

Public  feeling  in  Philadelphia— The  Embargoes— Tender  laws— Price  regulations 
— Mr.  Reed's  Opinions — ^Resolutions  of  Congress — Washington's  Opinion  as 
to  Forestallers— Proclamation  of  Council— Memorial  to  Congress— Town  Meet- 
ings in  Philadelphia— Progress  of  Popular  Discontent— Committee  of  Prices — 
Robert  Morris— Presentment  of  the  Grand  Jury— The  Attack  on  Mr.  Wilson's 
house — Allen  M'Lane— President  Reed's  interposition — St.  Clair's  Letter — 
Mrs.  Reed— Town  Meeting— Act  of  Amnesty— Letters  of  Paine  and  M.  Gerard. 

No  one  can  study  minutely  the  history  of  the  Revolution, 
without  seeing  that  its  great  and  leading  events  convey  but  a 
faint  idea  of  the  actual  difficulties  and  embarrassments  which 
the  public  men  of  those  times  had  to  encounter  and  over- 
come. The  orderly  books  and  private  correspondence  of  Wash- 
ington, and  his  fellow-soldiers,  show  this  to  a  remarkable  de- 
gree, and  illustrate  the  homely  truth  that  there  was  as  much 
heroism,  and  power  of  endurance  shown  in  encountering  these 
vexatious  details  as  in  the  planning  of  sieges  and  the  fighting 
or  gaining  of  battles.  Nothing  was  well  ordered  or  ar- 
ranged in  the  affairs  of  the  Continent.  The  forms  of  State 
administrations  were  equally  defective.  Though  Constitu- 
tions existed,  and  government  was,  in  form,  administered,  yet 
the  institutions  were  of  so  recent  origin,  so  slightly  and  inade- 
quately constructed,  so  much  subjected  to  popular  influence, 
that  no  one  was  sure  how  far  they  could  be  relied  on  in  the  way 
of  restraint  or  punishment.  In  Pennsylvania,  to  whose  tangled 
politics  it  is  necessary  to  recur,  this  was  eminently  the  case, 
and  in  order  to  do  justice  to  those  to  whom  ihe  executive  admi- 


138  AFFAIRS  IN  PENNSYLVANIA. 

nistration  was  entrusted,  it  will  be  requisite  to  narrate  the  pro- 
gress of  the  popular  excitement,  which,  having  its  origin  in  pre- 
texts at  least  plausible,  matured  to  the  most  deplorable  excess. 
The  progress  of  these  discontents  it  is  desirable  somewhat  mi- 
nutely to  trace.  It  was  Mr.  Reed's  fate  to  administer  the 
government  at  a  time  when  this  popular  excitement  was  at  its 
height. 

Among  the  measures  of  false  policy  to  which  the  legislators 
of  the  Revolution  very  naturally  resorted  were  those  of  em- 
bargoes, commercial  restrictions  of  all  sorts,  tender  laws,  and 
limitations  of  prices.  The  last  were  most  habitually  relied  on, 
and  were  certainly,  in  their  effects,  most  pernicious.  There 
were,  in  fact,  comparatively  few  who  reasoned  at  all  calmly 
and  deliberately,  on  these  subjects.  It  was  a  prevalent  delusion, 
affecting  alike  Congress,  the  State  Assemblies,  and  the  mass  of 
the  people,  that  the  only  mode  of  appreciating  the  paper  cur- 
rency, was  to  prescribe  a  strict  limitation  of  prices,  and  in  spite 
of  its  invincible  worthlessness,  to  force  a  given  value  on  a  de- 
preciated and  fast  depreciating  paper  dollar.  We  may  now 
wonder,  with  abundant  harvests,  flourishing  commerce,  peaceful 
prosperity,  and  universally  convertible  currency,  at  the  strange 
delusions  which  led  to  so  long  a  perseverance  in  this  false  policy, 
but  in  our  wonder  as  well  as  our  condemnation,  we  must  admit 
that  there  was  some  apparent  justification  of  it.  In  the  instance 
of  Pennsylvania,  for  example,  it  should  be  remembered  that  the 
embargoes  which  cut  off'  her  commerce,  were  forced  upon  her, 
and  had  their  origin  in  Congress,  to  whose  authority  her  citizens 
had  been  in  habits,  from  their  very  position,  of  paying  very  im- 
plicit obedience.  They  were  taught  to  believe  that  it  was  the 
part  of  patriotic  wisdom  to  carry  Congressional  mandates  into 
thorough  execution.  The  local  Assembly  had  pursued  a  similar 
course  of  restriction.  The  area  of  cultivated  land  was  com- 
paratively limited,  less,  by  two-thirds,  than  it  now  is,  the 
Juniata  and  Susquehanna  being  frontier  boundaries.  Agricul- 
ture, had,  in  a  measure,  failed  or  was  seriously  interrupted 
by  invasion,  and  the  necessities  of  war.  Out  of  a  compara- 
tiA^ely  limited  population,  Pennsylvania  had  sent  a  very  large 


LIMITATIONS  OF  PRICES.  139 

proportion  of  her  active  labouring  men  into  military  service. 
Commerce  was,  in  great  measure,  at  an  end.  The  remnant  of 
credit  and  capital  in  Philadelphia,  was  in  the  hands  of  few 
individuals,  and  those,  unfortunately,  generally  obnoxious  to 
popular  prejudice  and  resentment.  Besides  this,  it  should  not 
be  forgotten,  that,  for  a  long  time,  the  bitter  waters  of  political 
controversy,  in  its  most  virulent  form,  had  spread  over  her 
people,  and  penetrated  every  channel  of  society.  Such,  briefly, 
was  the  state  of  things  in  the  early  part  of  the  year  1779,  when 
the  progressive  excitement,  about  to  be  described,  may  be  said 
to  have  begun. 

Mr.  Reed's  opinions  were  well  defined,  and  such  as  might 
have  been  expected  from  his  well-balanced  intelligence. 
In  writing  to  General  Greene,  in  October,  1779,  he  said: 
"  There  have  been  great  pains  taken  from  east  to  west  to 
regulate  the  produce  and  commerce  of  the  country.  I  viewed 
the  thing  as  impracticable  from  the  beginning.  It  was  rather 
to  be  wished  for,  than  expected ;  how  it  will  terminate  is  yet 
uncertain.  But  from  what  I  hear  and  see  from  almost  every 
quarter,  I  think  the  measure  will  fail.  The  attempt  has  been 
made  again  and  again  in  Europe  and  America,  but  to  no  pur- 
pose. The  commerce  of  mankind  must  be  free,  or  almost  all 
kinds  of  intercourse  will  cease.  Regulation  stagnates  industry 
and  creates  an  universal  discontent.  Men  value  themselves 
not  less  upon  the  privilege  of  exercising  their  industry  in  trade 
than  on  the  gains  they  derive  from  it.  Even  the  market- 
people  would  be  very  unhappy  to  be  cut  oft'  from  the  oppor- 
tunity of  making  the  most  of  their  commodities.  There  is  a 
pride  in  every  class  of  people  in  displaying  their  ingenuity  in 
their  transactions ;  to  be  deprived  of  this  makes  them  restless 
and  uneasy.  Give  men  even  more  than  they  ask  for  a  thing, 
and  they  will  not  be  satisfied  without  the  liberty  of  still  trying 
to  make  more  of  it."* 

Placed  at  the  head  of  the  executive  department,  with  a 
Legislature  that  was  thoroughly  imbued  with  the  erroneous 
doctrines  of  the  most  stringent  restriction,  Mr.  Reed's  opinions 

*  Johnson''s  Greene,  vol.  i.  p.  149. 


140  UESTUICTIONS  ON  TRADE. 

had  necessarily  but  little  influence.  So  far,  they  probably  were 
operative  as  to  enable  him  to  administer  liberally  such  measures 
of  restraint  as  were  forced  upon  him,  so  as  least  to  embarrass 
the  natural  course  of  industry  and  trade.  Speaking  of  them 
some  years  later,  he  said  with  strong  feeling:  "  The  committees 
for  regulating  prices,  inquiring  into  the  sales  of  goods,  were 
the  effusions  of  honest  but  intemperate  zeal  to  preserve  the  credit 
of  the  paper  money.  Time  and  experience  have  shown  their 
futility,  but  every  person  concerned  in  them  will  do  me  the 
justice  to  say  I  neither  originated  nor  conducted  them."*  It 
was,  as  will  be  seen,  the  principal  argument  to  justify  the  rein- 
stitution  of  the  popular  committees,  in  1779,  that  they  were 
meant  to  reach  cases  and  provide  for  wrongs  which  Govern- 
ment either  could  not  or  would  not  provide  for. 

The  legislation  of  Congress  and  the  States  on  these  and 
kindred  subjects  had  been  such  as  to  stimulate  popular  excite- 
ment, and  no  one  can  read  the  language  of  the  various  enact- 
ments and  resolutions,  and  then  wonder  that,  ineffectual  as 
they  were  in  results,  they  should  have  produced  irritation. 
The  Resolution  of  Congress,  (among  the  first,)  of  23d  Novem- 
ber, 1777,  was  in  these  words: 

"  In  order  to  introduce  immediate  economy  in  the  public  expense  ;  the 
spirit  of  sharping  and  extortion,  and  the  rapid  and  excessive  rise  of  every 
commodity  being  confined  within  no  bounds ;  and  considering  how  much 
time  must  unavoidably  elapse  before  the  plan  directed  by  the  preceding 
resolution  can  be  carried  into  effect. 

"  Resolved,  that  it  be  earnestly  recommended  to  the  respective  Legisla- 
tures of  the  United  States,  without  delay,  by  their  separate  authority  to  adopt 
and  effectually  enforce  a  temporary  regulation  of  the  prices  of  provisions 
and  other  commodities  for  the  supply  of  the  army,  in  such  manner  as  they 
shall  judge  reasonable ;  and  to  continue  in  force  until  the  general  regula- 
tion before  proposed  shall  be  adopted."! 

In  October,  1778,  Washington  wrote  to  one  of  his  friends : 
"  Want  of  virtue  is  infinitely  more  to  be  dreaded  than  the 
whole  force  of  Great  Britain,  assisted  as  they  are  by  Hessian, 
Indian,  and  negro  allies  :  for  certain  I  am,  that  unless  extortion, 

*  Pamphlet  of  1782.  t  Journals,  1 777,  p.  532. 


FORESTALLING.  141 

forestalling,  and  other  practices,  which  have  crept  in  and 
beconne  exceeding  prevalent  and  injurious  to  the  common  cause, 
can  meet  with  proper  checks,  we  must  inevitably  sink  under 
such  a  load  of  accumulated  oppression.  To  make  and  extort 
money  in  every  shape  that  can  be  devised,  and  at  the  same 
time  to  decry  its  value,  seems  to  have  become  a  mere  business 
and  an  epidemical  disease,  calling  for  the  interposition  of  every 
good  man  and  body  of  men."* 

To  Mr.  Reed  he  had  written :  "  It  is  most  devoutly  to  be 
wished    that   some   happy   expedient    could    be   hit    upon   to 
restore  credit  to  our  paper  emissions,  and  punish  the  infamous 
practice  of  forestalling  and  engrossing   such    articles  as  are 
essentially  necessary  to  the  very  existence  of  the  army,  and 
which  by  this   means,  come  to  it  through  the  hands  of  these 
people  at  fifty  per  cent,  advance,  to  the  great  injury  and  depre- 
ciation of  our  money,  by  accumulating  the  quantum  necessary 
for  ordinary  purposes  to  an  amazing  sum,  which  must  end  in 
a  total  stagnation  of  all  purchases,  unless  some  remedy  can  be 
soon  and  effectually  applied.     It  is  also  most  devoutly  to  be 
wished  that  faction  was  at  an  end,  and  that  those  to  whom 
everything  dear  and  valuable  is  entrusted  would  lay  aside  party 
views  and  return  to  first  principles.      Happy,  happy,  thrice 
happy  country,  if  such  were  the  government  of  it !     But,  alas  ! 
we  are  not  to  expect  that  the  path  is  to  be  strewed  with  flowers. 
That  great  and  good  Being  who  rules  the  universe  has  disposed 
matters  otherwise,  and  for  wise  purposes,  I  am  persuaded.     As 
my  letter  to  Congress  of  this  date  has  given  a  full  account  of 
the  cantonment  of  the  troops,  and  other  matters  of  public  con- 
cernment, I  have  no  need  to  repeat  it  to  you  as  an  individual 
member.     The  conduct  of  the  enemy  at  New  York  and  Rhode 
Island  is  too  mysterious  to  be  accounted   for  by  any  rules  of 
common  sense.     The  transports  containing  their  second  em- 
barkation, still  remain  in  the  harbour,  for  what  purpose  it  is 
not  easy  to  conjecture. 

"  I  shall  hope,  when  the  army  gets  a  little  settled  in  winter 
quarters,  that  the  Committee  of  Arrangement  will  perfect  the 
good  work  they  began  in  the  summer,  and  draw  order  from 

*  Sparks^ s  Washington,  vi.  91. 


142  AFFAIRS  IN  PHILADELPHIA. 

the  chaos  we  have  been  in  for  a  long  time  past.  It  is  eleven 
o'clock  at  night,  and  I  am  to  set  out  early  in  the  morning ;  for 
which  reason  I  shall  only  add  my  thanks  for  the  favourable 
sentiments  you  are  pleased  to  entertain  for  me,  but  in  a  more 
especial  manner  for  your  good  wishes  and  prayers."* 

On  the  19th  of  January,  1779,  the  Executive  Council  issued 
a  proclamation  against  forestalling,  threatening  the  heaviest 
penalties  of  the  law  against  those  who,  by  engrossing  quantities 
of  flour,  had  enhanced  the  price  of  bread  and  other  necessaries 
of  life.  Its  tone,  and  the  necessity  which  called  it  forth, 
certainly  were  not  calculated  to  allay  excitement.  In  the 
interval,  the  depreciation  of  the  Continental  money  rapidly 
increased,  and  the  only  body  which  could  afford  relief,  Con- 
gress, by  securing  foreign  loans  and  restricting  new  emissions 
of  paper,  were  engaged  in  a  profitless  and  discreditable  contro- 
versy, arising  out  of  the  conduct  of  Silas  Deane,  in  which  it 
happened  that  his  apologists  were  generally  of  that  party  which 
in  the  politics  of  Pennsylvania  had  not  conciliated  popular 
favour.  This  was  especially  the  case  with  Robert  Morris, 
who  honestly  supporting  Mr.  Deane's  cause,  made  himself  the 
object  of  the  most  virulent  obloquy. 

By  the  middle  of  May,  matters  seemed  to  be  approaching  a 
crisis,  and  popular  discontent  on  the  point  of  breaking  through 
all  control.  On  the  26th,  Mr.  Reed,  as  President  of  the  Coun- 
cil, accompanied  by  the  Speaker  of  the  Assembly  and  other 
gentlemen,  presented  a  memorial  to  Congress,  representing  the 
urgency  of  the  case  in  the  strongest  terms,  and  assuring  them 
of  the  co-operation  of  the  Stale  authorities  in  any  measures  of 
taxation  that  might  be  thought  necessary.  This  was  meant  as 
an  effort  to  solicit  the  interposition  of  Congress,  so  as  to  avert 
the  popular  movement  which  seemed  to  be  impending.  It 
was  at  once  taken  into  consideration,  and  the  effect  was  an 
Address  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  from  a  Committee 
of  which  John  Dickinson,  then  a  Representative  from  Dela- 
ware, was  Chairman,  which  was  at  once  adopted,  and  issued 

*  Sparks^  Washington,  vi,  p.  127. 


ADDRESS  OF  CONGRESS.  143 


4iL 


in  handbills  to  the  people.  After  setting  forth  the  necessities 
of  past  emissions  of  paper  currency,  the  rapid  depreciation, 
the  inability  to  impose  taxes  or  to  procure  loans,  the  following 
paragraphs  occur. 

"  But  to  this  cause  alone  we  do  not  impute  the  evil  before  mentioned. 
We  have  too  much  reason  to  believe  it  has  been  in  part  owing  to  the  arti- 
fices of  men  who  have  hastened  to  enrich  themselves  by  monopolizing-  the 
necessaries  of  life,  and  to  the  misconduct  of  inferior  officers  employed  in 
the  public  service.  The  variety  and  importance  of  the  business  entrusted 
to  your  Delegates,  and  their  constant  attendance  in  Congress,  necessarily 
disable  them  from  investigating  disorders  of  this  kind.  Justly  apprehensive 
of  them,  they,  by  their  several  resolutions  of  the  22d  of  November  and  20th 
of  December,  1777,  and  of  the  3d  and  9th  of  February,  1778,  recommended 
to  the  legislative  and  executive  powers  of  these  States  a  due  attention  to 
these  interesting  afl^airs.  How  far  those  recommendations  have  been  com- 
plied with,  we  will  not  undertake  to  determine ;  but  we  hold  ourselves 
bound  in  duty  to  you  to  declare,  that  we  are  not  convinced  there  has  been 
as  much  diligence  used  in  detecting  and  reforming  abuses  as  there  lias  been 
in  committing  or  complaining  of  them.  With  regard  to  monopolizers,  it  is 
our  opinion  that  taxes  judiciously  laid  on  such  articles  as  become  the  objects 
of  engrossers,  and  those  frequently  collected,  would  operate  against  the 
pernicious  tendency  of  such  practices.  As  to  inferior  officers  employed  in 
the  public  service,  we  anxiously  desire  to  call  your  most  vigilant  attention 
to  their  conduct  with  respect  to  every  species  of  misbehaviour,  whether  pro- 
ceeding from  ignorance,  negligence,  or  fraud,  and  to  the  making  of  laws 
for  inflicting  exemplary  punishments  on  all  offenders  of  this  kind. 

"  We  are  sorry  to  hear  that  some  persons  are  so  slightly  informed  of  their 
own  interests  as  to  suppose  that  it  is  advantageous  to  them  to  sell  the  pro- 
duce of  their  farms  at  enormous  prices,  when  a  little  reflection  might  con- 
vince them  that  it  is  injurious  to  their  interests  and  the  general  welfare. 
If  Ihey  expect  thereby  to  purchase  imported  goods  cheaper,  they  will  be 
egregiously  disappointed ;  for  the  merchants,  who  know  they  cannot  obtain 
returns  in  gold,  silver,  or  bills  of  exchange,  but  that  their  vessels,  if  loaded 
here  at  all,  must  be  loaded  with  produce,  will  raise  the  price  of  what  they 
have  to  sell  in  proportion  to  the  price  of  what  they  have  to  buy,  and  conse- 
quently the  landholders  can  purchase  no  more  foreign  goods  for  the  same 
quantity  of  his  produce  than  he  could  before."* 

In  this  tone  did  Congress  address  a  people  already  highly 
inflamed.     The  progress  of  things  was  very  rapid  and  natural. 

*  Journals,  1779,  p.  225. 


144  COMMITTEE  ON  PRICES. 

On  the  next  day  (27th)  a  large  town  meeting  was  held  in  the 
State  House  Yard,  at  which  Daniel  Roberdeau  presided.  His 
speech  on  taking  the  chair  was  highly  inflammatory,  the  bur- 
den of  it  being  that  monopolizers  were  grinding  down  the 
people  by  heavy  taxes  in  the  form  of  high  prices,  that  the  dis- 
ease of  monopoly  had  its  origin  in  Philadelphia,  that  large 
amounts  of  foreign  goods  were  known  to  be  secreted,  and  with- 
held from  public  use,  and  that  the  only  mode  to  make  money 
good  was  forcibly  to  reduce  the  prices  of  goods  and  provisions. 
The  response  to  this  appeal  was  the  adoption  of  a  series  of 
resolutions  asserting  the  right  of  the  people  to  inquire  into,  and 
punish  abuses  aside  from  the  law — a  determination  "  not  to  be 
eaten  up  by  monopolizers  and  forestallers,"  demanding  that  all 
excess  of  price  beyond  that  which  was  paid  on  the  1st  of  May' 
should  be  taken  off,  and  finally  organizing  two  Committees,  one 
to  inquire  into  certain  alleged  abuses,  and  the  other  a  perma- 
nent one,  whose  duty  it  was  to  ascertain  prices  at  certain  past 
days,  to  which  hereafter  all  dealings  were  to  conform. 

The  institution  of  this  Committee  is  a  leading  incident  in 
the  local  history  of  these  times.  Its  members  were  numerous, 
and  its  sessions  nearly  permanent.  The  control  it  exercised 
seems  to  have  been  absolute  and  severe.  Its  plan  of  ac- 
tion, as  indicated  in  the  published  resolutions,  was  to  ascer- 
tain the  price  of  articles  at  certain  periods  more  and  more 
remote,  and  then,  by  a  sort  of  sliding  scale,  reduce  current 
rates  accordingly.  The  prices  of  1st  of  May  were  to  be  the 
prices  till  1st  of  July,  after  which,  they  were  to  be  reduced  to 
the  standard  of  1st  of  April.  Nor  was  this  example  without  its 
influence.  Not  only  did  every  township  and  county  in  Penn- 
sylvania organize  its  Committee  of  Prices,  but  neighbouring 
and  distant  States  followed  in  the  train  of  mistaken  policy.* 

*  The  following  table  may  not  be  without  its  interest.  It  was  published  by 
authority  26th  of  June,  1779. 

Prices  of  thefolloioing  articles  on  the  1st  of  April,  which  are  to  continue 
for  the  month  of  July. 

WHOLESALE.  RETAIL. 

Coffee,  per  lb.  .  .  01.  15s.  Od.         per  lb.       .  OZ.  16s.  Od. 

Chocolate,  do.  .  .  1     17    6  do.  .  2    0      0 


TABLE  OF  PRICES. 


145 


On  the  31st  May,  the  Committee  determined  on  various  and 
characteristic  details  of  action,  strongly  illustrative  of  the  tem- 
per of  the  times.  Some  of  them  are  curiously  ill-defined.  They 
resolved,  among  other  things,  that  any  inhabitant  offering  or 
giving  an  extravagant  price  for  market  produce,  was  to  be 
summoned  to  the  Coffee-house  on  the  following  market-day,  or 
before  the  next  Town  Meeting,  and  if  any  persons  were  de- 
tected in  unjustly  imposing  on  market-people,  by  obliging  them 
to  take  prices  much  hoiow  ihe'w  vz\\iq,  "■  such  person  shall  be 
held  up  accordingly^*     House-rent  was  to  be  inquired  of  and 


WHOLESALE, 

Bohea  Tea,  do.  .  .  4Z. 

Common  Green,  do.     .  .  5 

Best  Hyson,  do.  .  .18 

West  India  Rum,  per  gal.       .  6 

Country,  do.     ...  4 

French,  do.      ,  .  .4 

Muscovado  Sugar,  from  70Z.  to  95Z. 

per  cwt.        .... 
Loaf  Sugar,  fromSZ.  2  s.  M.  to  2Z.  10s. 

per  lb.  . 

Rice,  .... 

French  Indigo,  per  lb.  .  2Z. 

Carolina     "  "     .  .  2 

Black  Pepper,  .  .  1 

Cotton,  from  40s.  to  55s. 
Hemp, 
Candles, 
Best  Hard  Soap, 
Butter, 

Bloomery  Bar  Iron,  per  ton,  500Z. 
Refined,  »  «  700 

Nail  Rod  Iron,  "  1000 

Sheet  Iron,  per  lb.  .  .  12s. 

Best  Dintle  Sole  Leather,  per  lb. 
Neats'  Leather,  by  the  side,  . 
A  Calfskin  that  will  cut  four  pair  of 

shoes. 
Best  Boot  Legs,  per  pair, 
Harness  Leather, 
Bridle         " 
Boots  per  pair, 
Men's  best  Leather  Shoes, 
Women's  Shoes, 

*  Pennsylvania  Packet,  1  June,  1779. 

VOL.  II.  10 


10s.  M. 

10  0 
0  0 
5     0 

10    0 

10    0 


RETAIL. 

do. 
from  6Z.  to   . 


4Z.  15s.  M. 
7  10  0 
20  0  0 
6  12  6 
4  15  0 
4    15   0 


15s.  Qd. 
0    0 
17    6 


14s.  U. 
10      6 


from  15s.  to  20s.  per  lb. 

from  47s.  6cZ.  to  52s.  M.  per  lb. 
3 
60 
45 

42  6d.      " 
45  to  60s. 
8 
15 

12  M.      " 
15 

per  cwt.,  28Z. 
38 
55 
15s. 
20 
150 


per  lb. 
per  side. 


150 

180 

20 

150 

from  37Z.  to  40Z, 
from  135s.  to  150s. 
.   120 


146  LIMITATION  OF  PRICES. 

adjusted ;  in  short,  every  transaction  of  mercantile  dealing  was 
to  be  regulated  by  this  self-constituted  and  irresponsible  body. 
The  reasoning  by  which  this  severe  supervision  was  justified, 
was  quite  satisfactory  to  an  excited  and  suflering  populace. 

"  I  had  money  enough,"  says  one  anonymous  w^riter,  "  some 
time  ago,  to  buy  a  hogshead  of  sugar.  I  sold  it  again,  and  got 
a  great  deal  more  money  than  it  cost  me ;  yet  what  I  sold  it 
for,  when  I  went  to  market  it  again,  would  buy  but  a  tierce.  I 
sold  that,  too,  for  a  great  deal  of  profit,  yet  the  whole  of  what 
I  sold  it  for  would  afterwards  buy  but  a  barrel.  I  have  now 
more  money  than  I  ever  had,  and  yet  I  am  not  so  rich  as  when 
I  had  less.  I  am  sure  we  shall  grow  poorer  and  poorer  unless 
we  fall  on  some  method  to  lower  prices,  and  then  the  money 
we  have  to  spare  will  be  worth  something.  I  am  glad  the  good 
work  is  begun."* 

Occasional  embarrassments,  as  might  have  been  expected, 
occurred  even  in  this  apparently  eflTective  action.  In  their  first 
organization,  the  Committee  had  recommended  to  their  fellow- 
citizens  "  to  be  slack  in  making  sales  and  purchases."  On  the 
2d  of  June,  the  Committee  determined  to  go  in  person  to  the 
holders  and  dealers  in  flour,  to  advise  them  to  sell  at  regular 
prices,  but  not  more  than  one  barrel  to  each  family,  and  those 
to  such  only  as  should  declare  they  have  but  one  barrel,  and 
sellers,  who  would  sell  in  small  quantities,  were  to  receive  one 
dollar  per  quarter  above  the  regulated  prices,  and  poor  families 
were  recommended  to  divide  the  barrel. 

Mingled  with  these  vexatious,  and,  as  it  ended,  ineffectual 
eflbrts  to  set  things  right,  were  personal  suspicions  and  party 
animosities.  Several  leading  merchants  rendered  themselves 
obnoxious  to  popular  suspicion,  and  were  summoned  before 
committees.  In  the  case  of  Mr.  Morris,  the  supervision  was 
singularly  and  unwarrantably  severe,  and  was  carried  so  far 
as  to  give  rise  to  a  difficulty  with  the  French  commercial 
agents  who,  for  the  supply  of  (.'ount  d'Estaing's  fleet,  had 
made,  or  were  supposed  to  have  made,  purchases  of  flour  above 
the  regulated  prices. f     "  Four  or  five  poor  women,"  said  Mr. 

*  Pennsylvania  Packet,  5  June,  1779. 

+  Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the  Rcvolviion,  vol.  x.  p.  324. 


PRESENTMENT  OF  GRAND  JURY.  147 

Morris,  in  an  elaborate  vindication  which  he  pubUshed,  "  with 
sacks  under  their  arms,  came  to  me  this  morning,  demanding 
siippHes  of  flour,  alleging  they  were  directed  to  me  by  the 
Committee  for  that  purpose,  and  were  informed  by  them  I  had 
received  two  wagon-loads  of  flour  from  the  country  yesterday. 
I  confess  this  surprised  me  a  good  deal  at  first,  but  on  reflect- 
ing a  little,  it  seems  highly  improbable  the  Committee,  or  anv 
of  the  members,  would  be  capable  of  giving  such  directions, 
because  some  of  them  had  before  been  informed  by  my  clerks 
that  the  flour  under  my  care  belonged  to  his  most  Christian 
Majesty."* 

Other  elements  of  discor3  mingled  in  these  proceedings. 
New  and  still  more  violent  organizations  were  carried  into 
effect.  The  animosities  and  ill  feelings  of  the  previous  year 
appear  to  have  revived,  and  in  May  a  new  and  subsidary 
Committee  was  organized,  whose  special  duty  it  was,  accord- 
ing to  resolution,  to  ascertain  what  persons,  disaffected  to  the 
American  cause,  still  remained  in  Philadelphia.  On  the  10th 
of  June,  the  Grand  Jury,  a  very  fair  representative  of  popular 
feeling,  made  a  presentment  to  the  following  effect.  *'  We  beg 
leave  to  present  a  grievance  of  a  very  dangerous  nature,  which 
in  our  opinion  ought  to  be  attended  to.  It  is  this,  that  the 
wives  of  so  many  of  the  British  Emissaries  remain  amono-st 
us,  keeping  up  a  most  injurious  correspondence  with  the  ene- 
mies of  4his  country,  by  sending  all  the  intelligence  in  their 
power,  and  receiving  and  propagating  their  poisonous,  erro- 
neous, and  wicked  falsehoods  here,  which  pernicious  practice, 
in  our  judgment  ought  immediately  to  be  inquired  of  and 
remedied. -'f 

On  the  28th  of  June,  greater  violence  was  manifested.  An 
artillery  company  of  militia,  heretofore  garrisoned  at  Fort 
Mifflin,  held  a  meeting  on  their  return  to  Philadelphia,  and 
adopted  resolutions  of  a  most  unprecedented  character,  even 
in  these  days  of  disorder.  Their  address  to  the  Committee  on 
Prices  set  forth  their  cordial  approval  of  the  Resolves  of  the 
Town  meeting,  and  added  : 

*  Pennsylvania  Packet,  July  8,  1779.  t  lb.,  10th  June,  1779. 


148  TOWN  MEETING. 

"Notwithstanding  we  are  convinced  much  good  has  arisen 
from  your  resolves,  and  are  well  assured  your  proceedings  are 
attended  with  many  difficulties,  and  require  the  most  indefati- 
gable attention  and  vigilance,  yet  we  are  very  sorry  to  observe 
that  designing  and  interested  persons  endeavour,  by  every 
means,  to  elude  your  judicious  intentions,  and  that  something 
more  poignant  and  strihing  must  at  length  bring  them  to  reason. 
We  have  arms  in  our  hands  and  know  the  use  of  them.  If," 
they  add,  "  by  reason  of  the  obstinacy  and  perseverance  of 
individuals,  your  Committee  find  themselves  inadequate  to  the 
task,  our  drum  shall  heat  to  arms." 

There  was  no  mistaking  the  'tendency  and  aim  of  this  in- 
flamed language.  It  was  meant  to  reach  those  against  whom  the 
popular  excitement  was  already  directed.  It  should  be  remem- 
bered that  these  complaints  and  this  resentment  were  not  wholly 
groundless.  Ever  since  the  evacuation  of  Philadelphia  in  the 
preceding  year,  there  no  doubt  had  been  abuses  of  trade,  and 
without  reviving  now  the  denunciatory  language  of  the  times, 
it  may  be  conceded  that  there  were  very  many,  who  in  periods 
of  deranged  business  and  currency,  yielded  to  those  invincible 
mercantile  instincts,  that  have  no  sympathy  even  with  moderate 
patriotism  and  public  spirit.  The  misfortune,  as  in  the  case 
of  all  popular  excitements,  was  that  injustice  was  done  to 
individuals.  Accidental  associations,  professional  relations, 
mere  party  sympathies  on  abstract  points,  confounded  often  the 
innocent  and  the  guilty,  and  the  mass  of  the  community  in  its 
suffering  did  not  pause  very  nicely  to  discriminate  among  them. 
It  is  probable  too  that  the  personal  demeanour  of  the  leading 
men  of  what  may,  without  offence,  be  described  as  the  anti- 
popular  party,  those  whose  hatred  of  the  Constitution  overbore 
every  other  feeling,  vs^as  not  such  as  to  disarm  popular  preju- 
dice, and  it  is  very  evident  on  the  least  examination  of  the 
subject  that  much  of  the  disorder  and  actual  conflict  that  pre- 
vailed is  attributable  to  this  cause. 

On  the  29th  July,  a  second  town  meeting  was  held,  which 
broke  up  in  confusion,  and  from  this  time  forward,  according 
to  all  contemporaneous  accounts,  the  conflict  between  the  ad- 


FORT  WILSON.  149 

verse  parlies,  and  the  bitterness  of  feeling,  continued  to  grow  in 
intensity.* 

On  the  4th  of  October,  1779,  an  outbreak  of  violence  occur- 
red, when  blood,  and  probably  innocent  blood,  was  shed,  and 
which  under  the  name  of  the  "  Fort  Wilson  Riot"  was  long 
and  painfully  remembered.f  It  was  an  important  incident  in 
Mr.  Reed's  life,  as  affording  the  opportunity  for  him  to  render 
effective  service  as  an  executive  officer;  and  for  a  time,  un- 
happily very  brief,  conciliating  the  adverse  and  unkind  feeling 
which  had  been  directed  towards  him.  It  is  not  easy  at  this 
distance  of  time  to  trace  the  causes  of  this  unfortunate  affair 
precisely,  but  its  history,  as  derived  from  narratives  in  my  pos- 
session from  all  parties,  would  seem  to  be  this. 

On  Monday,  October  4th,  a  meeting  of  the  militia  was  called 

*  One  of  these  town  meetings  or  rather  its  proceedings  were  versified  very 
cleverly  by  a  Tory  writer  of  the  name  of  Stansbury.  Mr.  Watson  has  pre- 
served the  verses  in  his  Annals,  vol.  ii.  p.  304.  In  them  is  an  allusion  to  the 
personal  appearance  of  Mr.  Reed  that  is  not  without  its  interest.  I  quote  two 
stanzas,  which  certainly  have  some  vigour  of  expression,  and  from  which  a  very 
fair  judgment  may  be  formed  of  the  spirit  that  pervades  the  whole  effusion. 
Speaking  of  Mr.  Reed : 

"  Ambition  is  his  darling  theme, 
Integrity  an  idle  dream, 

That  vulgar  minds  may  draw ; 
At  home,  abroad,  with  friend  or  wife, 
In  public  and  in  private  life,  ! 

The  Tyrant's  will  is  law. 

"Of  deep  resentments,  wicked,  bold. 
The  lust  of  blood,  of  power,  of  gold, 

Possess  alternate  sway ; 
And  Johnstone's  bribe  had  surely  won 
Ambition's  pale-faced  matchless  son. 
Had  Mammon  ruled  that  day." 

My  friend  Mr.  J.  Francis  Fisher  of  this  city  has  a  curious  MS.  collection  of 
Loyalist  Poetry  of  the  Revolution,  the  principal  contributor  being  Odell,  a  refugee 
Episcopal  divine  from  New  Jersey.  Some  of  them  are  very  spirited  in  their 
vituperation. 

t  James  Wilson,  a  distinguished  lawyer  and  public  man,  resided  at  the  south- 
west corner  of  Third  and  Walnut  Streets.  The  house,  long  since  removed,  stood 
back  from  the  street,  surrounded  or  nearly  so  by  a  garden.  Hence  the  name 
"  Fort  Wilson."    Mr.  Wilson  had  signed  the  Declaration  of  Independence  in  1776. 


tH. 


150  FORT  WILSON  RIOT. 

•'on  business  of  importance,"  at  a  place  called  Byrne's  Tavern, 
on  the  edge  of  the  then  Commons,  in  Tenth  Street,  between 
Race  and  Vine.  What  the  business  was,  is  not  precisely 
known,  but  probably  it  had  reference  to  the  arrest  and  forcible 
expulsion  from  the  City,  or  imprisonment  of  persons  supposed 
to  be  disaffected.  This  was  no  doubt  the  pretext,  if  not  the 
cause  of  the  meeting.  A  number  of  individuals,  supposed  to 
have  influence  with  the  mob,  attempted  in  vain  to  dissuade  them 
from  any  act  even  of  apparent  violence.  Matters  had,  how- 
ever, gone  too  far  to  be  now  arrested,  and  the  crowd,  princi- 
pally consisting  of  armed  militia,  led  by  two  persons  of  the 
name  of  Bonham  and  Pickering,  and  amounting  to  several 
hundred  men,  began  its  march  through  the  city.  Whether 
Mr.  Wilson's  house  was  at  this  time  the  object  of  attack  is  not 
known.  Probably,  however,  it  had  been  threatened,  for  all 
that  is  ascertained  is,  that  some  thirty  or  forty  individuals,  some 
good  Whigs  and  some,  unfortunately,  known  to  be  disaffected, 
had  assembled  at  that  gentleman's  house  at  the  southwest  corner 
of  Third  and  Walnut  Streets,  and  had  armed  themselves  for 
its  protection.  The  discretion,  though  not  the  chivalry  of  such 
a  course,  may  well  be  doubted.  All  who  were  in  the  house  at 
the  time  of  the  attack  need  not  be  involved  in  this  partial  cen- 
sure, for  it  would  seem  that  a  number  of  Mr.  Wilson's  friends, 
among  whom  was  General  Mifflin,  did  not  go  to  the  house  till 
the  mob  was  found  to  be  approaching,  and  word  of  what  had 
occurred  had  been  sent  to  the  authorities. 

The  mob  marched  down  Arch  Street  to  Front,  down  Front 
to  Chestnut,  up  Chestnut  to  Second,  down  Second  to  Walnut, 
up  Walnut  to  Third.  The  following  is  the  narrative  of  an  eye- 
witness : — 

"  I  was  standing,"  says  Allen  M'Lane,  then  a  Captain  in  Lee's  Legion,  in 
his  unpublished  journal,  "  on  the  front  steps  of  my  house  in  Walnut  Street,  and 
observed  Colonel  Grayson  beckoning  to  me,  from  the  door  of  the  War  Office.* 
1  went  to  him,  and  he  told  me  he  was  glad  I  had  not  left  the  City,  for  that 
he  had  great  apprehensions  that  several  of  our  most  respectable  citizens, 
then  assembled  at  Mr.  Wilson's  house,  would  be  massacred,  as  they  were 
determined  to  defend  themselves  against  the  armed  mob  that  had  assembled 

*  The  War  Office  was  on  the  north  side  of  Walnut  Street,  above  Third  Street 


ALLEN  m'laNe's  NARRATIVE.  151 

on  the  Commons,  this  morning,  and  were  moving  down  Second  Street,  ex- 
pecting to  find  Mr.  Wilson  and  his  friends  at  the  City  Tavern,  but  they  were 
within  pistol  shot  of  the  War  Office.*  I  listened  to  the  sound  of  the  drum 
and  fife,  could  distinctly  hear  the  sound  in  Second  Street,  and  in  a  few  mi- 
nutes observed  the  front  of  those  in  arms  appeared  in  Walnut  Street,  moving' 
up  the  sireet;  by  this  time  the  front  of  the  mob  was  near  Dock  Street,  in 
Walnut  Street.  The  Colonel  asked  me  if  I  knew  those  in  front  of  the  armed 
men  ;  I  answered  I  ll»ought  the  leader  was  Capt;iin  Faulkner,  a  militia 
officer.  The  Colonel  proposed  that  we  should  meet,  and  persuade  them  to 
turn  up  Dock  to  Third  Street,  which  we  did  attempt.  I  introduced  Colonel 
Grayson  to  Captain  Faulkner,  as  a  member  of  the  Board  of  War.  Grayson 
addressed  him,  and  expressed  his  fears  as  to  the  consequence  of  attacking 
Mr.  Wilson  in  his  house,  Faulkner  observed,  they  had  no  intention  to  med- 
dle with  Mr.  Wilson  or  his  house,  their  object  was  to  support  the  constitu 
tion,  the  laws,  and  the  Committee  of  Trade.  The  labouring  part  of  the  City 
had  become  desperate  from  the  high  price  of  the  necessaries  of  life.  The  halt 
in  front  brought  a  great  press  from  the  rear ;  two  men,  Pickering  and  Bonham, 
ran  up  to  the  front,  armed  with  muskets  and  bayonets  fixed,  and  inquired  the 
cause  of  the  halt,  at  the  same  moment  ordered  Faulkner  to  move  up  Walnut 
Street.  Grayson  addressed  Bonham,  and  I  addressed  Pickering,  who  an- 
swered me  with  the  threat  of  a  bayonet,  sometimes  bringing  himself  in  the 
attitude  of  a  charge  from  trailed  arms.  Captain  Faulkner  and  Mr.  John 
Haverstadt  interfered,  to  pacify  Pickering  and  Bonham.  Then  word  was 
given  to  pass  up  Walnut  Street.  By  this  time  the  press  of  the  mob  was  so 
great  that  it  was  difficult  to  keep  our  feet,  and  we  were  crowded  among  the 
citizen  prisoners,  which  they  had  taken  into  custody  in  their  march  through 
the  City.  Colonel  Grayson  and  myself  linked  arms,  and  determined  to  clear 
ourselves  from  the  press  when  we  reached  the  War  Office.  As  we  passed 
my  house,  I  saw  my  wife  and  Mrs.  Forrest  at  the  window  of  the  second  story; 
the  moment  she  saw  me  in  the  crowd  she  screamed  out  and  fainted  ;  it  was 
impossible  then  to  escape;  we  were  then  within  pistol-shotof  Wilson's  house; 
I  saw  Captain  Campbell,  of  Colonel  Hazen's  regiment  of  the  Continental 
Army,  at  one  of  the  upper  windovvs,  at  Wilson's  house;  heard  him 
distinctly  call  out  to  those  in  arms  to  pass  on.  Musketry  was  immediately 
discharged  from  the  street  and  from  the  house,  the  mob  gave  way,  and 
fled  in  all  directions,  and  left  Grayson  and  myself  under  the  eaves  of  the 
house  in  Third  Street,  exposed  to  the  fire  of  those  in  the  street  at  a  dis- 
tance. We  concluded  we  would  run  into  Wilson's  garden,  but  there 
we  found  ourselves  exposed  to  the  fire  of  both  the  mob  in  the  neighbours' 
yards,  as  well  as  those  of  Wilson's  friends  in  the  house.  In  a  few  minutes 
we  were  discovered  by  General  Mifflin,  who  recognised  us  as  officers  of  the 
Continental  army,  and  ordered  one  of  the  doors  of  the  back  building  to  be 

*  The  City  Tavern  was  the  large  building  in  Second  Street  above  Walnut,  long 

known  as  the  Merchants'  Coffee  House,  and  now  (1847)  occupied  as  an  Auction 
Mart. 


152  ARNOLD. 

opened  ;  at  this  moment  several  persons  in  the  house  became  much  alarmed, 
and  jumped  out  of  the  second  story  windows.  The  back  door  of  the  house 
was  immediately  opened,  and  we  entered.  General  Mifflin  and  Thompson 
met  us  on  the  lower  floor,  and  requested  us  to  follow  them  up  stairs,  observ- 
ing that  Mr.  Wilson  and  his  friends  were  about  retiring  to  the  upper  rooms, 
which  we  did.  When  I  reached  the  third  story,  I  looked  out  of  one  of  the 
windows  in  Third  Street,  looked  up  Third  Street,  could  see  no  person  in  the 
street  nearer  than  Dock  Street,  where  the  mob  had  fragged  a  field-piece. 
I  looked  down  Third  Street,  and  saw  a  number  of  desperate-looking  men  in 
their  shirt  sleeves,  coming  out  of  Pear  Street,  moving  towards  Wilson's 
house,  armed  with  bars  of  iron,  and  large  hammers,  and  in  a  minute  reached 
the  house,  and  began  to  force  the  doors  and  windows;  they  presently  made 
a  breach  in  Third  Street,  but  on  entering  the  house,  they  received  a  fire 
from  the  stair-cases  and  cellar  windows,  which  dropped  several  of  them  ;  the 
others  broke  and  dispersed,  leaving  their  wounded  in  the  house.  Some  of 
Wilson's  friends  ran  down  stairs,  shut  the  doors,  and  barricaded  them  with 
tables  and  chairs,  &c.  In  a  few  minutes.  Governor  Reed,  with  a  detach- 
ment of  the  first  troop  of  City  Horse,  appeared.  Wilson,  and  his  friends  in 
the  house,  sallied  out.  I  moved  with  them,  and  the  first  person  I  recognised 
in  the  street  was  Governor  Reed,  who  called  upon  me,  by  name,  to  aid  in 
seizing  the  rioters."* 

In  one  particular,  M'Lane's  journal  is  in  error.  The  Presi- 
dent was  not  accompanied  by  the  City  Troop,  but  only  by  two 
of  Baylor's  dragoons,  whom  he  had  met  in  the  street.  Mr. 
Reed  had  been  for  several  days  seriously  ill ;  so  much  so  as  to 
be  confined  to  his  room.  On  receiving  the  first  intimation 
of  the  disturbance,  and  the  danger  of  the  parlies  in  Mr.  Wilson's 
house,  he  left  his  house,  and  rode  directly  to  the  scene  of  action. 
He  was  followed  in  a  few  minutes  by  David  Lenox  at  the  head 
of  a  detachinent  of  the  City  Troop.  It  was  with  extreme  diffi- 
culty, and  at  no  little  personal  exposure,  that  the  disturbance  was 
quelled  and  a  number  of  the  rioters  arrested  and  committed  to 
prison.  On  his  way  down  Third  Street,  the  President  met 
Arnold  in  his  carriage,  driving  towards  the  scene  of  confusion. 
Knowing  that  his  presence  would  add  to  the  resentment  of  the 
populace,  Mr.  Reed  ordered  him  promptly  to  leave  the  ground. 
The  order  was  sullenly  obeyed.  When  the  riot  was  over, 
Arnold  again  drove  to  Mr.  Wilson's  door,  and  on  alighting 

*  This  portion  of  Captain  M'Lane's  Journal  is  in  the  Archives  of  the  New  York 
Historical  Society. 


SUPPRESSION  OF  THE  PaOT. 


153 


was  heard  to  say,  with  spiteful  exultation,  "Your  President  has 
raised  a  riot,  and  has  not  power  to  quell  it."* 

Except  this  malignant  murmur,  not  a  word  was  heard  ex- 
cept in  willing  praise  of  Mr.  Reed's  exertions.  All  were  ready 
to  do  him  full  justice.  A  few  days  afterwards,  General  St. 
Clair  wrote  from  Camp  : 

"I  have  heard  witli  much  pain  of  the  unhappy  disasters  that  have  pre- 
vailed in  town,  but  have  not  been  able  to  divine  the  cause.  It  surprises  me 
exceedingly  that  Mr.  Wilson  could  have  been  pointed  out  as  an  enemy  to 
his  country,  as  his  conduct  has  from  a  very  early  period  been  uniformly 
friendly,  although  his  opposition  to  the  constitution  of  Pennsylvania  has  been 
perhaps  too  warm.  His  advocating  the  causes  of  the  accused  persons  should 
certainly  not  have  been  considered  as  a  crime,  as  it  is  both  a  part  and  a 
consequence  of  that  liberty  we  have  been  struggling  to  establish.  I  am 
pleased,  however,  that  your  spirited  conduct  in  quelling  the  riot  meets  with 
general  approbation,  and  that  you  were  happy  enough  to  rescue  that  gentle- 
man, as  it  was  pretty  generally  known  that  you  were  not  upon  the  most 
friendly  terms. 

"May  I  hope  that  it  will  have  the  effect  to  remove  any  coolness  that  sub- 
sisted ]  If  I  could  see  you  perfect  friends,  I  should  be  very  happy  ;  for  I 
know  his  worth,  and  would  spare  no  pains  in  my  power  to  bring  it  about. 
But  I  have  said  enough  of  this,  and  perhaps  too  much." 

A  meeting,  without  distinction  of  party,  was  held  the  next 
da)^  at  the  Supreme  Court  Room,  at  which  great  and  natural 
excitement  was  manifested.  Many  of  the  clergy,  and  all  the 
principal  citizens  attended.  No  one  seemed  to  know  to  what 
point  violence  might  be  carried.  Arrests  had  been  made  on 
both  sides.  Several  of  the  rioters  had  been  committed  to  prison, 
and  heavy  bail  had  been  demanded  and  given  for  individuals 
in  Mr.  Wilson's  house.f     The  court-house  is  described  as  pre- 

*  In  the  Appendix  to  this  volume,  No.  I,,  will  be  found  two  other  contempo- 
rary accounts  of  the  affair  of  Fort  Wilson,  which  have  never  before  been  in  print. 
They  are  curious  and  authentic. 

t  The  following  letter  from  Mrs.  Reed,  dated  on  the  5th,  to  a  friend  in  town, 
shows  that  the  excitement  had  not  then  abated.  In  fact,  the  militia  from  German- 
town  and  the  neighbourhood  had  threatened  to  march  to  Philadelpliia;  and  it  was 
owing  only  to  the  President's  meeting  and  disbanding  them  that  they  were  pre- 
vented. 

Germantown,  Wednesday  morning,  Oct.  5,  1779. 

Dear  Sir, — I  would  not  take  a  moment  of  your  time  to  tell  you  the  distress  and 


154  ACT  OF  INDEMNITY. 

senting  a  very  solemn  scene.  President  Reed  addressed  it  with 
great  earnestness  and  effect,  and  succeeded  in  producing  a  far 
better  and  more  tranquil  feeling  than  could  have  been  expected. 
The  Assembly  then  in  session  seconded  his  exertions  in  the 
same  spirit  of  judicious  and  conciliatory  action.  At  their 
meeting  on  the  5th  October,  they  appointed  a  Committee  to 
wait  upon  and  confer  with  the  President  and  Council,  and 
assure  them  of  the  support  and  assistance  of  the  House,  and  to 
concur  with  them  in  all  prudent  measures  for  quieting  the  pre- 
sent commotions  and  restoring  the  tranquillity  of  the  city.  This 
Committee  reported  on  the  following  day;  and  on  the  lOlh  of 
October,  the  House  unanimously  adopted  the  following  reso- 
lution :* 

"  Resolved,  Tliat  leaviiii,'  to  tlie  judicial  authority  of  the  state  to  determine 
who  were  to  blame  iu  the  late  dangerous  tumult  at  and  in  the  hou.se  of 
James  Wilson,  Esquire,  in  Walnut  Street,  the  House  are  fully  satisfied  of 
the  necessity  of  the  exertions  of  his  Excellency  the  President  of  the  State 
for  suppressing  the  said  tumult;  that  the  thanks  of  this  House  be  given  to 
his  Excellency  for  his  spirited  and  prudent  conduct  on  that  unhappy  occasion, 
and  that  his  Excellency  be  assured  that  this  House  will  at  all  times  support 
him  and  the  executive  authority  in  suppressing  all  sucii  dangerous  and  dis- 
orderly proceedings,  and  in  restoring  peace,  good  order,  and  a  due  obedience 
to  government,  on  which  the  liberty,  happiness,  and  safety  of  the  citizens  of 
the  State  so  greatly  depend." 

All  further  trace  of  this  unfortunate  affair  was  in  the  next 
year  effaced  by  the  enactment,  at  the  instance  of  the  Executive 
Council,  of  an  act  of  free  and  general  pardon,  by  which  all 
parties  were  entirely  indemnified  and  discharged.f 

This  chapter  of  local  politics  may  not  inappropriately  be 
closed  by  the  two  following  letters.  The  one  from  Thomas 
Paine  is  eminently  characteristic  of  his  self-confident  estimate 

anxiety  that  I  feel,  but  only  to  beg  you  to  let  me  know  in  what  state  things  are, 
and  what  is  lilicly  to  be  the  consequence.  I  write  not  to  Mr.  Reed,  because  I 
know  be  is  not  in  a  situation  to  attend  to  me  at  present.  Mr.  Pettit  will  lend  a 
servant  and  a  horse  to  come  up  here.  I  conjure  you  by  the  friendship  you  have 
for  Mr.  Reed,  don't  leave  him.     I  am,  with  great  esteem,  yours, 

E.  Rked. 

*  Journals,  pp.  384-388.         t  Act  of  13  March,  1780,  1  Smith's  Laws,  501. 


THOMAS  PAINE.  155 

of  his  talents  and  services.  The  letter  from  Mr.  Gerard,  then 
the  French  Minister  to  the  United  States,  has  reference  to  the 
well-known  dispute  between  that  gentleman  and  Paine,  on  the 
merits  of  which  public  opinion  then  was  and  still  is  much 
divided.* 


THOMAS  PAINE  TO  THE  EXECUTIVE  COUNCIL  OF 
PENNSYLVANIA. 

to  the  honourable  the  supreme  executive  council  of  the 
state  of  pennsylvania. 

Honourable  Sirs, 

Though  it  has  always  been- my  disposition  to  render  service  rather  than 
to  request  it,  yet  the  line  of  duty  in  which  I  have  acted  for  four  years  past, 
without  profit  or  advantage  to  myself,  has  subjected  me  to  numerous  incon- 
veniences which  are  now  no  longer  in  my  power  to  support.  That  I  could 
have  avoided  them  is  a  matter  which  I  presume  this  Board  has  no  doubt  of, 
nor  of  the  apparent  necessity  there  then  was  of  relinquishing  every  species 
of  private  emolument,  for  the  purpose  of  supporting  a  cause  which  originally 
rested  on  honour  and  principle,  and  so  exceedingly  cautious  have  I  been  in 
this,  that  there  is  not  a  private  soldier  in  the  service  of  America,  during  the 
time  in  which  I  have  been  engaged  in  public  affairs,  who  has  not  been  a 
greater  expense  to  government  than  myself.  To  this  State  individually  I 
have  been  no  charge,  although  some  considerable  portions  of  my  time  have 
been  spent  in  her  particular  service,  at  a  period  when  she  most  required  it, 
and  many  disadvantages  have  arose  to  me  in  consequence  thereof. 

I  cannot  but  observe  that  the  course  of  four  years  have  produced  no  other 
signature  universally  known,  and  read  here  and  abroad,  except  that  under 
which  I  have  constantly  published,  and  should  my  situation  be  rendered 
such  as  shall  oblige  me  to  discontinue  the  part  I  have  hitherto  acted,  it  will 
not  be  easy  to  establish  a  new  signature  that  shall  collect  and  keep  the 
sentiments  of  the  country  together  should  any  future  emergency  arise, 
which  to  me  appears  very  probable. 

I  conceive  that  the  honour  of  a  cause  is  considerably  strengthened  when 
those  who  have  taken  an  early  and  active  part  therein,  cannot  be  accused 
of  ambitious  or  interested  views,  and  though  it  is  not  now  within  the  com- 
pass of  my  abilities  to  make  any  further  sacriiice  of  time  and  service,  and 
as  I  am  unwillingly  to  give  what  I  wish  to  support,  and  cannot  consistently 
apply  out  of  the  State  while  I  live  without  it,  I  have  taken  the  liberty  of 
mentioning  my  situation  to  this  Honourable  Board,  and  to  inform  them  that 

*  For  account  of  this  controversy,  see  North  American  Review,  No.  cxx.,  p.  1. 


15G  M.  GERAPD. 

with  every  disposition  to  serve  a  cause  I  have  been  long  engaged  in,  I  have 
it  not  in  my  power  to  do  it  unassisted  as  I  have  hitherto  done. 
I  am,  Honourable  Sirs, 

Your  obedient  humble  servant, 

Thomas  Paine. 
Philadelphia,  September  28,  1779. 


M.  GERARD  TO  PRESIDENT  REED. 

Philadelphie,  le  11  8brc,  1779. 
Monsieur, 

Mon  premier  eoin  au  retour  d'un  voyage  que  je  viens  de  faire  a  I'armee 
est  de  repondre  a  la  lettre  que  vous  m'avez  fait  I'honneur  de  m'ecrire  le  29 
du  mois  passe. 

J'apprens  avec  sensibilite  que  des  considerations  qui  me  sont  relatives 
ont  detournees  le  Conseil  Executif  de  Pennsylvanie  d'employer  M.  Paine. 
Le  retour  que  je  dois  a  cette  attention  et  a  la  confiance  que  vous  me 
marquez,  exige  que  je  romps  le  silence  que  je  m'etois  impose  sur  tout  ce 
qui  s'est  passe  entre  cet  ecrivain  et  moi,  et  donne  au  conseil  executif  le 
droit  d'etre  in  forme  de  ces  fait?. 

Pour  remplir  cette  espece  de  devoir,  jevous  prie,  monsieur,  de  distinguer 
entre  ce  qui  est  relatif  a  mon  caractere  public,  et  entre  ce  qui -m'est  per- 
sonel.  En  ma  qualite  de  ministre  j'ai  du  porter  au  Congres  les  plaintes 
dont  le  public  a  eu  connaissance  par  les  resolutions  de  ce  corps  et  par  ma 
lettre  au  President.     .Te  me  refere  done  a  ces  actes  et  a  cette  lettre. 

J'ajouterai  seulement  qu'apres  la  premiere  publication  de  M.  Paine,  je 
lui  avois  observe  de  vive  voix  qu'il  eloit  dans  I'erreur ;  que  des  pieces 
autentiqueset  solemnellesexistantes  sous  les  yeux  du  Congres  dementoient 
ses  assertions  d'ailleurs  contraires  a  I'lionneur  dc  ma  cour,  et  aux  interets 
de  I'alliance.  II  m'avoit  promis  de  reparer  ce  grief,  ainsi  que  I'indique  sa 
lettre-ci  jointe ;  mais  la  publication  subsequente  de  cet  auteur  n'ayant  pas 
rempli  mon  attente,  je  me  suis  force  a  deferer  les  deux  ecrits  au  Congres. 

Pour  ce  que  me  regarde  personnellement,  Monsieur,  j'avois  lors  de  mon 
arrivee  en  Amerique  la  meme  idee  que  vous  de  rendre  les  talens  de  M. 
Paine  utiles  au  bien  public.  La  lettre  ci-jointe  de  M.  Fooks  contient  la 
substance  de  ce  qui  s'est  passe  a  cet  egard.  Elle  constate  que  M.  Paine 
avoit  accepte  la  tache  que  je  lui  avois  proposee,  ainsi  que  la  recompense, 
que  M.  de  Mirales  et  moi  y  avions  attache.  Je  dois  seulement  ajouter  que 
j'avois  declare  a  cet  ecrivain  qu'il  seroit  le  maitre  d'ecrire  d'ailleurs  pour 
qui  et  comme  il  le  voudroit ;  mais  que  j'exigeois  que  dans  les  ecrits  que  je 
lui  proposais  de  publier,  il  n'y  eut  ni  injure  personnelle  centre  qui  que  ce  fut 
ni  invective  centre  le  Congres. 

Quant  a  la  maniere  dont  M.  Paine  et  ses  amis  ont  represente  cette 
affaire  au  public,  elle  ne  pouvoit  ni  m'etonner,  ni  m'afFecter.    D'ailleurs  les 


GERARD  S  LETTER.  157 

temoignages  flatteurs  que  ma  conduite  a  recu,  particulierement  de  la  part  du 
Conseil  Executif,  auroient  etoufFe  en  moi  tout  ressentirnent  personel  quand 
meme  j'en  eusse  ete  susceptible.  J'aurois  volontiers  laisse  M.  Payne  jouir 
les  avantages  quelconques  qu'il  pouvoit  se  promettr'e  par  la  denegation  de 
I'acceptation  qu'il  avoit  faite  des  offVes  de  M.  de  Mirales  et  des  miennes. 
J'ajouterais  meme,  monsieur,  que  si  vous  jugez  pouvoir  diriger  sa  plume 
d'une  maniere  utile  au  bien  public,  ce  qui  ne  sera  peut-etre  pas  difficile  a 
votre  zele,  a  vos  talens  et  a  vos  lumieres  superieures,  je  serai  le  premier  a 
aplaudir  au  succes  d'une  tentation  dans  laquelle  j'ai  echoue. 
J'ai  I'honneur  d'etre  avec  un  respectueux  attachement, 

Monsieur,  votre  tres  humble  et  tres  obeissant  serviteur, 

Gerard. 


CHAPTER    VII. 
1779—80. 

Legislative  measures  of  President  Reed's  Administration — Messages  of  Septem- 
ber and  November,  1779 — Proprietary  Estates — The  Divesting  Act  of  1779 
— State  of  the  Proprietary  family — Richard  Penn — Governor  John  Penn — His- 
tory of  the  Divesting  Act — Compensation  to  the  Penns  in  Pennsylvania  and 
Great  Britain — The  College  Charter — The  Episcopal  Clergy — Dr.  William 
Smith — Seabury  and  Odell — Foundation  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania — 
The  American  Philosophical  Society — The  Abolition  Act  of  1780 — Its  history 
— Slavery  in  Pennsylvania — High  Court  of  Errors  and  Appeals. 

At  the  opening  of  the  summer  and  fall  Sessions  of  the  As- 
sembly, in  1779,  President  Reed  communicated  to  that  body 
the  following  Messages,  which,  as  specimens  of  his  public  style, 
and  expositions  of  his  views  of  State  policy,  are  here  inserted. 
They  are  manly  and  dignified  State  papers. 

MESSAGE  TO  ASSEMBLY. 

Gentlemen  of  the  General  Assembly, 

It  is  with  the  greatest  satisfaction  we  congratulate  you  upon  the  various 
successes  which  have  distinguished  the  period  of  your  recess.  While  the 
most  consummate  bravery  and  discipline  have  marked  the  enterprises  of 
our  troops  by  land,  glory  and  victory  have  attended  those  of  our  allies  by 
sea,  successes,  which  at  once  reflect  the  highest  honour  upon  themselves, 
and  the  respective  nations,  and  afford  the  fairest  prospect  of  speedy  tran- 
quillity and  peace. 

When  to  these  happy  events  we  add  the  accession  of  another  great  and 
foreign  power  to  the  interests  of  America,  and  that  the  year  has  been  crowned 
with  a  most  plentiful  harvest,  we  cannot  but  admire  and  acknowledge  the 
goodness  and  favour  of  Providence.  In  short,  nothing  seems  left  us  to  wish, 
but  a  revival  of  that  public  spirit  and  virtue  which  shone  with  so  much 
lustre  in  the  early  days  of  this  contest,  and  which  seems  now  necessary  for 
the  restoration  of  public  credit,  and  the  relief  of  our  suffering  frontiers. 
To  both  these  objects  we  must  request  your  immediate  and  unremitted  atten- 


MESSAGE  TO  ASSEMBLY.  159 

tion  ;  and  to  this  end  shall  now  lay  before  you  sundry  resolutions  of  the  Ho- 
nourable the  Congress  for  calling  in  large  sums  of  the  present  emissions. 

We  esteem  ourselves  happy  in  the  reflection  that  no  steps  for  the  security 
of  the  exposed  Counties  were  omitted  by  us;  the  most  seasonable  orders  for 
stationing  a  body  of  militia,  and  also  raising  five  companies  of  rangers 
were  issued  ;  and  every  supply  required,  has  been  sent  without  delay.  That 
the  orders  for  the  militia  were  not  punctually  complied  with  in  some  Coun- 
ties, and  in  others  wholly  neglected,  is  what  we  have  great  reason  to  lament, 
at  the  same  time  that  we  think  it  well  deserving  of  serious  inquiry,  that 
due  praise  may  be  given  to  those  who  merit  it.  We  cannot  but  deem  such 
self-exemptions  from  public  duty  as  tending  to  a  criminal  relaxation  of  the 
bonds  of  society,  and  a  departure  from  the  duties  of  a  well-regulated  go- 
vernment. All  the  papers  will  now  be  laid  before  you,  from  which  you  may 
observe,  that,  disappointed  in  the  expected  aid,  the  frontier  inhabitants  have 
formed  themselves  into  companies  and  associations  for  defence ;  in  the  course 
of  which,  expenses  have  been  contracted,  which,  if  they  appear  in  the  same 
light  to  you  as  they  have  done  to  us,  you  will  not  hesitate  to  discharge,  and 
thus  encourage  them  to  continue  as  a  barrier  to  the  more  improved  and  set- 
tled Counties.  How  far  the  revival  and  collecting  the  n)ililia  law,  with  its 
various  supplements,  into  one  complete  system,  will  tend  to  remedy  the  like 
evil  in  future,  we  submittd  your  consideration.  The  necessity  of  supporting 
a  well-regulated  militia,  we  think,  is  confirmed  by  every  day's  observation 
and  experience;  and  while  the  enemy  is  receiving  reinforcements,  with 
the  avowed  purpose  of  desolating  the  country,  we  deem  it  a  measure  highly 
deserving  your  attention,  as  well  as  that  of  every  friend  to  the  freedom  and 
interests  of  the  State. 

The  generous  Resolutions  of  your  Honourable  House,  at  the  last  Sessions 
for  the  relief  of  the  army  and  the  fleet,  and  which  we  have  executed  with 
our  best  judgment  and  attention,  have  had  the  most,  happy  efl^ects  in  conci- 
liating the  aliections  and  respect  of  those  brave  and  valuable  men,  and  ce- 
menting a  friendship  between  the  civil  and  military  powers,  highly  honour- 
able to  both,  and  beneficial  to  all.  We  would  recommend  the  clothing  them, 
with  the  sanction  of  the  law,  as  a  measure  pleasing  to  them,  and  perfectly 
consonant  to  the  views  of  the  House.  We  conceive  nothing  now  remains 
on  this  subject  but  to  make  some  early  and  suitable  provision  as  a  reward 
for  their  dangers,  sacrifices,  and  fatigues,  to  enable  them  to  return  to  civil 
life  with  honour  and  advantage,  when  their  military  services  may  be  no 
longer  necessary;  and  we  hope  a  mode  may  be  devised  for  this  purpose,  not 
oppressive  or  burdensome  to  the  farmer  or  tradesman,  and  yet  satisfictory 
to  them.  The  honour  reflected  on  the  State  by  General  Wayne  and  the 
troops  of  the  Pennsylvania  lino,  during  this  campaign,  would  have  attracted 
our  immediate  acknowledgment,  if  the  approach  of  your  Sessions  had  not 
inclined  us  to  wait  your  concurrence,  that  the  marks  of  our  attention  might 
be  more  proportionate  to  the  service  they  have  done,  and  the  glory  they  have 
acquired. 


160  MESSAGE  TO  ASSEMBLY. 

We  also,  Gentlemen,  most  earnestly  recommend  to  you  to  proceed  in 
the  great  business  of  the  Proprietary  Estates,  at  least  so  far  as  to  give  the 
next  Assembly  an  opportunity  to  put  the  finishing  hand  to  this  important 
and  necessary  work.  The  experience  of  mankind,  the  practice  of  other 
countries  and  nations,  the  sentiments  of  the  greatest  writers  on  government, 
and  even  our  own  observation  during  this  great  contest,  in  which  the  various 
principles  that  govern  the  human  mind  have  been  drawn  forth  into  view 
and  action,  we  think  fully  demonstrate  that  neither  the  peace,  liberty, 
or  safety  of  Pennsylvania  can  be  deemed  secure  while  this  powerful  inte- 
rest, attached  in  all  its  branches  to  the  powers  we  have  abjured  and  aban- 
doned, is  permitted  to  retain  its  full  force  and  influence  among  us.  At  pre- 
sent the  subject  is  disentangled  from  all  other  considerations  of  a  public 
nature;  should  it,  by  delay,  mingle  itself  with  the  negotiations  of  a  General 
Peace,  we  may  long  lament,  and  posterity  will  justly  blame  our  indolence 
or  timidity,  which  has  lost  the  precious  opportunity  of  rescuing  this  State 
from  one  of  the  appendages  of  its  former  bondage,  and  placing  it  on  the 
same  equal  level  of  liberty,  interest,  tranquillity,  and  independence  with  its 
sister  states.  The  safety  of  the  people  is  the  supreme  and  pre-eminent  law 
and  bond  of  society ;  and  when,  as  in  the  present  case,  this  can  be  secured 
consistently  with  the  rights  of  private  justice,  we  should  hold  ourselves  in- 
excusable if  we  did  not  express  our  sentiments  with  freedom,  and  assure 
you  that  the  general  expectation  and  voice  of  the  people,  so  far  as  our  know- 
ledge extends,  concurs  with  them. 

The  Constitution  of  this  State,  with  a  wisdom  and  foresight  which  docs 
honour  to  its  framers,  having  considered  the  education  of  youth  as  a  matter  of 
great  importance  to  the  interests  of  society  and  order  of  government,  we  have 
been  led  to  an  inquiry  into  the  nature  and  government  of  those  institutions 
which  at  present  subsist.  It  is  with  concern  we  observe  a  general  neglect 
of  this  great  duty,  both  in  town  and  country,  while  the  growing  attention 
of  other  states  invites  the  youth  from  this,  and  must  produce  effects  equally 
repugnant  to  public  benefit  and  private  convenience.  The  principal  Insti- 
tution in  this  State,  founded  on  the  most  free  and  catholic  principles,  raised 
and  cherished  by  the  hand  of  public  bounty,  appears  by  its  charter  to  have 
allied  itself  so  closely  to  the  government  of  Britain,  by  making  the  allegiance 
of  its  governors  to  that  state  a  pre-requisite  to  any  official  act,  that  it  might 
well  have  been  presumed  they  would  have  sought  the  aid  of  government  for 
an  establishment  consistent  with  the  Revolution,  and  conformable  to  the 
great  changes  of  policy  artd  government.  But  whatever  have  been  the 
motives,  we  cannot  think  the  good  people  of  this  State  can  or  ought  to  rest 
satisfied,  or  the  protection  of  government  be  extended  to  an  Institution 
framed  with  such  manifest  attachment  to  tiie  British  government,  and  con- 
ducted with  a  general  inattention  to  the  authority  of  the  State.  The  in- 
fluence of  a  seat  of  learning  upon  the  peace  and  good  order  of  government 
have,  we  think,  been  too  fully  exemplified  in  the  country  from  which  we 
have  separated,  to  permit  any  well-regulated  state  to  neglect  or  overlook  it. 


MESSAGE  TO  ASSEMBLY.  161 

How  far  there  has  been  any  deviation  from  the  liberal  ground  of  its  first  esta- 
blishment, and  a  pre-eminence  given  to  some  societies  in  prejudice  to  others 
equally  meritorious,  the  former  inquiries  of  your  honourable  House  will 
enable  you  to  determine;  for  us  it  is  sufficient  to  declare,  that  as  learning  or 
science  are  of  no  party  or  sect,  we  wish  to  see  them  promoted  on  the  most 
liberal  principles,  giving  to  every  denomination  of  Christians  equal  rights  and 
privilege.  As  corporations  compose  a  species  of  external  government,  in  all 
great  changes  they  have  been  considered  as  objects  of  public  attention  and 
care,  that  their  subordination,  obedience,  and  support  to  the  supreme  and 
governing  powers  of  the  State  might  be  secured  and  preserved.  This  is  a 
just  and  necessary  policy  we  think  worthy  of  imitation,  as  the  object  of  the 
institutions,  whether  civil,  religious,  or  charitable,  may  at  the  same  time 
remain  inviolate. 

The  law  for  prohibiting  the  exportation  of  provisions  having  expired  on 
the  1st  instant,  we  thought  proper  to  continue  the  embargo  until  the  20th  of 
this  month,  that  in  the  interval  your  honourable  House  might  take  this  sub- 
ject into  consideration;  a  subject  of  very  great  importance  to  the  commer- 
cial as  well  as  general  interest  of  the  State. 

The  public  highways,  gentlemen,  will  also  require  your  care  and  atten- 
tion; the  laws  respecting  them  are  expired  by  their  own  limitation,  and  the 
present  condition  of  the  roads  is  too  well  known  to  make  it  necessary  for  us 
to  enlarge  upon  the  duty  and  propriety  of  making  a  suitable  provision  on 
this  head. 

We  must  also  recommend  to  your  consideration  the  officers  of  Govern- 
ment. However  generous  or  adequate  the  provision  for  their  support,  when 
called  forth  by  you  or  the  people  to  the  discharge  of  public  duty,  you  must 
be  sensible  that  the  accumulated  prices  of  all  the  necessaries  of  life  since 
that  time  must  make  their  situation  very  distressing,  and  that,  instead  of  "  a 
reasonable  compensation  when  called  to  public  service,  to  the  prejudice  of 
their  private  affairs,"  which  the  Constitution  declares  to  be  a  right,  they 
must  lessen  their  private  property,  and  sink  into  poverty  and  distress.  As 
the  people  of  this  State  have,  in  every  period,  exhibited  a  noble  and  exem- 
plary generosity  in  support  of  government,  it  cannot  be  doubted  they  will  in 
this  case  answer  every  just  and  reasonable  expectation. 

In  conformity  to  the  laws  of  this  State  and  your  desire,  we  have  pro- 
ceeded to  the  sale  of  the  confiscated  estates,  and  have  the  satisfaction  to 
acquaint  you,  that  the  sums  arising  therefrom,  are  so  considerable  as  to 
afford  a  great  relief  to  the  good  people  of  the  State  from  their  public  bur- 
dens; and  that  the  ship  which,  under  your  resolves,  we  fitted  out  for  defence 
of  the  trade  of  the  State,  has  not  only  answered  that  important  end,  but  has 
been  so  successful  as,  in  a  great  measure,  to  compensate  the  expense  of  the 
undertaking. 

Our  anxiety  to  perpetuate  and  extend  the  blessings  of  freedom,  and 
enlarge  the  circle  of  humanity,  induces  us  to  remind  you  of  the  bill  for 
emancipating  the  children  born  of  negro  and  mulatto  parents.  We  wish  to 
VOL.  II.  11 


162  MESSAGE  TO  ASSEMBLY. 

see  you  give  the  complete  sanction  of  law  to  this  noble  and  generous  pur- 
pose, and  adorn  the  annals  of  Pennsylvania  with  this  bright  display  of  jus- 
tice and  public  virtue. 

Thus,  Gentlemen,  having  laid  before  you  a  general  statement  of  our 
public  affairs,  nothing  remains  but  to  assure  you  of  our  cheerful  concurrence 
and  assistance  where  requisite  to  facilitate  and  promote  the  discharge  of 
your  public  duties,  and  express  our  perfect  confidence  in  your  wisdom,  pru- 
dence and  despatch. 

Joseph  Reed, 

President.* 
Council  Chamber,  September  9th,  1779. 

TO  THE  HOUSE  OF  ASSEMBLY. 

Gentlemen, 

The  short  space  of  time  which  has  elapsed  since  our  Address  to  the  late 
Assembly,  has  produced  but  few  events  sufficiently  interesting  to  become 
objects  of  your  attention.  The  advanced  season  of  the  year  seems  almost 
to  forbid  the  hope  of  anything  more  decisive  ;  but  when  we  look  back,  and 
take  a  general  view  of  the  operations  and  events  of  the  campaign,  we  shall 
find  sufficient  cause  to  acknowledge  the  favour  and  goodness  of  Providence, 
and  to  congratulate  you  on  the  happy  stale  of  public  afiiiirs. 

While  the  efforts  of  the  enemy  have  been  feeble,  spiritless,  and  indecisive, 
our  defensive  system  has  been  supported  with  firmness  and  effect  in  every 
part  of  America,  and  when  it  has  been  departed  from,  the  bravery,  discipline, 
and  good  conduct  of  our  officers  and  soldiers  have  been  eminently  con- 
spicuous. 

The  seasonable  and  generous  assirtance  of  the  Count  d'Estaing,  and  the 
gallant  force  under  his  command,  though  not  attended  witli  all  the  success 
which  our  sanguine  expectations  suggested,  may  justly  be  reckoned  among 
the  happy  events  of  the  year,  as  it  has  disconcerted  the  plans  of  the  enemy, 
been  attended  with  success  in  capturing  many  of  their  vessels,  and  is  in 
every  respect  a  fresh  proof  of  the  magnanimity  and  attention  of  our  allies, 
which  will  justly  endear  them  to  every  sincere  lover  of  his  country. 

The  evacuation  of  Rhode  Island,  the  acquisition  of  which  was  deemed  by 
the  enemy  an  object  of  such  great  importance  at  a  former  period,  is  at  once 
a  proof  of  their  weakness  and  apprehension,  and,  we  trust,  a  prelude  to  their 
total  evacuation  of,  or  expulsion  from,  this  country. 

The  expedition  under  General  Sullivan  and  Colonel  Brodhead  will,  we 
hope,  have  the  happy  effects  to  make  the  savages  of  the  wilderness  dread 
the  weight  of  the  American  arms,  and  give  that  safety  and  security  to  the 
distressed  frontiers,  which  were  the  great  objects  of  the  expeditions. 

But  as  very  few  marks  of  submission  or  humiliation  have  been  manifested, 

*  Journals,  p.  362. 


MESSAGE  TO  ASSEMBLY. 


163 


and  from  somolate  appearances  on  tlie  frontiers  of  Bedford  and  Northumber- 
land, the  inhabitants  seem  to  be  under  great  apprehension  and  alarm,  we 
could  not  think  it  prudent  to  depend  so  far  on  the  success  as  to  omit  the 
necessary  preparation  to  repel  any  incursions  which  distress  or  revenge  may 
induce  the  enemy  to  make,  and  have  therefore  procured  a  considerable  de- 
tachment to  be  stationed  in  such  places  as  will  be  most  likely  to  answer 
this  desirable  purpose,  and  ease  the  minds  of  the  good  people  in  that  quarter. 
Our  domestic  tranquillity  has  been  interrupted  by  some  unhappy  commo- 
tions to  which  free  States  have  in  all  ages  been  subject.  We  trust  they 
are  rather  to  be  considered  as  the  casual  overflowings  of  liberty  than  pro- 
ceeding from  avowed  licentiousness  or  contempt  of  public  authority.  And 
as  it  is  the  first  and  we  hope  it  will  be  the  last  instance  where  individuals 
will  take  the  vindication  of  their  real  or  apprehended  injuries  into  their  own 
hands;  and  as  the  discussions  will  be  painful  to  tlieir  fellow-citizens  and 
open  a  breach  we  wish  to  see  closed,  we  submit  it  to  your  consideration 
whether  an  act  of  oblivion  and  indemnity  will  not  have  a  happy  tendency 
to  compose  the  minds  of  the  people,  and  in  its  effects  prove  more  beneficial 
to  tlie  public  interests  than  a  rigorous  pursuit  of  legal  measures. 

The  institution  of  a  Court  of  Errors,  and  a  revisal  of  the  law  respecting 
clandestine  marriages,  were  formerly  recommended  to  the  Assembly  of  this 
Stale,  but  the  multiplicity  and  pressure  of  other  objects  have  hitherto  e.x- 
cluded  them  from  public  view.  The  time  appears  to  us  favourable,  and  they 
involve  considerations  so  very  interesting  to  the  liberty  and  happiness  of  the 
State,  that  we  would  wish  to  see  them  meet  with  due  share  of  attention. 

The  counterfeiting  the  currency  of  the  United  States  has  made  such 
alarming  progress  in  some  parts  of  this  State  as  to  require  a  severe  and 
immediate  check.  The  counterfeiting  the  emissions  of  an  early  date  is  by 
special  Act  of  Assembly  a  capital  crime,  while  the  same  practice  is  only 
punishable  at  common  law  in  the  case  of  late  emissions,  which  has  occasioned 
a  distinction  of  punishments  for  the  same  offence  by  no  means  consonant  to 
the  principles  of  reason  and  justice,  or  the  feelings  of  mankind.  We  would 
therefore  recommend  the  passing  a  law,  subjecting  all  offenders  to  penal 
and  equal  punishment. 

The  other  domestic  regulations  having  been  referred  specially  by  your 
predecessors,  your  vigilance  and  zeal  for  the  public  service  and  the  interests 
of  the  State,  make  it  unnecessary  for  us  to  enumerate  them. 

The  supplies  of  the  army,  though  attended  with  very  heavy  expense,  we 
have  hitherto  been  able  to  compass  so  as  to  draw  the  grateful  acknowledcr- 
ments  of  the  troops  for  this  just  attention  to  their  necessities.  We  shall  in 
a  few  days  forward  both  to  officers  and  men  so  complete  a  supply  of 
clothing,  as  will  enable  them  to  meet  the  rigours  of  the  approaching  season 
with  ease  and  cheerfulness. 

But  while  we  contemplate  with  grateful  satisfaction  the  general  prospect 
of  public  and  domestic  affairs,  we  cannot  help  expressing  our  concern  and 
apprehensions  on  the  State  of  public  credit.     The  depreciation  of  the  cur- 


164  LEGISLATIVE  MEASURES. 

rency  and  its  fatal  consequences  to  the  honour  and  interest  of  America  seem 
now  so  generally  felt  and  acknowledged,  that  we  trust  a  safe  and  sure 
foundation  is  laid  for  the  success  of  any  measures  which  may  be  adopted  to 
check  this  growing  and  alarming  evil. 

How  far  any  Stale  can  safely  adopt  a  separate  system  on  a  matter  of  so 
great  and  general  concern  we  cannot  venture  to  decide,  but  we  can  have 
no  doubt  the  Representatives  of  the  Freemen  of  Pennsylvania  will  coun- 
tenance and  promote  every  measure  that  will  tend  to  establish  the  public 
faith,  and  fix  it  upon  the  solid  basis  of  truth  and  justice.  We  shall  think 
our  time  and  labour  devoted  to  the  most  valuable  purposes  if  we  render  the 
public  any  service  on  this  important  point ;  and  in  every  other  shall  en- 
deavour, so  far  as  depends  on  us,  to  forward  the  business  of  the  State  with 
despatch,  utility,  and  mutual  satisfaction. 

The  Secretary  will  deliver  you  sundry  Resolves  of  the  Honourable  the 
Continental  Congress  of  the  United  States,  on  matters  of  great  importance 
to  the  general  interests,  and  also  several  other  public  papers  from  our  sister 
States,  which  we  must  recommend  to  your  serious  consideration. 

Joseph  Reed,  President.* 

Council  Chamber,  November  13,  1779. 

The  three  leading  measures  which  are  thus  urged  upon  the 
attention  of  the  Legislature,  were  those  on  which,  at  a  later 
period,  and  in  making  the  retrospect  of  his  public  life,  Mr. 
Reed  most  prided  himself — the  Proprietary  Bill — the  trans- 
fer of  the  College  Charter — and  the  Act  for  the  Abolition  of 
Slavery.     They  deserve  a  passing  notice  here. 

By  the  Charter  of  Charles  II.,  the  absolute  ownership  of  the 
soil  within  the  assigned  limits  of  Pennsylvania,  was  vested  in 
the  Proprietary  and  his  heirs,  with  a  reservation  of  the  para- 
mount sovereignty  of  the  Crown  of  England.  The  political 
authority  conferred  on  the  Proprietaries  during  the  interval 
from  the  settlement  to  the  Revolution,  was  exercised  by  their 
nominees,  or  by  members  of  the  Proprietary  family  itself  It, 
as  well  as  the  ownership  of  the  soil,  was  undisputed  till  the 
period  when,  by  the  Revolution,  the  paramount  sovereignty 
was  transferred.  At  that  time  it  happened  that  the  political 
authority  delegated  by  the  Charter  was  exercised  by  John 
Penn,  the  grandson  of  the  first  Proprietary,  who  had  been 
for  some  years  Deputy  Governor.     The  ownership  was  vested 

*  Pennsylvania  Packet  of  16th  November,  1779. 


THE  PENN  FAMILY.  165 

in  him  and  Thomas,  a  son  of  William  Penn,  who  resided 
in  Great  Britain.  Richard  Penn,  another  of  the  family,  who 
also  had  been  deputy-governor,  returned  to  England  in  the 
fall  of  1775,  being  with  Arthur  Lee,  the  agent  of  Congress,  and 
the  bearer  of  its  last  petition  to  the  King.*  In  November  of 
that  year,  he  was  examined  at  the  bar  of  the  House  of  Lords, 
and  the  testimony  which  he  gave  was  so  friendly  to  the  Pro- 
vincial cause  as  to  call  down  strong  rebuke  from  some  of  the 
ministerial  peers.f  He  did  not,  I  believe,  ever  return  to  Ame- 
rica, certainly  not  till  after  the  peace.  Governor  John  Penn 
remained  in  Pennsylvania,  and  appears  to  have  been  a  tempe- 
rate and  inoffensive  man,  who  relinquished  his  political  autho- 
rity without  a  struggle,  and  was  content  to  watch  with  unob- 
trusive vigilance  the  more  substantial  interests  of  his  family. 
With  the  exception  of  his  temporary  removal  to  Virginia  in 
the  summer  of  1777,  he  appears  never  to  have  been  personally 
molested. 

It  was,  however,  very  soon  manifest  that  the  proprietary 
tenure  of  the  vacant  land  within  the  limits  of  Pennsylvania, 
and  the  reserved  right  in  the  form  of  quit  rents,  could  not  be 
allowed  to  continue.  The  paramount  sovereignty  had  been 
superseded.  The  fealty  at  Windsor,  with  its  emblems  of  two 
beaver  skins,  was  supplanted  by  submission  to  more  practical 
authority  nearer  at  hand,  and  the  "  provincial  seignory  called 
Pennsylvania"  had  become  an  absolute  and  substantial  sove- 

*  This  statement  has  reference  to  the  beginning  of  the  revolutionary  dis- 
turbances. Thomas,  the  son  of  William  Penn,  died  21  March,  1775.  At  the  time 
of  the  Divesting  Act,  in  1779,  the  Proprietaries  were  John  Penn  (the  Governor), 
and  John  Penn  of  Stoke  Pogis,  the  son  of  Thomas.  Richard  Penn  referred  to  in 
the  text,  was  the  second  son  of  Richard,  the  third  son  of  the  original  William 
Penn.  The  most  intelligible  statement  of  this  intricate  genealogy  will  be  found 
in  2  Yeates^  Reports,  p.  550. 

t  Mr.  Richard  Perm's  examination  will  be  found,  (in  Parliamentary  History, 
xviii.  p.  911.)  When  asked  what  was  the  military  force  of  Pennsylvania  in  1775, 
he  said  :  "  When  I  left  Pennsylvania,  they  had  20,000  men  in  arms,  embodied,  but 
not  paid,  and  4500  since  raised.  He  said  there  were  60,000  men  fit  to  bear  arms, 
in  Pennsylvania.  In  the  debate  which  followed.  Lord  Lyttleton  said, '  With  all 
the  caution  with  which  Mr.  Penn  guarded  his  expressions,  he  nevertheless  be- 
trayed through  the  whole  of  his  examination,  the  strongest  indication  of  the 
strongest  prejudice.' " — Id.,  928. 


166  PKOPKIETAKY  ESTATES. 

reignty  by  itself.  Under  this  change,  it  was  hardly  reasonable 
that  vast  tracts  of  unappi-opriated  lands  should  be  suffered  to 
remain  under  private  control,  and  be  utterly  unproductive  for 
public  necessities,  or  that  Proprietaries,  recognising  in  their 
very  titles  a  foreign  and  adverse  authority,  should  be  left  in 
undisturbed  possession  not  only  of  this  vacant  territory,  but  still 
more  offensively,  of  the  quit-rents  to  which  they  had  subjected 
all  the  patented  and  improved  land.  These  rents,  too,  it  should 
be  remembered,  were  no  new  grievance.  From  the  time  of 
William  Penn  downwards,  they  had  been  complained  of,  and 
had  led  to  the  most  fierce  controversies.  The  time  had  now 
come  when  a  rude  remedy  was  to  be  applied.  It  was  applied 
with  decision  and  with  dignity — with  much  less  precipitation, 
in  fact,  and  with  less  apparent  violation  of  decorum  than  com- 
monly characterize  revolutionary  processes. 

In  February,  1778,  President  Reed  in  a  message  to  Assembly 
said,  "We  shall  now  offer  the  last  though  not  the  least  object 
of  your  public  inquiry  and  deliberations ;  we  mean  the  nature 
and  extent  of  the  claims  or  estates  of  the  late  proprietaries, 
and  their  consistency  with  the  interests  and  happiness  of  the 
people  under  the  late  revolution.  To  reconcile  the  rights  and 
demands  of  society  with  those  of  private  justice  and  equity  in 
this  case,  will  be  worthy  your  most  serious  attention;  nor  ought 
the  magnitude  of  the  object,  or  the  splendour  and  influence  here- 
tofore annexed  to  the  power  derived  from  that  source,  deter 
you  from  the  inquiry,  or  dazzle  you  in  the  pursuit.  The  just 
regard  due  to  the  suspended  rights  of  many  individuals  of  this 
State,  and  the  common  interests  of  all,  do  not  admit  that  it 
should  any  longer  be  kept  out  of  sight,  though  war,  with  its 
calamities  and  confusion,  has  hitherto  excluded  it  from  the 
notice  of  a  government  founded  on  the  authority  of  the  people 
only."* 

The  House  took  the  matter  into  early  consideration,  and 
directed  notice  to  be  given  to  Mr.  Penn.  At  the  instance  of 
that  gentleman,  a  more  distant  day  was  assigned,  in  order  to 
give  him  a  reasonable  time  to  determine  what  his  course  would 

*  Journals,  307. 


OPINION  OF  THE  CHIEF  JUSTICE.  167 

be.  On  the  11th  of  March,  the  counsel  for  the  Penns  asked  for 
further  indulgence,  which  was  allowed.  Five  days  were  sub- 
sequently devoted  to  the  argument  of  the  case  before  the  As- 
sembly. It  is  to  be  regretted  that  these  arguments  have  not 
been  preserved.  They  would  throw  much  light  on  an  interest- 
ing point  in  the  juridical  and  political  history  of  the  State.* 

On  the  27th  of  March,  a  series  of  questions  were  propounded 
by  order  of  the  House  to  Chief  Justice  M'Kean,  on  the  legal 
points  in  controversy.  They  relate  to  the  authority  of  the 
Crown  to  give  the  Charter,  the  nature  of  the  grant,  the  extent  of 
the  concessions  to  the  first  purchasers,  the  right  to  reserve  the 
quit-rents,  their  proper  appropriation,  and  the  effect  of  the 
change  of  government  on  the  pre-emption  right  of  the  Proprie- 
taries. 

These  questions,  which  show  either  the  doubts  or  the  course 
of  reasoning  of  the  friends  of  the  pending  measure,  were  an- 
swered by  the  Chief  Justice.  In  his  answer,  which  he  expressly 
and  significantly  desired  may  be  taken  in  a  legal  and  not  a  po- 
litical light,  Mr.  M'Kean  was  of  opinion  that  the  right  of  the 
Crown  was  unquestionable,  and  the  grant  to  Penn  an  absolute 
one.f  He  aflirmed  the  right  to  the  quit-rents,  and  denied  that 
the  object  of  their  reservation  was  the  support  of  government, 
(a  favourite  theory  of  the  anti-proprietary  party  in  former 
times,)  and  on  but  one  point  of  law  seemed  to  agree  with  the 
popular  party ;  the  right  of  pre-emption  he  considered  as  vested 
in  the  new  government.  The  report  of  the  Committee  asserted 
very  diflerent  and  more  radical  doctrines  as  to  these  proprietary 
tenures.  Without  pausing  to  inquire  who,  on  these  abstract 
questions,  was  right,  it  is  obvious  that  the  political  reason  was 
the  active  and  controlling  one ;  and  no  one,  looking  back  to 
those  times  and  their  exigencies,  will,  for  a  moment,  doubt  that 
the  continuance  of  these  tenures,  wdth  pre-emptions  and  quit- 

*  Journals  of  Assembly,  316,  323,  331,  339,  347.    In  the  Pennsylvania  Packet 

of  9th  March,  1779,  is  a  very  earnest  essay  or  argument  against  the  Divesting 
Act. 

t  On  this  point  his  language  is,  "  It  rather  appears  to  me  the  grant  to  Penn 
was  an  absolute  one."  In  1808  the  question  was  judicially  determined  in  the 
affirmative  in  the  case  o?  Penn  v.  Kline,  4  Dallas,  402. 


168  DIVESTING  ACT. 

rents,  was  wholly  incompatible  with  the  new  institutions.  It 
may  be  observed,  in  passing,  that  the  abolition  of  the  quit-rents, 
a  prominent  feature  in  the  revolutionary  measure,  may  be  re- 
garded as  the  means  of  saving  Pennsylvania  from  the  discredit 
and  embarrassment  of  such  a  contest  between  tenantry  and 
landlords  as  in  our  day  has  occurred  in  a  sister  State. 

The  opinion  of  the  Chief  Justice,  and  the  Report  of  the  Com- 
mittee, were  ordered  to  be  printed  on  the  5lh  of  April,  1779, 
and,  the  Legislature  adjourning  soon  after,  no  action  was  had 
either  then,  or  at  the  resumed  session  in  the  fall,  except  that, 
after  the  summer  recess,  a  bill  was  reported,  and,  after  a  cer- 
tain consideration,  ordered  (according  to  ihe  fashion  of  the 
times,  and  the  requisitions  of  the  Constitution)  to  be  printed  in 
the  newspapers  for  public  approval.  The  new  Legislature, 
which  met  in  October,  immediately  resumed  the  subject,  and  a 
bill  was  soon  matured,  which,  after  passing  to  a  second  read- 
ing, was  referred  for  examination  to  the  Chief  Justice  and 
Attorney-General.  Their  report  has  not,  that  I  am  aware  of, 
been  preserved,  nor  is  there  any  allusion  to  it  on  the  Journals. 
The  bill  was  finally  passed  on  the  24th  November,  by  a  vote  of 
forty  to  seven.  The  minority  entered  a  short  protest,  and,  on 
the  same  day,  Mr.  Penn  addressed  a  brief  and  decorous  remon- 
strance to  the  Assembly,  which,  at  his  request,  was  printed  in 
the  Journal.  The  law,  as  is  well  known,  divested  all  the  pro- 
prietary public  property,  including  the  quit-rents,  but  care- 
fully protected  the  Manors,  and  what  could  be  distin- 
guished as  private  property,  and,  with  a  liberality  which 
may  have  given  other  less-favoured  individuals  some  reason  to 
complain,  allowed  a  compensation  to  the  late  Proprietaries  of 
£130,000  sterling  money  of  Great  Britain,  all  of  which,  to  the 
uttermost  farthing,  with  interest,  was  discharged  within  eight 
years  after  the  peace  of  1783,*  It  will  hardly  be  questioned 
that  this  was  a  measure  of  the  most  liberal  justice.  It  was  one 
too,  which,  after  the  first  irritation  of  controversy  had  passed 
away,  never,  so  far  as  I  am  aware,  was  complained  of  by  the 
parties  interested.!   This,  however,  is  the  less  remarkable  from 

*  1  Smith's  Laws,  499, 

t  The  Council  of  Censors  in  their  revision  of  the  Legislation  under  the  Constitu- 
tion of  1776  found  no  fault  with  the  Divesting  Act. 


DOCTOR  WILLIAM  SMITH.  169 

the  fact  that  the  Penn  family  received  additional  remuneration 
for  an  estimated  loss  of  half  a  million  sterling  from  Great 
Britain  in  an  annuity  of  £4,000.*  Few,  either  active  or  pas- 
sive loyalists,  were  as  fortunate  in  receiving  compensation  on 
both  sides  of  the  Atlantic. 

Coincident  with  this  measure,  and  of  an  equally  local  inte- 
rest, was  the  affair  of  the  College  Charter,  which,  by  an  Act  of 
Assembly,  was  transferred  to  a  new  Institution,  known  as  the 
University  of  Pennsylvania.  This  excited  great  animosity  at 
the  time,  and  it  is  far  from  easy  to  pass  a  fair  judgment  on  it 
even  at  this  day,  when  the  heat  of  controversy  has  subsided. 
Judged  by  the  standard  of  our  times,  and  according  to  what 
may  be  considered  well-settled  conservative  principles,  it  may 
be  condemned;  but  in  all  such  judgments  full  allowance  must 
be  made  for  revolutionary  irregularities  and  exigencies.  If  the 
professions  of  the  friends  of  the  change  in  the  College  adminis- 
tration were  sincere — and  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  it — it  was 
most  natural  that  they  should  be  restless  in  the  consciousness 
that  the  education  of  youth  in  its  higher  branches  was  in  the 
hands  of  men  grievously  suspected  of  anti-republican  principles 
and  practices.  In  such  controversies,  personal  animosities  are 
apt  to  mingle.  They  no  doubt  largely  did  in  this  instance. 
The  President  of  the  old  College,  the  Reverend  William 
Smith,  an  Englishman  by  birth,  a  kind  of  pet  of  the  Pro- 
prietary family,  with  a  degree  conferred  by  the  University  of 
Oxford,  was  an  individual  especially  obnoxious  to  the  popular 
party  and  its  leaders.  He  had  given  great  discontent  by  his 
doubtful  support  of  patriotic  measures,  whilst  on  all  other  ques- 
tions of  political  or  polemical  difference  he  was  active  and 
ardent  and  eloquent.f  He  was  a  Churchman  of  extreme 
opinions,  at  least  according  to  the  standard  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  and  whilst  the  discreet  forbearance  and  caution  of  his 
contemporary,  Doctor  (afterwards  Bishop)   White,  exempted 

*  Wilmot's  Historical  View  of  the  Commission  on  Loyalists'  Claims.  London, 
1815,  p.  92.  The  debate  on  the  subject  will  be  found  in  the  28th  vol.  Pari.  His. 
tory,  p.  813,  May  14,  1790. 

+  Jolm  Adams's  Letters  to  his  Wife,  vol.  i.  p.  105.  See  also  Dr.  Wilson's  Life 
of  Bishop  White,  p.  19. 


170  THE  COLLEGE  CHARTER. 

him  from  suspicion  or  reproach,  Doctor  Smith  was,  in  the  con- 
troversies of  the  times,  turbulent  and  active.  The  estabhshed 
church  and  its  clergy  were,  it  may  be  conceded,  no  favourites 
in  this  part  of  the  United  States.  They  were  the  objects  of  ill- 
concealed  enmity,  which  neither  the  unquestioned  patriotism  of 
a  portion  of  the  laity,  nor  Doctor  White's  temperate  republican- 
ism, could  disarm.  Nor  was  it  unnatural,  for  the  conduct  of  the 
clergy  in  New  York  and  New  Jersey  had  been  most  offensive. 
Mr.  Seabury,  by  his  own  showing,  was  acting  as  a  guide  to 
Sir  Henry  Clinton  in  1776,  and  Odell,  a  refugee  from  New 
Jersey,  was  a  regular  contributor  of  clever  ribaldry  to  Riving- 
ton's  Royal  Gazette.* 

At  the  time  of  the  Revolution,  all,  or  nearly  all,  the  acting 
Trustees  of  the  College  were  Episcopalians,  though  in  the  Pro- 
fessorships other  denominations  were  represented.  This,  con- 
nected with  the  prevalent  adverse  feeling  to  the  discipline  and 
supposed  political  tenets  of  the  Church,  to  which  I  have  alluded, 
had,  no  doubt,  great  influence.  The  vacancies  that  had  occur- 
red in  the  Board  of  Trustees,  were  slowly  and  reluctantly  filled, 
and  the  choice  of  new  trustees  was  invariably  made  from  the 
political  party  which  happened  to  be  the  object  of  suspicion 
and  reproach.  It  did  not  escape  the  vigilance  of  the  oppo- 
nents of  the  College,  that  vacancies  occasioned  by  the  flight  and 
attainder  of  several  members,  were  not  filled  till  popular  resent- 
ment appeared  to  be  aroused  by  neglect,  and  then  the  absentees 
were  spoken  of,  not  as  guilty  deserters  from  the  cause  of  their 
country,  but  as  those  who  were  accidentally  and  innocently 

*  In  a  series  of  Memoirs  of  the  Colonial  Church,  republished  in  1846,  in  the 
Banner  of  the  Cross  at  Philadelphia,  it  is  stated  that ,  "  When  the  King's  troops 
passed  over  into  the  county  of  Westchester,  Mr.  Seabury  accompanied  them,  and 
being-  perfectly  acquainted  with  the  roads  and  rivers  of  the  country,  furnished 
General  Clinton  with  plans  and  maps  which  were  very  serviceable."  Odell  was 
active  in  every  way.  He  appears  to  have  been  the  medium  of  communication  be- 
tween Gustavus  (Arnold)  and  John  Anderson  (Andre)  in  1780.  {Sparks^  Wash' 
ington,  vii.  p.  521.)  His  political  poetry  is  spirited  and  curious,  and  his  vilifica- 
tion of  t!ie  American  leaders  virulent,  that  of  Mr.  Reed  especially  so.  In  a  letter 
from  Bishop  White  to  Mr.  Reed,  a  portion  of  which  is  published  in  Dr.  Wilson's 
Memoir,  dated  in  1783,  he  says  :  "  There  always  has  been  a  wide  ditFerence  be- 
tween the  high-flying  principles  of  a  few  clergymen  to  the  northward,  and  those 
of  the  Episcopalians  of  this  city," 


THE  COLLEGE  CHARTER. 


171 


prevented  from  executing  their  trust.  These  impulses  are 
merely  referred  to  as  existing,  without  the  expression  of  any 
judgment  as  to  how  far  they  were  justified,  or  to  what  extent 
they  excused  the  course  which  the  State  authorities  pursued. 

A  fair  consideration  of  the  whole  subject  leads  to  the  opinion 
that  while  the  pretexts  given  in  the  preamble  of  the  Act  of  As- 
sembly (the  by-law  of  17G4)  are  hardly  sustained,  it  was  one  of 
the  natural  fruits  of  political  and  sectarian  excitement,  where 
■  the  narrow  and  indiscreet  zeal  of  a  party,  in  the  enjoyment  of 
corporate  power,  is  brought  in  conflict  with  the  equally  intempe- 
rate animosity  of  a  dominant  party  in  the  State.  Had  the 
Trustees  of  the  College  looked  beyond  the  very  limited  circle 
to  which  their  attention  seoms  to  have  been  directed,  the  con- 
troversy which  occurred  and  which  resulted  in  their  temporary 
dispersion,  might  have  been  averted.  The  act  of  1779  trans- 
ferred the  corporate  powers  of  the  college  to  a  new  institution, 
called  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  organized  on  the  broadest 
and  most  catholic  basis.  The  University  continued  in  exis- 
tence till  1784,  when  the  act  of  1779  was  repealed,  and  in  1791, 
the  two  Institutions  were  united  as  a  University,  twelve  trustees 
being  selected  by  each  body,  and  a  Presbyterian  Clergyman 
made  the  Presiding  Officer.  It  should  be  remembered  that  the 
Assembly  of  1779  was  very  liberal  in  its  endowment  of  the 
new  Institution,  which  it  created.*  A  large  portion  of  the 
funds  of  the  present  University  are  derived  from  this  endowment, 
and  most  of  the  residue  from  that  of  17G4,  the  joint  contribution 
of  an  Archbishop  of  the  Church  of  England,  and  a  Dissenting 
JMinister.  The  trust,  therefore,  on  which  they  are  held,  and 
on  which  it  is  hoped  they  will  always  be  administered,  is  that  of 
the  widest  and  most  tolerant  Christianity. 

On  President  Reed,  the  friends  of  the  old  College  bestowed 

*  The  American  Philosophical  Society  for  promoting  useful  knowledge  was  in- 
corporated during  Mr.  Reed's  Administration — on  the  15th  of  March,  1780. 
Chastellux,  in  his  Travels,  gives  an  account  of  a  Session  of  this  Society,  which  he 
attended  on  the  invitation  of  President  Reed.  Speaking  of  his  own  election,  and 
the  strict  rules,  which  it  is  supposed  have  always  guarded  admissions,  he  says 
"  Mon  election,  a  ete  unanime,  ce  qui  arrive  tres  rarement.  M.  de  la  Fayelte  lui 
m6me,  qui  a  ete  elu  en  meme  terns  que  moi,  a  eu  une  boule  centre  lui,  mais  on 
croit  que  c'est  par  meprise." — Voyage  de  Chastellux,  tome  i.  p.  265. 


172  RELIGIOUS  OPINIONS. 

the  largest  share  of  obloquy.  Dr.  Smith  was  his  personal  and 
political  enemy,  and  was  an  habitual  contributor  to  the  party 
press.  That  the  President  concurred  with  the  majority  of  the 
Assembly,  is  unquestionable,  but  that  any  other  motive  actuated 
him  than  a  fair  conviction  that  the  interests  of  the  community 
would  be  promoted  by  a  change  in  the  College  administration, 
no  one  pretended.  The  measure  originated  in  1777,  before  Mr. 
Reed  was  connected  with  the  Government.*  It  is  well  known 
that  he  differed  from  his  friends  as  to  the  policy  of  putting  a 
Presbyterian  Divine  at  the  head  of  the  new  University,  oppo- 
sing it,  however,  simply  on  the  ground  of  expediency,  urging 
that  it  might  conciliate  the  Episcopalians  to  elect  a  moderate 
and  patriotic  Churchman.  It  was  not,  how^ever,  the  time  for 
moderate  counsels.-j- 

Mr.  Reed  was,  it  may  incidentally  be  remarked,  firmly  at- 
tached to  the  Presbyterian  Church,  in  which  he  had  been  edu- 
cated. In  one  of  his  publications,  a  few  years  later,  he  said  of 
it :  "  When  I  am  convinced  of  its  errors,  or  ashamed  of  its  cha- 
racters, I  may  perhaps  change  it.  Till  then  I  shall  not  blush  at  a 
connexion  with  a  people,  who,  in  this  great  controversy,  are  not 
second  to  any  in  vigorous  exertions  and  general  contributions, 
and  to  whom  we  are  so  eminently  indebted  for  our  deliverance 
from  the  thraldom  of  Great  Britain.  Their  great  misfortune  is 
that  artful  men  of  other  parties  and  persuasions  have  always  found 
means  to  dupe  them  into  divisions,  discord,  and  weakness.  But 
it  is  quite  time  to  drop  religious  distinctions  in  Pennsylvania, 
and  meet  on  the  equal  floor  of  generous  Catholicism.  He  who 
attempts  to  revive  them,  will  arouse  a  sleeping  lion,  and  he  will 
do  well  to  remember  that  there  is  no  Hierarchy  nor  Great  Bri- 
tain now  to  fly  to  for  countenance  or  assistance-''^ 

But  the  leading  measure,  that  which  has  a  National,  and 


*  Journals,  p.  180,  &c. 

t  The  gentleman  suggested  by  Mr.  Reed  was  Dr.  Johnson  of  Connecticut. 

tOn  the  7th  of  April,  1779,  the  Ministers,  Elders,  and  Deacons  of  the  Scot's 
Presbylcrian  Church,  presented  to  the  President  a  complimentary  address  on  the 
conduct  of  his  administration.  The  address,  and  Mr.  Reed's  discreet  and  grace, 
ful  answer,  were  published  in  the  Pennsylvania  Packet  of  22d  of  April,  1779. 
He  was  a  pewholder  and  regular  attendant  in  the  Pine  Street  Presbyterian  Church, 
in  this  City. 


ABOLITION  OF  SLAVERY.  173 

lasting  interest,  is  the  act  of  March,  1780,  for  the  Gradual 
Abolition  of  Slavery.  Its  legislative  history  is  rather  curious. 
From  an  early  period,  the  times  of  the  first  Proprietaries,  Do- 
mestic Slavery  had  existed  in  Pennsylvania,  and  the  attempts 
to  eradicate  it  seem  to  have  been  very  spasmodic.  No  general 
plan  of  abolition  seems  to  have  been  at  any  time  matured,  and 
whilst  the  instincts  of  the  Quaker  settlement  were  adverse  to 
its  existence  and  encouragement,  their  efforts,  stimulated  on  the 
one  hand,  from  time  to  lime,  by  the  benevolent  zeal  of  indivi- 
duals, and  discouraged  on  the  other  by  metropolitan  authority  in 
Great  Britain,  were  on  the  whole  signally  inoperative  of  good.* 
The  Revolution,  asserting  a  practical  equality  between  man 
and  man,  effected  much  more,  and  the  men  of  the  Revolution, 
those  too  who  were  regarded  as  extreme  in  their  democratic 
tendencies,  had  the  honour  of  extirpating  slavery  from  this  soil. 
They  effected  this  result,  it  will  be  seen,  by  a  mode  of  gradual 
obliteration,  which  infringed  no  real  or  imaginary  right,  and 
wounded  no  prejudice  however  sensitive.  Slavery  never  took 
deep  root  or  spread  its  dark  branches  far  in  Pennsylvania. 
The  number  of  slaves  in  1780  was  estimated  at  about  GOOO. 
In  1790  it  was  3737;  in  1800  it  was  1706;  in  1810  it  was 
795;  in  1820  it  was  211 ;  in  1830  it  was  67;  and  at  this  day, 
excepting  a  small  remnant — a  few  aged  pensioners  on  charity — 
Slavery  may  be  said  to  be  practically  extinct. 

The  first  suggestion  of  Legislative  Abolition  was  made  in 
the  session  of  1777,  in  the  heads  of  a  Bill  furnished  by  the 
Council.  On  the  9th  November,  1778,  the  Vice-President, 
Mr.  Bryan,  in  his  Message  to  Assembly,  thus  refers  to  it: 

"  The  late  Assembly  was  furnished  with  heads  of  a  bill  for 
manumitting  infant  negroes  born  of  slaves,  by  which,  gradual 
abolition  of  servitude  for  life  would  be  obtained  in  an  easy 
mode.     It  is  not  proposed  that  the  present  slaves,  most  of  whom 

*  What  was  done,  and  what  was  attempted,  will  appear  in  two  interesting 
tracts,  one  by  Edward  Bettle,  of  Piiiladclphia,  and  the  other  entitled  "  A  Brief 
Statement  of  the  Rise  and  Progress  of  the  Testimony  of  the  Religious  Society  of 
Friends  against  Slavery  and  the  Slave  Trade,"  Philadelphia,  1843.  In  the  note 
to  Chapter  Ixi.  of  Mr.  Cadwalader's  work  on  the  Early  Statutes  of  Pennsylvania, 
(now  in  the  press,)  is  the  most  complete  view  of  this  vexed  subject  that  I  remem- 
ber to  have  seen. 


174  SLAVERY  IN  PENNSYLVANIA. 

are  scarcely  competent  of  freedom,  should  be  meddled  with, 
but  all  importations  must  be  forbid,  if  the  idea  be  adopted. 
This  or  some  better  scheme  would  tend  to  abrogate  slavery, 
the  opprobrium  of  America,  from  among  us ;  and  no  period 
seems  more  liappy  for  the  attempt  than  the  present,  as  the 
number  of  such  unhappy  characters,  ever  few  in  Pennsylvania, 
has  been  much  reduced  by  the  practices  and  plunder  of  our 
late  invaders.  In  divesting  the  Slate  of  slaves  you  will  equally 
serve  the  cause  of  humanity  and  policy,  and  offer  to  God  one 
of  the  most  proper  and  best  returns  of  gratitude,  for  his  great 
deliverance  of  us  and  our  posterity  from  thraldom  ;  you  will 
also  set  your  character  for  justice  and  benevolence  in  the  true 
point  of  view  to  all  Europe,  who  are  astonished  to  see  a  people 
struggling  for  liberty  holding  negroes  in  bondage." 

It  was  not  till  the  5th  of  February,  1779,  for  there  seems  to 
have  been  some  reluctance  in  the  popular  branch  of  the 
Government,  that  the  Assembly  acted  by  appointing  a  Com- 
mittee, nor  was  even  this  done  until  President  Reed  had  again 
earnestly  called  attention  to  it.  "We  would  also  again  bring 
into  your  view,  a  plan  for  the  gradual  abolition  of  slavery,  so 
disgraceful  to  any  people,  and  more  especially  to  those  who 
have  been  contending  in  the  great  cause  of  liberty  themselves, 
and  upon  whom  Providence  has  bestowed  such  eminent  marks 
of  its  favour  and  protection.  We  think  we  are  loudly  called 
on  to  evince  our  gratitude,  in  making  our  fellow-men  joint  heirs 
■with  us  of  the  same  inestimable  blessings,  under  such  restric- 
tions and  regulations  as  will  not  injure  the  community,  and 
will  imperceptibly  enable  them  to  relish  and  improve  the  station 
to  which  they  will  be  advanced.  Honoured  will  that  state  be 
in  the  annals  of  history,  which  shall  first  abolish  this  violation 
of  the  rights  of  mankind,  and  the  memories  of  those  will  be 
held  in  grateful  and  everlasting  remembrance,  who  shall  pass 
the  law  to  restore  and  establish  the  rights  of  human  nature  in 
Pennsylvania.  We  feel  ourselves  so  interested  on  this  point  as 
to  go  beyond  what  may  be  deemed  by  some,  the  proper  line  of 
our  duty,  and  acquaint  you  that  we  have  reduced  this  plan  to 
the  form  of  a  law^  which,  if  acceptable,  we  shall  in  a  few  days 
communicate  to  you." 


FREE  CONFERENCES.  175 

This  suggestion,  that  the  Executive  had  even  so  far  matured 
a  Legislative  measure,  seems  to  have  produced  much  resent- 
ment in  the  Assembly,  and  to  have  given  rise  to  one  of  those 
embarrassing  questions  of  Parhamentary  etiquette,  which  are 
ordinarily  so  difficult  of  adjustment.  The  Council  rested  their 
right  of  suggestion  on  the  20th  section  of  the  Constitution, 
which  authorized  them  to  prepare  business  for  the  Assembly. 
The  Assembly  claimed  the  exclusive  Legislative  fimction* 
Various  and  perplexed  were  the  discussions  on  this  subject,  in 
which  it  is  probable  that  some  undercurrent  of  opposition  to 
the  abolition  measure  mingled  an  adverse  influence.  How  far 
this  conflict,  which  may  be  traced  in  detail  on  the  Journal, 
would  have  continued,  it  is  difficult  to  say,  but  on  the  lOtli  of 
February,  1779,  the  Council  invited  the  Assembly  to  a  free  or 
personal  conference,  and  the  difficulty  appears  to  have  died 
away  under  the  influence  of  the  discreet  and  practical  sugges- 
tions of  the  Executive.     The  record  runs  thus: 

"  Agreeably  to  the  order  of  the  day,  the  House  have  held  a  conference  with 
the  Supreme  Executive  Council  in  the  Council  Chamber.  The  conference 
was  opened  by  his  Excellency  the  President,  who  on  behalf  of  the  Council 
declared  their  desire  to  preserve  at  all  times  a  perfect  good  understanding 
between  the  House  and  Council,  and  for  that  purpose  thought  it  necessary, 
whenever  doubts  or  difficulties  arise  respecting  the  line  of  their  duty,  on 
the  construction  of  any  part  of  the  Constitution  relative  thereto,  that  there 
should  be  a  free  and  friendly  conference.  His  Excellency  then  requested 
the  sense  of  the  House  on  two  subjects. 

"  1st.  What  is  to  be  understood  by  the  Council  preparing  such  business  as 
may  appear  to  them  necessary  to  lay  before  the  Assembly. 

"2d.  Whether,  in  the  recess  of  the  House,  the  Council  may  or  ought  to 
instruct  the  delegates  of  this  State  in  matters  not  contained  in  the  instruc- 
tions of  the  Assembly. 

"  The  first  matter  being  taken  up,  some  members  observed  that,  in  their 
opinion,  the  Houi^e  could  not  receive  any  business  from  Council  in  the  form 
of  a  bill,  as  the  House  had  the  sole,  exclusive  right  of  originating  bills,  and 
passing  them  into  laws.  The  President  and  Vice-President  then  declared, 
in  behalf  of  Council,  that  they  disavowed  any  claim  officially  or  authorita- 
tively to  prepare  bills,  and  impose  them  on  the  House,  and  that  the  Council 
never  intended,  or  meant  to  bo  understood  as  making  such  a  claim,  but  that 
it  appears  to  them  that  the  true  and  proper  construction  of  the  clause  in  the 
Constitution,  when  compared  with  that  expressive  of  the  powers  of  the 
General  Assembly,  may  be  properly  construed  into  a  duty  in  Council  to 


176  ABOLITION  OP*  SLAVERY. 

frame  draughts  or  heads  of  bills,  which  the  House  of  Assembly  may  or  may 
not  adopt  or  notice  at  their  discretion  ;  and  that  as  Council,  from  having  the 
execution  of  the  laws,  may  reasonably  be  supposed  to  know  when  they  are 
defective,  and  when  new  laws  may  be  necessary,  the  sessions  of  Assembly 
would  be  shortened,  the  law  probably  more  accurate,  and  the  business  of  the 
State  transacted  more  beneficially,  harmoniously,  and  expeditiously.  After 
some  further  conference  on  this  head,  the  House  adjourned  to  their  own 
room,  referring  the  other  matters  of  conference  to  the  afternoon.''* 

Under  the  influence  of  these  practical  and  friendly  counsels 
the  controversy  seems  to  have  died  away,  no  further  trace  of 
it  appearing  on  the  Journals,  and  on  the  next  day  the  Com- 
mittee of  Assembly  reported  a  bill  (probably  in  substance  that 
of  the  Council)  for  the  gradual  Abolition  of  Slavery.  On  the 
23d  it  passed  to  a  second  reading,  and  was  ordered  to  be 
printed.  Its  provisions  are  substantially  the  same  as  those  of 
the  law  subsequently  enacted,  with  the  exception  of  a  penal 
prohibition  of  mixed  marriages,  that  was  not  retained.  In  form, 
especially  in  the  Preamble,  it  was  different.  At  this  point  the 
action  of  the  Assembly  ceased,  and  its  doubtful  zeal  suddenly 
abated.  Again,  to  the  same  body,  did  it  become  necessary  for 
the  Executive  to  speak,  and  we  find  on  9th  September,  1779, 
President  Reed  urged  them  to  action. 

"  Our  anxiety,"  says  the  Message,  "  to  perpetuate  and  extend 
the  blessings  of  freedom,  and  enlarge  the  circle  of  humanity, 
induces  us  to  remind  you  of  the  bill  emancipating  the  children 
born  of  negro  and  mulatto  parents.  We  wish  to  see  you  give 
the  complete  sanction  of  law  to  this  noble  and  generous  pur- 
pose, and  adorn  the  annals  of  Pennsylvania  with  their  bright 
display  of  justice  and  public  virtue." 

The  appeal  was  in  vain.  The  Assembly  soon  after  expired, 
and  the  measure  was  referred  to  the  attention  of  their  suc- 
cessors. 

*  Journals  of  Assembly,  p.  309.  During  the  Revolutionary  War  the  system  of 
Free  Conferences  between  the  Legislative  and  Executive  authorities  seems  to  have 
worked  well.  In  more  ancient  times  they  were  objects  of  proprietary  jealousy. 
Penn,  in  the  instructions  to  his  Council,  in  1686,  {Proud,  vol.  i.  305,)  tells  them 
"  3dly.  That  you  admit  not  of  any  parleys  or  open  conferences  between  the  Pro- 
vincial Councils  and  Assembly,  but  one  with  your  approbation,  propose  and  let 
the  other  consent  or  dissent  according  to  Charter." 


THE  ABOLITION  ACT. 


177 


The  new  Assembly  met  in  November,  1779.   One  of  its  lead- 
ing Whig  members  was  George  Bryan,  who,  when  Vice-Presi- 
dent, had,  at  a  former  period,  as  we  have  seen,  urged  this  mea- 
sure.   On  his  motion,  it  was  again  referred  to  a  Committee,  who 
immediately  reported  it,  very  much  in  the  form  in  which  it  now 
stands  on  the  Statute  Book.    A  new  Preamble  had  been  substi- 
tuted, and  on  the   1st  March,  1780,  it  finally  passed  by  a  vote 
of  34  to  21.     The  minority  protested,  mainly  on   the  ground 
that  the  enactment  was   inopportune,  being  in  the  midst  of  a 
war  about  to  be  transferred  to  the  Southern  States,  and  that  the 
privileges  allowed  to  the  manumitted  blacks  were  excessive. 
Neither  apprehension  seems  to  have  had  any  foundation.     No 
Southern  State — no  Southern  statesman — complained  of  the  ex- 
ample.    Obtrusive  fanaticism  had  not  then  alienated  the  sym- 
pathies   of  our    Southern   brethren.     They  had   neither  been 
goaded,    nor    seduced    into    exaggerated    theories    by   which 
they   persuade    themselves    that    Slavery  is  a   blessing.     The 
Pennsylvania  statesmen  of  the  Revolution  thought  and  acted, 
in  their  treatment  of  this  perilous   and  delicate   subject,   on 
principles  of  moderate  and  practical  wisdom.     Abolition  with 
them  was   no  wayward  freak   of  headlong   enthusiasm,  but 
a  reasonable  measure  of  economical  administration — the  ap- 
plication   of  high    principles    of  abstract    equality,    in    order 
to  eradicate,  without  violence,  and  by  gradual  processes,  an 
admitted  and  inveterate  evil.    This  it  has  effected  ;  and,  without 
the  least  agitation,  Pennsylvania,  by  the  wisdom  of  her  Revo- 
lulionary  men,  has  been  relieved  from  the  deep  stain  on  her 
character,  and  burden  on  her  energies.*     Pennsylvania  was 
first  in  the  great  work.     The  Constitution  of  Massachusetts 

*  The  details  of  the  Act  of  1780  are  presumed  to  be  well  known  to  every  Ame- 
rican student,  and  need  not  be  repeated  here  in  a  personal  Memoir.  The  Preamble 
has  received,  and  deserves,  for  its  eloquence  and  extreme  beauty  of  expression, 
great  praise.  Tradition  has  assigned  its  aulhoiship  to  different  individuals,  to 
Mr.  Reed,  to  Mr.  Bryan,  to  Paine,  and  to  Doctor  Franklin  ;  but  as  is  usual  with 
that  sort  of  gossip  which  is  dignified  with  the  name  of  tradition,  no  importance 
is  to  be  attached  to  it.  Franklin  had  been  in  Europe  for  several  years.  Paine's 
claims  rest,  I  presume,  on  the  fact  that  he  was  elected  Clerk  to  the  Assembly  on 
the  diiy  the  Bill  was  reported,  but  there  is  no  resemblance  of  style  to  justify  this 
pretension.  My  own  best  judgment  on  the  subject  is,  that  George  Bryan  was  the 
VOL.  II.  12 


178  COURT  OF  ERRORS  AND  APPEALS. 

was  adopted  one  day  later,  and  it  was  not  till  1783  that  a  judi- 
cial interpretation  was  given  to  its  abstract  assertion  of  human 
equality,  by  which  Slavery  was  abolished. 

Incidental  to  this  brief  notice  of  the  legislative  measures 
of  Mr.  Reed's  administration,  is  that  of  his  judicial  func- 
tions. He  was  ex  officio  President  of  the  High  Court  of 
Errors  and  Appeals,  instituted  in  1780,  and  one  of  the  two  re- 
ported opinions  of  that  tribunal  is  in  the  first  volume  of  Mr. 
Dallas's  Reports,  in  the  case  of  Montgomery  vs.  Henry,  deli- 
vered by  President  Reed.  It  was  an  Admiralty  case,  involving 
a  new  question  of  jurisdiction,  and  is  treated  with  great  pre- 
cision of  language,  then  as  now,  a  rare  judicial  accomplish- 
ment. Thus  was  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  State,  in  these 
times  of  varied  responsibility,  directing  legislation,  administer- 
ing an  active  executive  trust,  presiding  in  the  highest  court 
of  justice,  superintending  the  recruiting  service  and  the  disci- 
pline of  militia  troops, — occasionally,  as  will  be  seen,  taking 
the  command  in  person,  and  leading  them  to  the  field, — and 
all  this  amidst  the  fury  of  party  conflict,  and  in  the  agony  of  a 
civil  and  an  Indian  war.  Little,  indeed,  is  it  to  be  wondered 
at  that  the  overtasked  spirit  broke  at  last  under  the  burden ; 
for  at  this  time,  it  must  be  remembered  that  Mr.  Reed  was  not 
forty  years  of  age.     Five  years  later,  he  was  in  his  grave. 

author  of  the  Preamble.  I  am  in  possession  of  no  evidence  wiiich  authorizes  me 
to  claim  the  honour  for  President  Reed. — It  may  not  be  inopportune  to  recall  pub- 
lic attention  in  this  place  to  another  Legislative  measure  of  kindred  interest.  The 
Resolutions  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  Pennsylvania  of  22d 
December,  1819,  on  the  Missouri  question.  They  vpere  written  by  William  J. 
Duane,  then  a  Representative  of  Philadelphia.  They  breathe  in  eloquent  lan- 
guage the  Pennsylvania  sentiment  of  1780. — Reed^s  Laws,  vol.  vii.  p.  674. 


CHAPTER   VIII. 
1779—80. 

Executive  Administration  of  Pennsylvania — Contemplated  Attack  on  New  York 
— Co-operation  of  the  French  Fleet — Washington's  Letter,  4th  October,  1779 — 
Colonel  Persifor  Frazer — Washington's  Letter  of  22d  October — President  Reed's 
Reply  of  15tli  of  November — Clothing  Department — New  York  enterprise  re- 
linquished— State  of  affairs  at  Camp  in  the  winter  of  1779 — Greene's  Letters — 
Assemblies  at  Camp — Letters  from  Franklin  and  Gates — Horace  Walpole's 
God-son. 

Whilst  these  varied  legislative  measures  were  in  progress, 
Mr.  Reed  was  conducting  the  executive  administration  with 
singular  energy  and  ability,  and  infusing  into  it  the  active  spirit 
which  he  seemed  to  have  the  power  to  command.  Nothing 
shows  this  more  strongly  than  his  correspondence  with  Wash- 
ington, who  relied  on  Pennsylvania  and  her  Executive  as 
his  main  and  sure  dependence.  In  the  fall  of  1779,  Wash- 
ington, at  the  instance  of  Congress  and  M.  Gerard,  determined, 
on  the  arrival  of  the  French  fleet,  then  hourly  expected,  to  make 
an  attack  on  New  York.  It  was  only  prevented  by  the  re- 
verses at  Savannah,  and  Count  D'Estaing's  diversion  in  another 
direction.     Washington  thus  appeals  to  Pennsylvania. 


WASHINGTON  TO  PRESIDENT  REED. 

Head-Quarters,  West  Point,  4th  October,  1779. 
Sir, 

I  have  the  honour  to  enclose  your  Excellency  the  copy  of  a  Resolution  of 

Congress  of  the  26th  September,  by  which  you  will  perceive  they  expect 

the  arrival  of  his  Excellency  Count  D'Estaing,  and  that  I  am  directed  to 

pursue  measures  for  co-operating  with  him,  and  to  call  upon  the  several 

States  for  aid,  as  shall  appear  to  me  necessary  for  this  important  purpose. 


180  ATTACK  ON  NEW  YOKK. 

In  compliance  with  these  directions,  I  have  made  an  estimate  of  the  force 
of  militia  which  will  be  indispensable  in  conjunction  with  the  Continental 
troops,  and  have  apportioned  this  force  to  the  neighbouring- States,  according 
to  the  best  judgment  I  am  able  to  form  of  their  respective  circumstances 
and  abilities.  The  number  I  have  to  request  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  is 
fifteen  hundred.  I  have  rated  its  proportion  thus  low  from  a  consideration 
of  the  extensive  calls  upon  it  for  transportation  and  other  aids  on  which  our 
operations  must  essentially  depend,  and  in  which  all  the  energy  of  the  State 
will  be  requisite.  In  forming  the  estimate  of  the  whole,  I  assure  your  Ex- 
cellency I  have  fixed  upon  the  smallest  number  which  appeared  to  me 
adequate  to  the  exigency,  on  account  of  the  scantiness  of  our  supplies;  and 
I  think  it  my  duty  explicitly  to  declare  that  the  co-operation  will  alto- 
gether depend  on  a  full  compliance  with  these  requisitions.  If  I  am  so 
happy  as  to  obtain  the  whole  number  demanded,  a  decisive  stroke  may  be 
attempted  against  New  York,  with  a  reasonable  prospect  of  success.  If  the 
supply  falls  short,  the  disappointment  will  inevitably  produce  a  failure  in  the 
undertaking.  In  this  case,  Congress  and  my  country  must  excuse  a  want 
of  enterprise  and  success,  of  which  the  want  of  means  will  have  been  the 
unfortunate  cause.  If  the  honour  and  interest  of  the  States  suffer  from 
thence,  the  blame  must  not  be  imputed  to  me. 

I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  dwell  on  these  points  to  induce  a  persuasion 
that  I  have  not  in  any  degree  exaggerated  the  number  of  men  really  neces- 
sary, lest  a  supposition  of  this  kind,  and  a  regard  to  the  ease  of  the  people, 
should  relax  the  exertions  of  the  State,  and  occasion  a  deficiency  which 
would  certainly  be  fatal  to  the  views  of  Congress  and  to  the  expected 
co-operation. 

I  am  now  to  add  to  this  request  another,  equally  essential,  which  is,  that 
the  most  effectual  and  expeditious  means  be  immediately  adopted  to  have 
the  men  drawn  out,  properly  equipped  and  embodied,  to  serve  for  the 
term  of  three  months  from  the  time  of  their  joining  the  army,  unless  the 
particular  service  for  which  they  are  drawn  out  should  be  sooner  performed. 
I  beg  leave  to  recommend  Trenton  as  the  proper  place  of  rendezvous.  If 
the  laws  of  the  State  now  in  existence,  or  the  powers  vested  in  your  Excel- 
lency are  not  competent  to  these  objects,  permit  me  to  intreat  that  the 
Legislature  may  be  called  together  without  loss  of  time,  and  that  you  will 
be  pleased  to  employ  your  influence  to  procure  laws  for  the  purpose,  framed 
on  such  principles  as  will  secure  an  instant  and  certain  execution. 

There  are  other  objects  which  I  beg  leave  at  the  same  time,  to  recom- 
mend to  the  most  zealous  and  careful  attention  of  the  State.  These  are 
making  every  exertion  to  promote  the  supplies  of  the  army  in  provisions, 
particularly  in  the  article  of  flour,  and  to  facilitate  the  transportation  in 
general  of  necessaries  for  the  use  of  the  army.  Our  prospects  with  respect 
to  the  flour  are  to  the  last  degree  [alarming] ;  we  are  already  distressed, 
but  when  we  come  to  increase  the  demand  by  so  large  an  addition  of  num- 
bers, we  may  expect  to  be  obliged  to  disband  the  troops  for  want  of  sub- 


Washington's  letter.  181 

sistence,  unless  the  utmost  care  and  energy  of  tlie  different  Legislatures 
are  exerted.  The  difficulties  we  daily  experience  on  the  score  of  transpor- 
tation, justify  the  equal  apprehension  on  that  account  without  a  similar 
attention  to  this  part  of  the  public  service. 

These  difficulties  are  sufficient  to  deter  me  from  the  plan  I  [intend]  to 
pursue,  were  1  not  convinced  that  the  magnitude  of  the  object  will  call 
forth  all  the  vigour  of  the  States,  and  inspire  the  people  with  a  disposition 
to  second  the  plans  of  their  Governors,  and  give  efficacy  to  the  measures 
they  adopt.  I  doubt  not  our  resources  will  be  found  fully  adequate  to  the 
undertaking  if  they  are  properly  exerted ;  and  when  I  consider  the  delicacy 
of  the  crisis,  the  importance  of  these  objects  to  be  attained,  I  cannot  doubt 
that  this  will  be  the  case.  On  one  side,  the  reputation  of  our  Counsels  and 
our  arms,  and  an  immediate  removal  of  the  war  present  themselves;  on  the 
other,  disgrace  and  disappointment,  an  accumulation  of  expense,  loss  of 
credit  with  our  allies,  and  with  the  world,  loss  of  confidence  in  ourselves, 
the  exhausting  of  our  resources,  the  precipitated  decay  of  our  country, 
and  the  continuance  of  the  war.  Nor  shall  these  evils  be  confined  to  our- 
selves ;  our  allies  must  share  in  them,  and  suffer  the  mortification  of  having 
accomplished  nothing  to  compensate  for  withdrawing  their  operations  from 
a  quarter  where  they  had  a  right  to  expect  success,  and  for  exposing  their 
own  possessions  to  hazard  in  a  fruitless  attempt  to  rescue  ours. 

From  the  accounts  received,  we  are  hourly  to  look  for  the  appearance  of 
the  French  squadron  on  this  coast ;  the  emergency  is  pressing,  and  all  our 
measures  ought  to  be  attended  with  suitable  exertions.  Every  moment  is 
of  infinite  value. 

With  the  most  perfect  confidence  on  your  Excellency's  exertions,  and 
on  those  of  the  State,  with  the  greatest  respect  and  esteem,  I  have  the 
honour  to  be, 

Your  Excellency's 

Most  obedient  and  humble  servant, 
»  George  Washington. 


This  letter  was  received  in  the  midst  of  the  Fort  Wilson 
excitement,  and  at  a  time  when  the  President  was  suffering 
under  severe  and  alarming  indisposition.  It  was  at  once  laid 
before  the  Assembly  with  a  request  that  they  would  give  it 
immediate  and  serious  consideration.  The  Assembly,  on  the 
point  of  adjourning,  acted  decisively,  adopting  a  resolution 
strongly  indicative  of  the  exigency,  and  of  their  confidence  in 
the  Executive.  It  was,  as  near  as  may  be,  a  grant  of  ab- 
solute military  power,  and  is  also  remarkable  as  adopting 
by  implication  the  English  mode  of  subsequent  legislative   in- 


182  PERSIFOR  FRAZER. 

demnity  ;  the  only  instance  that  I  know  of  in  our  history.  It 
was  in  these  words :  "  Whereas  it  is  necessary  that  a  body  of 
mihtia  should  be  immediately  drawn  forth  into  actual  service 
to  co-operate  with  the  Continental  Army  against  the  common 
enemy,  this  House,  therefore,  fully  impressed  with  the  necessity 
of  a  spirited  exertion  at  the  present  important  crisis,  do  recom- 
mend to  the  Supreme  Executive  Council  of  this  State,  that  they 
take  such  measures,  either  by  drawing  out  the  militia  in  classes, 
and  influencing  them  to  serve  for  three  months  by  such  bounties, 
exemptions,  and  other  motives,  as  they  in  their  prudence  shall 
judge  to  be  necessary;  or  otherwise  to  form  a  corps  equal  to 
the  number  of  effective  men  required  for  the  said  service,  on 
such  terms  as  they  shall  find  to  be  requisite ;  referring  the  said 
Council  to  the  succeeding  House  of  General  Jlssemhli/,  for  ap- 
probation and  legal  sanction  of  their  proceedings  in  this  case, 
inasmuch,  as  the  time  this  House  can  legally  sit,  is  too  short 
to  admit  of  such  formal  proceedings  as  the  business  requires." 

At  the  same  time  they  authorized  by  law  the  forcible  seizure 
under  executive  warrants,  of  provisions  for  the  immediate 
supply  of  the  Army.  Such  was  the  overbearing  necessity  of 
the  times. 

President  Reed  at  once  informed  the  Commander-in-chief  of 
what  had  been  done,  and  of  his  intention  to  put  himself  at  the 
head  of  the  new  levies.  He  took  immediate  measures  to 
organize  his  Staff",  and  thus  writes  to  a  Chester  County  friend 
and  fellow-soldier. 


TO  COLONEL  PERSIFOR  FRAZER* 

Philadelphia,  October  15th,  1779. 
Sir, 

I  suppose  you  will  before  this  time  be  informed  that  General  Washington 
has  made  a  requisition  on  the  State  for  fifteen  hundred  men.     These  troops 

*  Persifor  Frazer  was  born  in  the  City  of  Philadelphia,  on  the  10th  August, 
1736.  His  name  appears  among  those  of  the  signers  of  the  non-importation 
regulations,  of  25th  October,  17  G5.  He  afterwards  removed  to  Chester  County, 
where  he  married  a  descendant  of  Isaac  Taylor,  one  of  the  early  settlers  of  the 
county,  and  formerly  Assistant  Surveyor-General  of  the  Province.  Mr.  Frazer 
settled  in  Thornbury  township,  and  was  engaged  in  iron-making.     On  26th  Dc- 


Washington's  letter.  183 

I  shall  command  in  person,  and  wish  to  have  the  assistance  of  some  gentle- 
man of  knowledge  and  experience,  particularly  in  the  line  of  Adjutant- 
General,  which  office  for  the  State  is  new. 

If  it  is  convenient  to  your  private  affairs,  and  equally  agreeable,  it  will 
give  me  very  great  pleasure,  and  perhaps  lay  a  foundation  for  some  office 
of  greater  value  and  importance  in  the  State.  You  will  be  at  very  little 
expense,  as  if  agreeable  to  yourself  you  will  make  one  of  my  family,  which 
will  be  composed  of  gentlemen  of  rank  and  character,  and  I  am  sure  such 
as  will  be  agreeable  to  you. 

You  will  please  to  favour  me  with  your  answer  by  the  bearer,  who  goes 
express,  and  believe  me,  with  much  esteem, 

Your  obedient,  humble  servant, 

Joseph  Reed. 

P.  S.  If  your  answer  should  be  conformable  to  my  wishes,  I  hope  you 
will  follow  it  to  town  as  soon  as  you  can. 

In  answer  to  some  suggestion  from  Mr.  Reed,  as  to  re- 
suming Continental  rank,  Washington  said  : 


WASHINGTON  TO  REED. 

West  Point,  October  22d,  1779. 
Dear  Sir, 

Three  days  ago,  I  received  your  obliging  favour  of  the  4th,  and  was  sorry 
to  find  you  had  been  so  much  indisposed.  Before  this,  I  hope  you  will  have 
perfectly  recovered.  Your  early  attention,  and  that  of  the  Assembly  to  my 
requisitions,  have  my  warmest  thanks,  and  the  more  so  from  the  situation  in 
which  they  found  you.     I  could  wish,  however,  that  the  three  months'  ser- 

cember,  1775,  he  was  appointed  to  represent  the  county  of  Chester,  in  Provincial 
Convention,  for  the  ensuing  year.  On  5th  January,  1776,  he  was  appointed  by 
Congress,  Captain  in  the  4th  battalion  of  Pennsylvania  troops,  then  commanded 
by  Colonel  Wayne,  and  went  with  the  detachment  to  which  he  belonged,  to  Long 
Island,  and  afterwards  to  Ticonderoga,  where  he  received  an  acting  appointment 
as  Major,  from  General  Gates,  1st  October,  1776.  He  was  taken  prisoner  a  few 
days  after  the  battle  of  Brandy  wine,  and  was  confined  in  the  City  of  Philadelphia 
until  the  following  spring,  when  he  effected  his  escape  and  rejoined  the  army. 
He  was  present  at  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  28  June,  1778 ;  and  was  appointed 
by  Congress,  Lieutenant-Colonel,  on  11th  November,  1777,  the  commission  to 
date  from  1st  October,  1776. 

He  resigned  his  commission  on  account  of  ill  health,  in  October,  1778.  He 
died  24th  April,  1792.  Professor  John  F.  Frazer  of  the  University  of  Pennsyl- 
vania,  is  a  grandson  of  Colonel  Frazer  ;  and  Brigadier-General  P.  F.  Smith,  of 
the  U.  S.  Army,  is  his  nephew. 


184  CONTINENTAL  RANK. 

vice  of  the  militia  had  been  made  to  commence  only  from  the  time  of  their 
joining  the  army.  I  need  not  enter  into  a  detail  of  reasons  for  this  with 
you,  as  your  own  judgment  and  experience,  will,  I  am  persuaded,  have  al- 
ready anticipated  them.  Your  intention  of  leading  your  militia,  in  case  they 
are  brought  to  the  field,  is  a  circumstance  honourable  to  yourself  and  flat- 
tering to  me.  The  example  alone  would  have  its  weight,  but  seconded  by 
your  knowledge  of  discipline,  ability,  activity'  and  bravery,  it  could  not  fail 
of  happy  effects.  Men  are  influenced  greatly  by  the  conduct  of  their  supe- 
riors, and  particularly  so  where  they  have  both  their  confidence  and  affec- 
tion. 

With  respect  to  the  point  to  which  you  call  my  recollection,  I  confess, 
when  you  intimated  your  desire  of  Continental  rank  to  me  as  it  passed  cur- 
sorily through  my  mind — it  struck  me  as  a  matter  of  indifference,  or  at  least, 
against  which  no  important  objections  tlien  occurred,  inasmuch  as  it  was  to 
have  no  operation  in  the  line;  however,  I  must  now  candidly  acknowledge, 
and  shall  do  it  without  hesitation,  from  motives  of  general  duty;  from  a  con- 
fidence in  your  friendship,  as  well  as  in  your  zeal  for  the  public  service,  and 
from  the  express  authority  of  your  letter,  that  having  maturely  weighed 
the  subject,  and  examined  the  consequences  to  which  it  might  lead,  I  think, 
it  cannot  be  obtained  either  with  a  view  to  the  purpose  you  mentioned,  when 
you  first  broached  the  point  to  me,  or  with  respect  to  the  present  occasion, 
for  which  the  militia  are  called  out. 

The  discontent,  the  jealousies,  the  uneasinesses  that  have  prevailed  in 
the  army,  the  complaints  which  have  been  added,  on  account  of  rank  being 
conferred  out  of  the  common  course,  are  all  opposed  to  the  measure.  These 
uneasinesses,  my  dear  Sir,  though  not  so  prevalent  among  the  different  ranks 
of  officers  as  they  were,  are  far,  very  far  from  being  done  away,  and  would, 
I  fear,  proceed  to  more  than  their  former  height  upon  any  supposed  injury, 
whether  real  or  imaginary,  to  what  they  esteemed  their  rights.  Among 
the  general  officers,  and  those  next  in  rank,  there  would  be  much  reason  to 
apprehend  this,  as  they  (particularly  the  former)  have  loudly  complained  on 
the  subject  of  rank  being  given,  even  when  motives  of  natural  policy, 
and  indeed  necessity  were  urged  to  justify  it,  and  reluctantly  yielded  to 
it,  merely  from  that  consideration.  From  hence,  and  as  in  your  case,  this 
consideration  could  not  be  urged,  I  should  fear  that  it  would  be  attended 
with  greater  disgust,  not  from  any  personal  individual  objection,  but  from  an 
idea  that  the  appointment  itself  materially  afl^ected  their  rights  and  those  of 
the  officers  in  general.  Hence  it  is,  that  I  have  uniformly  withheld  my  aid 
to  all  applications  for  brevet  commissions  to  foreigners  who  had,  or  were 
about  to  quit  the  service,  professedly  never  to  interfere  with  the  line  of  our 
Army. 

The  situation  of  our  officers  is  delicate,  and,  perhaps,  requires  a  greater 
degree  of  attention  than  that  of  any  others,  deriving  no  emoluments  from  the 
service,  but  rather  losing  at  the  best ;  patriotism,  and  a  love  of  honour,  are 
the  motives  to  their  continuing  in  it.     These  must  be  the  considerations 


REED  S  LETTER  TO  CAMP. 


185 


which  influence  the  conduct  of  by  far  the  greatest  part,  and  by  these 
motives  the  officers  are  placed  in  a  much  more  respectable  point  of  view 
than  if  they  were  governed  by  interest,  yet  the  ties  are  not  sufficiently 
strong  to  induce  their  submission,  or,  at  least,  without  great  difficulty,  to 
any  measures  they  esteem  injurious. 

For  these  several  reasons,  I  cannot  in  policy  advise  to  any  measures  that 
might  have  a  tendency  to  obtain  it  for  you.  Nor  do  I  think,  after  mature 
reflection,  that  the  rank  being  given  by  brevet,  which  is  contrary  to  the 
present  views  of  Congress,  and  their  own  Resolves,  founded  on  the  discon- 
tents which  a  contrary  practice  had  created,  or  circumscribed  in  its  extent 
by  any  qualifications  which  could  be  thought  of,  would  alter  the  matter,  or 
produce  the  least  change  in  the  sentiments  of  the  officers.*  In  any  case,  the 
ideas  of  rank  and  precedence  would  occur,  and  I  have  too  much  reason  to 
believe  would  give  great  uneasiness.  The  temper  of  these  General  officers 
is  at  this  moment  a  good  deal  soured.  Their  distresses  proceeding  from  the 
amazing  depreciation  of  money,  on  one  hand,  and  a  discrimination  of  Con- 
gress in  the  allowance  of  subsistence,  on  the  other,  leads  no  fresh  lever  to 
set  their  discontents  a-working.  Rank,  then,  being  the  greatest,  if  not  the 
only  benefit  they  are  likely  to  derive  from  their  perseverance  in  service,  and 
injured  fortunes,  they  become  more  and  more  tenacious  of  its  value,  and 
attend  the  distribution  of  it  with  a  watchful  eye.  I  have  been  rather  prolix 
on  this  subject,  but  thought  it  incumbent  on  me  to  assign  the  reasons  which 
govern  my  opinion,  because  I  wish  you  to  be  convinced  that  I  do  not  want 
inclination  to  comply  where  I  can  do  it  consistently  with  any  of  your  wishes. 
With  very  great  esteem  and  regard,  I  am,  dear  sir, 

Your  most  obedient  and  affiictionate  humble  servant, 

George  Washington. 

This  letter  was  acknowledged  on  the  15th  November,  and 
the  reply  shows  the  varied  matters  of  detail  by  which,  at 
this  time,  and,  indeed,  throughout  the  War,  the  attention  of 
the  State  Executives  was  engrossed. 


PRESIDENT  REED  TO  WASHINGTON. 

Philadelphia,  November  15th,  1779. 
A  continued  state  of  indisposition,  till  within  these  few  days,  has  pre- 
vented my  acknowledging  your  very  kind  and  obliging  favour  of  the  22d 
ultimo.  Fearing  there  might  be  some  disappointment  from  operations  and 
events  which  depended  so  much  on  winds,  waves,  and  other  precarious 
circumstances,  I  only  made  preparations  for  our  march,  and  am  very  glad  I 

»  Resolves  24th  Nov.  1778,  and  20th  Feb.  1779. 


186  POLITICS  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

proceeded  no  farther,  as  the  militia  would  have  added  greatly  to  the  general 
expenditure  of  provisions,  and  the  disappointment  would  have  abated  much  of 
that  ardour,  which  at  this  period  of  the  war,  ought  to  be  nourished  with 
much  care  and  attention.  We  have  happily  put  the  public  to  very  little 
expense,  and  have  not  consumed  a  particle  of  its  provisions. 

I  am  very  happy  tiiat  I  consulted  you  on  the  other  point,  previous  to  any 
application  to  Congress,  who,  I  think,  under  all  circumstances  would  not 
have  refused  it;  but  as  I  should  be  sorry  to  add  to  tiie  public  embarrass- 
ments, or  receive  any  gratification  which  might  injure  the  service,  I  shall 
decline  any  further  thoughts  of  the  matter.  But  while  I  subscribe  to  the 
policy  of  the  thing,  I  can  by  no  means  assent  to  the  justice  of  it.  The 
objection  seems  to  be  that  as  no  profit  attends  the  service,  honour  should  be 
the  reward  of  those  who  have  served  their  country  with  usefulness  and 
fidelity;  but  those  officers  who  are  now  in  the  line,  what  is  to  be  their 
reward  1  They  have  given  up  the  emoluments,  which  I  am  persuaded  will 
not  be  inconsiderable  at  the  close  of,the  war,  and  if  they  are  to  be  excluded 
from  public  notice,  they  will  complain  with  justice  and  reason.  In  this 
class  I  would  comprehend,  especially,  those  wiio  have,  and  yet  serve  you 
with  honour  to  themselves,  satisfaction  to  you,  and  advantage  to  the  public. 
1  should  feel  exceedingly  for  these  gentlemen  if  they  were  to  receive  no 
distinguishing  marks  of  public  notice  without  offending  the  line;  many  of 
them  served  at  times,  and  in  capacities  which  would  have  rendered  them- 
selves sufficient  for  the  enemy's  notice,  while  many  of  those  who  would 
perhaps  be  most  clamorous,  were  too  obscure  for  such  a  distinction.  I  know 
some  of  these  gentlemen  have  their  feelings  and  apprehensions  on  this  sub- 
ject, though  they  do  not  express  them  where  they  could  be  best  relieved. 
I  consider  myself  as  quite  disinterested  on  tiiis  subject,  as  the  favour  of  my 
State,  and  my  own  perseverance  has  made  me  sufficient  amends  for  the  in- 
justice of  Congress,  who  have  not  even  indemnified  me  for  actual  losses. 
But  it  appears  to  me  that  the  objections  will  apply  to  every  gentleman 
whose  claims,  however  meritorious,  interfere  with  the  views  and  prejudices 
of  the  line.  Should  Providence,  in  its  goodness,  spare  your  life  to  the  close 
of  the  contest,  there  can  be  no  doubt  but  some  due  notice  will  be  taken  of 
them,  but  I  really  think  men  in  public  stations  oftener  err  in  yielding  to  unjust 
clamour,  than  rewarding  beyond  true  merit.  I  said  before,  that  I  considered 
myself  quite  disinterested,  and  I  really  am  so,  and  as  circumstances  have 
turned  out,  feel  much  happier  in  every  respect  than  if  my  desires  had  been 
gratified: — for  while  the  Congress  is  composed  of  so  many  members,  who 
by  engaging  in  our  party  disputes  last  winter  endeavoured  to  distress  and 
disgrace  me,  I  should  not  be  fond  of  owing  any  obligation  to  them.  I  must 
therefore  beg  you  would  not  consider  any  of  the  above  observations  applica- 
ble to  myself  I  will  now,  therefore,  take  leave  of  this  subject,  and  proceed 
to  another  of  a  more  public  nature. 

1  yesterday  received  a  letter  from  the  Board  of  War,  enclosing  an  extract 
of  one  from  you,  dated  the  5lh  inst.     The  purport  of  both  was,  to  request  a 


CLOTHING  DEPAKTMENT.  187 

return  of  the  clothing  we  received  some  time  ago  from  the  Clothier-General 
by  their  permission.  If  it  is  necessary  for  the  public  interests,  we  shall  sub- 
mit with  as  good  a  grace  as  we  can,  but  we  must  first  beg  leave  to  state 
the  matter  so  that  it  may  be  clearly  understood,  and  also  the  consequences, 
with  the  hope  that  the  necessity  will  be  less  apparent,  and  that  if  we  cannot 
have  the  credit  and  satisfaction  of  clothing  our  troops,  no  portion  of  the 
blame  may  lay  at  our  door.  The  little  experience  I  had  of  the  Army  was 
sufficient  to  induce  me  to  think  that  tlie  clothing  business  was  defective, 
both  in  system  and  execution,  and  when  I  was  put  at  the  head  of  the  State, 
I  deemed  it  a  part  of  my  duty  to  pay  some  attention  to  it,  so  far  as  regarded 
the  troops  of  this  State.  I  therefore  frequently  made  inquiries,  and  always 
received  for  answer,  from  those  best  qualified  to  do  it,  that  as  to  the  com- 
mon men,  we  need  give  ourselves  no  concern,  there  were  50,000  suits  of 
imported  clothing,  &c.,  &c.  This  was  confirmed  by  a  subsisting  Resolution 
of  Congress,  forbidding  the  Slates  to  purchase  clothing  on  account  of  the 
United  States.  We  therefore  applied  our  whole  attention  to  the  officers, 
when,  to  our  great  surprise,  we  received  a  letter,  dated  26th  September, 
from  the  Board  of  War,  informing  us  that  we  were  and  had  been  long 
looked  to  for  supplies  and  clothing  for  the  troops  this  winter.  The  time  for 
importation  was  over;  our  manufacturers  generally  engaged  for  Congress, 
and  in  short,  every  means  of  complying  with  the  requisition  seemingly  out 
of  our  power.  However  we  set  about  it  with  alacrity  and  diligence,  having 
first  got  theKesolve  of  Congress  repealed  which  had  been  overlooked.  As 
our  industry  was  considerable,  so  it  was  tolerably  successful,  and  all  that 
remained  was  to  order  the  issues,  so  as  to  make  the  clothing  most  useful  to 
the  men,  and  least  expensive  to  the  Continent,  In  order  to  do  this,  we 
concluded  to  furnish  every  man  at  once  completely,  instead  of  dealing  out 
garment  after  garment,  always  making  a  shabby  appearance,  and  neglecting 
to  take  care  of  any.  I  therefore  applied  to  the  Board  of  War  to  deliver  us 
our  quota  of  the  clothing  on  hand,  which  they  could  estimate  by  their 
returns,  at  the  same  time  informing  them  that  it  was  our  intention  to  make 
up  the  deficiency,  let  it  be  more  or  less,  and  to  furnish  the  soldiers  at  a 
stated  day  as  completely  as  possibly,  and  as  near  the  manner  practised  in 
the  British  army  as  we  could.  They  approved  my  idea,  directed  an  estimate 
to  be  made  of  the  clothing  on  hand,  and  uncontrolled  and  unsolicited  by  us 
in  any  respect,  delivered  2000  coats,  as  our  proportion  of  the  clothing  on  hand. 
This  we  received,  and  with  as  much  despatch  as  possible  proceeded  to  make 
up  the  deficiency. 

After  procuring  what  we  thought  necessary,  we  gave  up  to  the  agents  of 
other  States,  who  were  wasting  here  what  remained,  for  as  they  had  not 
been  so  vigilant  as  ourselves,  we  had  engaged  all  the  cloth  until  our  wants 
were  ascertained.  We  have  proceeded  on  this  plan  so  far  as  to  divide  the 
clothing  regimentally— got  the  greatest  part  made  up,  and  the  rest  provided 
with  suitable  trimmings;  and  the  whole  would  have  gone  off"  this  week. 
It  is  not  alleged  that  we  have  got  more  than  our  proportion;  we  cannot 


188  CLOTHING  DEPARTMENT. 

therefore  conceive  what  ground  there  is  for  jealousy ;  and  we  cannot  easily 
reconcile  ourselves  to  give  up  our  plan,  formed  and  executed  with  so  much 
care  and  diligence,  to  discontents  and  jealousies  which  have  no  foundation. 
We  are  of  opinion  many  of  the  States  are  too  negligent  of  their  officers  and 
soldiers;  and  if  we  are  to  throw  all  into  common  stock,  it  is  that  they  may 
profit  by  our  exertions.  We  have  never  restrained  any  agent  from  pur- 
chasing here,  though  we  have  had  difficulties  on  that  head.  The  Continental 
purchaser  is  on  the  spot,  ready  to  take  all  he  can;  and  during  last  summer, 
agents  from  Virginia,  Maryland,  New  Jersey,  and  Delaware  were  all  here 
purchasing;  so  that  under  these  disadvantages  it  is  admirable  we  have  been 
able  to  effect  what  we  have ;  and  if,  after  all,  the  clothes  are  to  be  doled  out 
piecemeal,  and  our  troops  continually  drawing  and  constantly  complaining, 
it  will  indeed  discourage  every  future  exertion.  The  inhabitants  of  the 
State  labour  under  many  inconveniences  from  the  great  draughts  made  from 
us  by  the  Cofitinental  departments.  Shoes  arc  now  sold  at  seventy  dollars 
a  pair,  owing  to  the  diligence  of  the  officer  in  that  branch,  who  gets  every 
inch  of  leather  and  employs  every  workman  he  can  hear  of.  Other  things 
are  in  the  same  way  ; — it  may  be  said  it  leaves  the  money  here  ;  but  unfor- 
tunately that  is  deemed  of  so  little  value,  that  though  we  abound  in  that, 
salt  and  many  of  the  necessaries  of  life  are  exceeding  scarce.  In  this  view 
of  things  we  do  not  see  any  injustice  done  to  the  other  parts  of  the  army. 
The  Clothier-General  nor  the  Board  of  War  do  not  say  there  is  any  mistake 
in  their  estimate:  if  there  is,  we  are  ready  to  rectify  it,  notwithstanding  the 
many  inconveniences  we  may  sustain,  and  especially  from  giving  up  clothing 
which  we  might  have  had,  but  is  now  unattainable.  But  we  think  it  rea- 
sonable and  just  that  our  troops  should  have  the  benefit  of  our  care  and  dili- 
gence;  and  if  this  cannot  be,  we  think  the  Continent  should  take  the  busi- 
ness entirely  into  its  own  hands,  and  its  officers  be  responsible.  We  shall 
certainly  disclaim  all  share  in  a  business  from  which  reproach  will  arise 
after  every  possible  exertion  is  made.  We  are  at  a  loss  to  conceive  what 
difference  it  will  make  to  the  other  troops  if  the  Pennsylvania  clothing  is 
delivered  here  rather  than  at  Camp,  provided  we  get  no  more  than  our  due 
share;  but  it  makes  a  great  difference  to  us,  because  we  then  know  what 
deficiencies  there  will  be,  and  can  supply  them.  For  my  clear  opinion  is, 
and  so  I  expressed  it  to  the  Board  of  War,  that  if  thirty  suits  or  coats  only 
was  our  quota,  I  would  rather  have  them  delivered  here  than  depend  on  ten 
times  the  number  to  be  jssued  at  Camp.  If,  after  considering  these  observa- 
tions and  fiicts,  your  Excellency  should  think  the  clothing  received  should 
be  returned,  we  shall  certainly  do  it:  but  it  is  the  clear  sense  of  the  Council 
to  give  up  at  the  same  time  all  the  rest,  and  have  no  further  concern  in  the 
business,  which  is  attended  with  so  much  difficulty  and  disappointment. 

As  we  have  not  seen  the  letter  from  the  Board  of  War,  to  which  yours 
seems  to  be  an  answer,  we  cannot  tell  to  what  the  apprehensions  are  owing, 
or  how  the  clamour  has  arisen:  we  received  what  they  thought  proper  to 
give ;  if  there  has  been  any  mistake,  we  are  ready  to  rectify  it.     We  have 


THE  WINTER  OF   1780.  189 

no  connexion  with  them  or  the  Clothier-General,  but  in  common  with  other 
States :  as  the  public  has  placed  confidence  in  them  by  appointing  them  to 
those  offices,  it  is  not  to  be  presumed  they  would  injure  the  other  States  to 
favour  one.  I  should  therefore  appreliend  that  if  the  dissatisfied  troops 
knew  that  an  estimate  liad  been  made  agreeable  to  the  returns,  and  that 
this  State  had  only  received  its  quota,  agreeable  to  a  fair  calculation,  all 
uneasiness  would  cease.  And  it  is  perhaps  worth  consideration  whether 
the  Pennsylvania  troops,  being  informed  of  all  circumstances,  will  not  be 
equally  dissatisfied  if  they  find  themselves  deprived  of  the  beneficial  effects 
of  the  care  and  industry  of  their  own  State. 

We  have  a  report  of  a  fleet  being  seen  at  sea  steering  towards  New  York, 
which  some  think  is  the  Count  D'Estaing's;  but  it  seems  too' improbable. 
As  we  expect  to  hear  of  the  army's  going  into  winter  quarters,  we  hope 
soon  to  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  here.  It  will  make  many  very 
happy. 

Before  this  letter  was  received,  General  Washington  apprised 
Mr.  Reed  of  the  abandonment  of  the  enterprise  against  New 
York,  in  consequence  of  the  difficulties  and  delays  which  Count 
D'Estaing  had  met  with  to  the  Southward. 

There  are  certain  periods  of  our  revolutionary  history  which 
have  monopolized  all  the  sympathies  of  posterity.  If  the  cam- 
paigns of  '76  and  '78  were  times  to  try  men's  souls,  the  winters 
of  1780  and  1781  were  times  to  try  their  tempers  and  power 
of  endurance.  The  very  absence  of  active  enterprise  added  to 
this.  The  energies  of  the  nation  were  exhausted,  the  enthusiasm 
of  rebellion  had  subsided,  the  currency  had  reached  its  lowest 
point  of  depreciation,  the  army  w^as  unpaid,  unfed,  unclothed, 
and  according  to  ordinary  and  reasonable  calculation,  every 
chance  of  rescue  and  success  was  gone.  The  student  who 
will  carefully  read  the  correspondence,  the  most  private  and 
unreserved  of  those  times,  will  do  justice  to  the.  real  heroism — 
the  heroism  of  endurance  which  was  then  displayed.  The 
Pennsylvania  student  will  be  proud  to  find  that  on  her  re- 
sources and  her  public  men,  the  chief  reliance  was  placed.  The 
letters  speak  for  themselves. 

On  the  16th  of  December,  Washington  wrote  to  President 
Reed  from  Morristown. 

"  The  situation  of  the  Army,  with  respect  to  supplies,  is  be- 
yond description,  alarming.    It  has  been  five  or  six  weeks  past 


190  DISTRESS.  AT  CAMP. 

on  half-allowance,  and  we  have  not  more  than  three  days' 
bread  at  a  third  allowance,  on  hand,  nor  any  where  within 
reach.  When  this  is  exhausted,  we  must  depend  on  the  pre- 
carious gleanings  of  the  neighbouring  country.  Our  magazines 
are  absolutely  empty  every  where,  and  our  commissaries  en- 
tirely destitute  of  money  or  credit  to  replenish  them.  We 
have  never  experienced  a  like  extremity  at  any  period  of  the 
war.  We  have  often  felt  temporary  want  from  accidental  de- 
lays in  forwarding  supplies,  but  we  always  had  something  in 
our  magazines,  and  the  means  of  procuring  more.  Neither  one 
nor  the  other  is,  at  present,  the  case.  This  representation  is 
the  result  of  a  minute  examination  of  our  resources. 

"  Unless,  therefore,  some  extraordinary  and  immediate  exer- 
tion be  made  by  the  States  from  which  we  draw  our  supplies, 
there  is  every  appearance  that  the  army  will  infallibly  disband 
in  a  fortnight. 

"  I  think  it  my  duty  to  lay  this  candid  view  of  our  situation 
before  your  Excellency,  and  to  entreat  the  vigorous  interposi- 
tion of  the  State  to  rescue  us  from  the  danger  of  an  event, 
■which,  if  it  did  not  prove  the  total  ruin  of  our  affairs,  would, 
at  least,  give  them  a  shock  from  which  they  would  not  easily 
recover,  and  plunge  us  into  a  train  of  new  and  still  more  per- 
plexing embarrassments,  than  any  we  have  hitherto  felt."* 

On  29th  February,  of  the  new  year  (1780),  Greene  wrote  in 
an  equally  desponding  tone.  "  The  King's  speech  and  the  de- 
bate in  the  British  Parliament  have  arrived,  and  seemed  to 
confirm  what  you  conjectured,  that  there  would  be  another 
campaign.  How  are  we  to  carry  it  on  1  We  are  without 
money,  credit  or  means  to  obtain  one  or  the  other.  Never 
was  a  nation  in  such  a  situation,  and  yet,  I  am  told  Congress 
think  all  things  are  going  smooth  and  easy.  It  is  astonishing 
how  they  can  be  so  indifferent  to  the  approaching  crisis,  for  a 
convulsion,  there  must,  and  will  be  in  their  affairs. 

"  We  have  opened  an  Assembly  at  Camp.f     From  this  ap- 

*Mr.  Madison,  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  27th  March,  1780,  gives  a  very 
striking  and  sombre  picture  of  affairs. — Madison  Works,  i.  p.  43. 

t  In  the  possession  of  Thomas  Biddle,  Esquire,  of  this  City,  is  the  original  sub- 


GENERAL  GREENE.  191 

parent  ease,  I  suppose  it  is  thought  we  must  be  in  happy  circum- 
stances. I  wish  it  was  so,  but,  alas,  it  is  not.  Our  provisions 
are,  in  a  manner,  gone.  We  have  not  a  ton  of  hay  at  com- 
mand, nor  magazines  to  draw  from.  The  people  that  have  the 
pubUc  horses  to  winter,  demand  immediate  payment  for  the 
time  past,  and  refuse  to  keep  them  longer  without  it.  If  they 
persist,  as  I  expect  they  will,  I  see  nothing  but  that  we  shall  be 
obliged  to  sell  the  poor  cattle  to  keep  them  from  starving.  The 
inhabitants  will  not  trust  as  they  have  done,  while  depreciation 
continues  to  rage. 

"  Money  is  extremely  scarce,  and  worth  little  when  we  get  it. 
We  have  been  so  poor  in  camp  for  a  fortnight,  that  we  could 
not  forward  the  public  despatches,  for  want  of  cash  to  support 
the  expresses.  Has  this  the  appearance  of  a  vigorous  cam- 
paign?" 

GREENE  TO  PRESIDENT  REED. 

Morristown,  May  10,  1780. 
My  dear  Sir, 

Time  won't  permit  me  to  enter  into  the  field  of  difficulties  that  lies  be- 
fore us,  nor  to  give  you  a  full  history  of  our  present  distress.  Let  it  suffice  to 
say  that  the  army  has  not  four  days'  provision  of  meat  in  the  world,  neither 
have  the  States  nor  the  Continental  agents  any  in  prospect,  unless  it  can  be 
had  from  the  State  of  Pennsylvania.  Much  fault  is  found  by  a  Southern 
gentleman,  with  your  State,  for  want  of  proper  exertions  to  save  the  army. 
It  seems  to  be  the  intention  of  some  here,  to  fix  the  greater  part  of  the 
blame,  if  any  misfortune  attends  us,  upon  3'our  State.  We  cannot  hold  to- 
gether many  days  in  the  present  temper  of  the  army,  should  there  be  a 
want  of  provision.  I  beg  you,  therefore,  to  make  every  possible  exertion  to 
forward  us  some  cattle  and  salted  provisions.  It  may  save  the  army,  and 
will,  undoubtedly,  disappoint  your  enemies.  Nothing  can  be  more  popular 
with  the  army  than  such  exertions,  and  it  will  give  you  such  weight  and 
influence  in  the  military  line,  as  will  enable  you  almost  to  do  and  say  as  you 
please. 

The  great  man  is  confounded  at  his  situation,  but  appears  to  be  reserved 
and  silent.  I  write  to  you  in  the  fullest  confidence  that  you  will  not  let  the 
least  hint  drop  from  you  of  the  information  I  give,  as  it  may  prove  ruinous 
to  me.     I  have  difficulties  enough,  God  knows,  without  adding  to  them. 


scription  list  for  the  assemblies.  It  is  a  curious  paper.  An  engraved  fac  simile 
will  be  found  in  Smith  and  Watson's  Historical  Curiosities,  published  at  Philadel- 
phia,  in  1847. 


192  GENERAL  GATES. 

The  Marquis  of  Fayette  and  the  person  who  will  deliver  this  letter, 
enclosed  in  one  to  Mr.  Pettit,  is  impatient  to  be  goinor,  therefore  I  shall  only 
say  I  wish  better  times,  and  beg  my  compliments  to  Mrs.  Reed. 

With  perfect  esteem,  sincerely  yours, 

N.  Greene. 

In  the  midst  of  this  gloom  and  perplexity,  Mr.  Reed  received 
some  letters  of  cheerful  kindness  and  encouragement.  Doctor 
Franklin  had  written  from  Europe  in  March  of  this  year,  "  I 
am  glad  to  see  that  you  continue  to  preside  over  our  new  State, 
as  it  shows  that  your  public  conduct  is  approved  by  the  people. 
You  have  had  a  difficult  time,  which  required  abundance  of 
prudence,  and  you  have  been  equal  to  the  occasion.  The  dis- 
putes about  the  Constitution  seem  to  have  subsided.  It  is  much 
admired  here,  and  all  over  Europe,  and  will  draw  over  many 
families  of  fortune  to  settle  under  it  as  soon  as  there  is  a  peace. 
The  defects  that  may,  on  seven  years'  trial,  be  found  in  it,  can 
be  amended  when  the  time  comes  for  considering  them."* 

The  following  letter  is  the  only  one  in  my  collection  from  its 
accomplished,  though  most  unfortunate  writer,  and  belongs  to 
this  part  of  the  Memoir.  General  Gates  had  come  to  this 
country  during  the  French  war  of  1755,  and  had  played  a 
distinguished  part  in  the  drama  of  the  time,  but,  like  all  the 
adult  Englishmen,  especially  of  relatively  aristocratic  tastes 
and  associations,  whom  the  mere  spirit  of  adventure  had 
attracted,  he  found  himself  often  in  relations  at  variance  with 
ancient  habits  and  opinions,  and  mingling  in  intrigues  and 
fruitless  schemes  of  personal  advancement,  sunk  down  at 
last  into  the  perfect  gloom  of  discontent.  Such  were  Lee 
and  Conway,  and  to  a  certain,  though  not  equal  extent,  such 
was  Gates.  Lee's  unpublished  letters  to  Mr.  Morris  are  filled 
with  a  morbid  grumbling  at  things  about  him,  and  repining 
at  a  lot  which  he  had  cast  for  himself  Gates's  personal 
history,  dating  its  beginning  at  the  time  when  the  son  of  a 
British  Prime  Minister  was  his  godfather,  and  its  end  when,  the 
war  being  over,  he  became  a  discontented  caviller  at  the  Federal 
Constitution  and  the  Washington  Administration,  is  painfully 

*  The  whole  of  this  letter  is  printed,  Vol.  I.  p.  397. 


GENERAL  GATES.  193 

curious.*  Nowhere  did  he  appear  lo  less  advantage  than 
when  mingling  in  the  cabals  of  '78  or  the  politics  of  1794 — 
nowhere  to  greater,  than  in  his  generous  conduct  to  the  cap- 
tives on  Burgoyne's  surrender,  and  in  his  darkest  hour  of 
gloom  and  disappointment  after  the  rout  at  Camden.f  The 
following  letter  was  written  from  his  country-seat  in  Virginia, 
and  shows  that  his  mind  was  dwelling  on  plans  of  military 
operation  to  the  Southward.  Some  of  the  personal  allusions 
I  have  no  means  of  explaining. 

*  Horace  Walpole  was  Gates's  godfather,  and  never  did  he  write,  in  the  infinity 
of  his  letters,  one  more  full  of  sprightliness  than  that  in  which  he  refers  to  his 
godson.  On  the  22d  March,  1762,  just  after  Mr.  Pitt  had  closed  his  great  Admi- 
nistration,  Walpole  writes  to  George  Montagu — "  Why,  the  single  eloquence  of 
Mr.  Pitt,  like  an  annihilated  star,  can  shine  many  months  after  it  has  set.  I  tell 
you  it  has  conquered  Martinico.  If  you  will  not  believe  me,  read  the  Gazette; 
read  Moncton's  letter ;  there  is  more  martial  spirit  in  it  than  in  half  Thucydides, 
and  in  all  the  Grand  Cyrus.  Do  you  think  Demosthenes  or  Themistocles  ever 
raised  the  Grecian  stocks  two  per  cent,  in  twenty-four  hours  ?  I  shall  burn  all 
my  Greek  and  Latin  books;  they  are  histories  of  little  people.  The  Romans, 
never  conquered  the  world  till  they  had  conquered  three  parts  of  it,  and  were 
three  hundred  years  about  it ;  we  subdue  the  globe  in  three  campaigns,  and  a 
globe,  let  me  tell  you,  as  big  again  as  it  was  in  their  days.  Perhaps  you  may 
think  mc  proud ;  but  you  don't  know  that  I  had  some  share  in  the  reduction  of 
Martinico  ;  the  express  was  brought  by  7nij  godson,  Mr.  Horatio  Gates  ,'  and  I 
have  a  very  good  precedent  for  attributing  some  of  the  glory  to  myself.  I  have 
by  me  a  love-letter,  written  during  my  father's  Administration  by  a  journeyman 
tailor  to  my  brother's  second  chambermaid;  his  offers  were  honourable;  he  pro- 
posed matrimony,  and,  to  better  his  terms,  informed  her  of  his  pretensions  to  a 
place ;  they  were  founded  on  what  he  called  '  some  services  to  the  government.' 
As  the  nymph  could  not  read,  she  carried  the  epistle  to  the  housekeeper  to  be  de- 
ciphered, by  which  means  it  came  into  my  hands.  I  inquired  what  were  the 
merits  of  Mr.  Vice  Crispin,  was  informed  that  he  had  made  the  suit  of  clothes  for 
a  figure  of  Lord  Marr,  that  was  burned  after  the  Rebellion.  I  hope  now  you  don't 
hold  me  presumptuous  for  pluming  myself  on  the  reduction  of  Martinico.  How- 
ever, I  shall  not  aspire  to  a  post,  nor  to  marry  my  Lady  Bute's  Abigail.  I  only 
trust  my  services  to  you  as  a  friend,  and  do  not  mean,  under  your  temperate  Ad- 
ministration, to  get  the  list  of  Irish  pensions  loaded  with  my  name,  though  I  am 
godfather  to  Mr.  Horatio  Gates."— Collected  Letters,  vol.  iv.  p.  220.  In  a  letter 
to  Sir  Horace  Mann,  in  1780,  he  alludes  to  Gates's  defeat  at  Camden.— Z,e«ers  to 
Mann,  vol.  iii.  p.  268. 

t  Wilkinson's  Memoirs,  vol.  i.  p.  346;  Greene's  Letter  of  9th  January,  1781, 
infra  ;  Hawks's  Hamilton  Papers,  vol.  i.  p.  475. 

VOL.  11.  13 


194  GATEs's  LETTEK,. 

HORATIO  GATES  TO  PRESIDENT  REED. 

Traveller's  Rest,  10th  May,  1780. 
Dear  Sir, 

Many  thanks  for  your  affectionate  letter.  I  shall  ever  remember  it  with 
jjratitucle.  It  is  fit  that  I  acquaint  you,  between  friends,  that  I  suspect  a 
certain  trading  gentleman,  who  had  his  house  burnt,  will  endeavour  to  pre- 
vent any  son  of  mine  from  being  in  the  suite  of  the  Chevalier  La  Luzerne. 
Some  hints  I  have  received  since  I  left  Philadelphia  convinces  me  my  sus- 
picion is  well  grounded.  My  son  did  himself  the  honour  to  address  your 
Excellency  some  time  ago.  Excuse  us  for  being  thus  troublesome;  I  know 
you  have  enough  upon  your  hands  without  our  interruptions.  Bob  is  recon- 
ciled to  a  disappointment,  and  I  would  fain  have  him  learn  to  be  obscurely 
good ;  but  youth  and  ambition  will  at  times  prevail,  and  make  him  languish 
for  the  busy  world.*  But  we  have  troubled  you  sufficiently,  and  neither  wish, 
nor  expect  your  Excellency  to  be  further  anxious  upon  our  account.  I  yes- 
terday saw  a  Baltimore  paper  of  the  2d  instant,  and  am  sorry  to  find  our 
affairs  to  the  Southward  look  so  gloomy.  That  steady  regularity  with  which 
Sir  Harry  Clinton  proceeds,  with  the  scientific  skill  and  formidable  appa- 
ratus of  the  Royal  army  will,  I  fear,  be  too  many  for  our  people;  but  the 
chance  of  war  doth  sometimes  most  unaccountably  turn  the  scale  even 
against  superior  wit  and  strength.  A  superior  squadron  of  our  allies  may 
come  upon  the  coast  in  time  to  save  our  bacon  ;  there  I  confess  I  rest  my 
almost  only  hope.  The  weather  and  this  winter  did  as  much  for  us  as  we 
had  any  right  to  expect  from  the  elements,  but  all  succour  by  land  will  now 
be  too  late  to  save  Charleston;  indeed,  there  is  much  more  to  save  that 
way,  and  it  is  high  time  we  were  well  upon  the  march  to  do  it.  Two-thirds  of 
the  British  army,  all  their  principal  officers,  their  fleet  and  main  apparatus, 
are  now  to  the  Southward.  Where,  then,  ought  ours  to  hel  It  may  not  be 
amiss  to  put  you  and  all  good  Whigs  upon  their  guard  against  that  arch- 
fiend General  Robertson,  who  is  arrived  at  New  York  in  the  double  capa- 
city of  Governor  and  General,  and  is  the  third  in  command  upon  the  Conti- 
nent. Be  assured  he  is  deeply  entrusted  by  Administration,  and  knows  how 
to  make  use  of  every  knave  in  his  government,  and  you  and  I  know  and  be- 
lieve there  are  as  rank  knaves  and  traitors  in  that  government  as  in  any  in 
the  Union.  Whigs,  take  care.  Are  the  cards  packed  for  the  next  cam. 
paign  1  I  have  no  information  but  the  newspapers,  and  they  come  seldomi 
and  are  hardly  legible  when  they  arrive.  The  Chevalier  is,  I  suppose,  re- 
turned from  Camp.  I  wish  he  would  tell  you  as  a  friend,  a  soldier,  and  a 
statesman,  what  he  thinks  we  ought  to  do,  as  it  is  so  entirely  the  interest  of 

*  General  Gates's  only  son  died  in  1780. 


GATEs's  LETTER.  195 

his  Court  to  be  sincere  with  us.     I  should  not  have  the  smallest  doubt  that 
what  he  says  he  firmly  believes.     The  family  at  Traveller's  Rest  present 
their  respectful  compliments  to  your  Excellency,  Mrs.  Reed,  and  your  fire- 
side, with  sentiments  of  the  highest  esteem  and  regard. 
I  am,  dear  sir,  your  most  obliged. 

Faithful,  humble  servant, 

Horatio  Gates. 


CHAPTERIX. 
1780. 

State  of  Affairs  in  Europe  and  America — Surrender  of  Charleston — Washington 
at  Morrlstown — Depreciation  of  the  Currency — George  Bryan — Mr.  Reed's 
Letters  in  May,  1780 — Favourable  news  from  Europe — Jonathan  Dickinson 
Sergeant — Distress  at  Camp — Irvine's  Letter — Revolt  of  Connecticut  Troops — 
Washington's  Letter  of  28th  May — His  opinions  on  Foreign  Affairs — Duke  of 
Richmond's  Letter  to  Mr.^urke — Washington's  Requisition  on  Pennsylvania — 
Lafayette's  Letter  31st  May,  1780 — The  Assembly  confers  Extraordinary 
Powers — Martial  Law. 

The  winter  and  spring  of  1780  were  gloomy  periods  of  our 
history,  for,  with  other  causes  of  embarrassment  and  distress, 
was  mingled  that  greatest  of  all  social  ills,  the  depreciation  of  a 
currency.  When  the  correspondence  is  resumed  this  will  be 
seen  to  be  the  greatest  element  of  suffering.  The  general  state 
of  affairs  at  home  and  abroad  was  this: — Extensive  naval 
armaments  of  the  hostile  powers  were  upon  the  ocean, 
thrown  into  occasional  conflict,  but  principally  engaged  in 
capturing  distant  colonies  and  disturbing  commerce.  The 
French  Cabinet  was  just  determining,  after  long  hesitation,  to 
take  the  decisive  step  of  sending  military  reinforcements  to 
America ;  and  Lafayette,  to  whose  political  tact  and  abihty  jus- 
tice has  never  been  done,  had  succeeded, — and  was  on  his  way 
to  announce  success,— in  persuading  the  French  Prime  Minister 
to  this  effective  course.  The  siege  of  Gibraltar  was  in  bloody 
progress,  and  Sir  George  Rodney  was  earning  his  fame  in  the 
pursuit  and  dispersion  of  the  Spanish  marine.  In  Great  Britain, 
a  wild  phrenzy  of  popular  tumult,  stimulated  by  sectarian  spirit 
of  the  most  virulent  type,  had  involved  the  Metropolis  in  fire 
and  bloodshed,  and  new  rebels  in  the  form  of  an  armed  and 


STATE  OF  AFFAIRS.  197 

infuriate  mob  in  the  streets  of  London,  occupied  the  attention 
of  the  perverse  and  feeble  Administration. 

In  America,  Washington  was  in  winter  quarters  at  Morris- 
town,  with   his  posts  extended  northwardly   to   the  Hudson, 
resolute  in  his  determination  to  maintain  a  defensive  attitude, 
and  suffering  extremities  of  destitution  which  equalled  those  of 
Valley  Forge.     It  was  at  this  time,  as  will  presently  be  seen, 
Irvine  wrote  to  President  Reed  from  Camp  that  the  officers 
had  lived  for  days  on  bread  and  water,  rather  than  take  from 
the  men  any  portion  of  the  scanty  allowance  of  meat.     General 
Knyphausen  was  in  New  York,  while  Sir  Henry  Clinton  was 
conducting  the  siege  of  Charleston  with  great  vigour  and  suc- 
cess ;  and  the  new  scene  of  the  Southern  Campaign  of  1780  and 
'81  was  just  opening.     On  the  12th  of  May  the  garrison   at 
Charleston  capitulated ;  and  it  is  curious  to  observe  the  flash  of 
exultation  which  this  event  caused  among  the  British  politicians, 
even  those  who  habitually  desponded.     "  Since  the  reduction 
of  Charleston,"  Walpole  wrote  to  Sir  Horace  Mann,  "  we  look 
on  America  as  at  our  feet."*     How  this  and  other  disasters 
affected  the  spirit  of  the  Americans  will  be  seen  when  the  cor- 
respondence is  resumed,  though  it  will  be  observed  that  less 
efiect  was  produced,  less  anxiety,  less  despondency,  than  by 
the  corroding  solicitude  occasioned  by  the  state  of  internal 
affairs,  the  helplessness  of  Congress,  and  the  rapid  deprecia- 
tion of  the  currency.     Throughout  it  all,  Mr.  Reed  was  active 
and  energetic,  and  bore  up  with  the  most  resolute  sjnrit  against 
the  disastrous  perplexities  which  threatened  to  overwhelm  him 
and  his  fellow-councillors.     In  May  of  this  year  he  thus  wrote 
to  his  friend  George  Bryan,  who  recently  had  been  appointed 
a  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State.f 

*  Letters  to  Mann,  vol.  iii.  p.  253. 

t  It  would  afford  me  great  pleasure  to  furnish  any  further  particulars  of 
Mr.  Bryan's  life,  than  have  already  been  published.  None  have  however  been 
procured.  He  was  a  native  of  Ireland,  and  died  whilst  a  Judge  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  Pennsylvania.  He  was  an  ardent  Constitutionalist,  and  a  man  of  great 
integrity  and  independence  of  character,  though  with  most  of  the  leaders  of  his 
party,  he  shared  the  wholesale  and  indiscriminate  obloquy  which  party  animosity 
heaped  upon  them.     There  never  was  a  braver  or  a  truer  set  of  men. 


198  LETTERS  TO  BRYAN. 


PRESIDENT  REED  TO  GEORGE  BRYAN. 

Philadelphia,  May  11th,  1780. 

I  send  you  enclosed  the  three  last  papers  which  contain  all  the  news  stir- 
ring. The  Marquis  de  Lafayette  has  brought  with  him  considerable  sup- 
plies of  clothing,  &c.,  but  no  troops,  as  was  reported.  There  are  no  authen- 
tic advices  from  Carolina,  but  many  reports  not  worth  troubling  you  with. 
The  two  or  tliree  remaining  privateers  of  this  Port  have  met  with  some 
success,  as  you  will  see  by  the  papers.  It  is  said  that  a  very  respectable 
British  Fleet  will  be  at  New  York  shortly,  and  also  a  considerable  reinforce- 
ment at  the  fleet  in  the  West  Indies.  I  have  but  one  reason  for  disbelieving 
it,  which  is  that  it  is  not  in  their  power  without  leaving  themselves  defence- 
less at  home.  The  seizures  sent  in  yesterday,  though  vessels  of  twelve  and 
sixteen  guns  have  not  more  than  a  man  to  each  gun. 

A  most  surprising  alteration  has  taken  place  at  New  York  in  the  treat- 
ment of  our  prisoners,  so  that  it  is  clear  to  me  from  this  and  many  other 
circumstances,  that  tlie  British  system  is  altered  from  force  to  seduction. 
I  wish  we  may  be  as  able  to  resist  the  one  as  the  "other. 

The  Assembly  have  met,  but  have  not  made  a  House.  The  money  is  ready 
to  be  issued,  but  there  is  a  most  unaccountable  sulienness  in  the  merchants 
to  receive  it,  and  we  do  not  like  to  press  it  or  court  them.  The  great 
scarcity  of  money,  I  hope,  will  give  it  a  circulation,  but  it  will  not  do  to 
issue  it  at  a  depreciation. 

PRESIDENT  REED  TO  GEORGE  BRYAN. 

Philadelphia,  May  18th,  1780. 
I  received  your  favour  of  the  13th  inst.,  enclosing  one  to  Mrs.  Bryan, 
which  I  immediately  forwarded.  I  should  have  been  glad  you  had  acknow- 
ledged the  receipt  of  a  letter  from  me,  wrote  ten  days  since,  as  it  was  ex- 
pressed in  terms  of  too  much  freedom  to  fall  into  bad  hands.  It  is  an  un- 
fortunate circumstance  that  so  many  offenders  escape  by  one  accident  or 
another,  and  is  really  a  reflection  on  the  laws  of  police  of  the  State,  but  I  am 
inclined  to  think  it  in  some  degree  to  be  ascribed  to  our  politics  and  morals, 
both  which  are  certainly  much  altered  for  the  worse,  since  the  unhappy  situa- 
tion of  our  currency.  I  think  Mr.  Henry  is  mistaken  in  supposing  the  County 
of  Lancaster  confined  in  its  sessions  to  two  days.*  By  an  Act  of  Assembly, 
passed  22d  May,  1772,  entitled  "An  Act  for  EstablishingCourtsof  Judicature," 

*  Mr.  Bryan  was  holding  court  at  this  time  at  Lancaster.  It  is  not  uninterest- 
ing to  observe  the  regularity  with  which  justice,  in  all  its  forms,  was  administered 
during  the  War. 


LETTER  TO  BRYAN.  199 

Philadelphia  was  allowed  three  days,  and  Bucks  and  Chester  two  days 
when  Lancaster  was  erected  into  a  county,  it  was  allov^ed  all  the  privileges 
of  any  other  County  except  the  number  of  Representatives,  so  that  I  see 
nothing  to  hinder  them  taking  the  same  number  of  days  as  Philadelphia 
County,  and  the  Common  Pleas  has  always  exercised  a  power  ofadjo"urning, 
according  to  the  exigence  of  the  business.  If  you  will  look  into  the  acts,  I 
believe  you  will  find  my  ideas  to  be  just.  If  three  days  are  not  sufficient, 
an  act  of  enlargement  must  pass,  as  in  the  case  of  Chester  and  Bucks,  by 
an  act  dated  4th  March,  1763,  and  I  doubt  not  the  Assembly,  on  application, 
would  pass  an  act  of  this  kind. 

I  this  day  received  the  enclosed  letter  from  the  magistrates  of  Northum- 
berland, with  respect  to  the  Quakers  sent  from  that  county.  These  are 
really  distressing  cases  when  suspicion  is  to  stand  for  proof,  and  necessity 
makes  the  law.  I  am  fearful  that  an  entire  discharge  will  have  very  bad 
effects,  and  yet  it  seems  a  stretch  of  power  to  hold  them  in  confinement 
when  no  cause  is  shown. 

I  send  you  the  enclosed  paper,  which  I  think  will  give  you  a  pretty  com- 
petent idea  of  our  foreign  intelligence  ;  the  abstract  you  will  find  in  Hall 
and  Bradford,  is  taken  from  the  letters  of  Mr.  Adams,  and  Mr.  Izard,  Dr. 
Franklin,  and  Mr.  Lee,  all  of  whom  have  wrote  largely  and  very  en- 
couragingly. The  Marquis  de  Fayette  has  arrived  here,  but  I  cannot  find 
that  he  adds  to  the  intelligence.  By  accounts  from  New  York,  Charleston 
was  safe,  the  1st  inst.,  and  by  an  account  this  day  which  gains  credit,  a 
fleet  of  four  French  and  six  Spanish  men-of-war  of  the  line,  from  Hispaniola, 
under  Monsieur  de  la  Mothe  Piquet,  may  be  momentarily  expected.  We 
are  all  in  high  spirits  upon  it,  and  wait  impatiently  for  confirmation,  which, 
being  mere  ship  news,  it  still  wants.  The  army  has  been  again  in  great  want 
of  meat,  and  what  I  dare  say  will  surprise  you,  the  Committee  of  Congress  at 
Camp  have  wrote,  that  Pennsylvania  alone  can  give  them  relief;  by  a 
private  letter  from  Camp  of  good  authority,  this  idea  is  impressed  so  strongly 
on  the  army,  that  any  disaster  will  be  laid  at  our  door.  I  was  never  more 
mortified  and  distressed,  especially  as  upon  inquiry  in  the  vicinity,  I  find 
that  the  cattle  fit  for  use  in  this  neighbourhood  are  so  few  and  inconsiderable 
as  to  be  unworthy  of  notice  on  such  an  occasion,  and  the  time,  expense,  and 
difficulty  of  collecting  is  such,  that  no  exertions  could  give  even  the  tran- 
sient relief  they  would  afford  in  any  tolerable  season.  The  true  state  of  the 
case  is,  that  the  people  of  Connecticut,  disgusted  with  the  disappointment 
they  had  met  with  in  payment,  and  having  had  an  unusual  winter,  have  turned 
their  cattle  out,  and  decline  giving  a  further  credit.  Winter  being  near  at 
hand,  Pennsylvania  is  to  makeup  the  deficiency.  The  neglect  of  the  taxes 
has  brought  us  to  the  brink  of  ruin,  and  we  are  daily  groaning  under  the  de- 
plorable want  of  money.  We  find  several  of  the  collectors  have,  on  the 
importunity  of  the  Staff  Officers  in  moments  of  distress,  advanced  the  money 
in  tlieir  hands.  This  is  a  most  distressing  circumstance,  as  it  disables  us 
from  honouring  the  draughts  of  Congress,  and  leaves  us  exposed  to  severe 


200  AFFA.IUS  IN  PENNSYLVANIA. 

though  undeserved  reflection.  Be  so  good  as  to  give  the  collectors  a  hint 
on  this  subject,  as  I  see  plainly  it  must  lead  to  great  distress  in  our  money 
affairs,  and  not  to  less  confusion. 

1  wrote  yon  in  my  last  that  the  merchants  were  reluctant  on  the  subject 
of  the  new  money.  It  was  not  pleasant  lo  urge  them,  but  we  found  it 
necessary  to  take  their  sentiments,  and  Mr.  Doz  did  it  as  of  himself.  At 
first  tiiere  was  great  opposition  and  clamour,  but  Mr.  Morris  having  ex- 
pressed himself  in  its  favour,  stemmed  the  tide,  and  it  met  with  an  uncom- 
mon approbation,  or  at  least  a  trifling  opposition,  Mr.  Levy  Hollingsworth, 
and  Mr.  James  Caldwell  being  the  only  dissentients.  The  Assembly  have 
voted  it  receivable  in  taxes  and  for  fees  to  officers  of  government,  &c.,  at 
the  current  rates  of  gold  and  silver,  to  be  ascertained  occasionally  by  the 
Council.  The  Continental  money  has  evidently  appreciated  and  still  goes 
on,  though  slowly.  The  present  exchange  cannot  be  reckoned  more  than 
sixty-five  for  one.  We  have  had  no  arrivals  of  consequence  since  you  left 
us,  but  are  in  hourly  expectations  of  some  from  France.  Captain  M'Pherson 
has  returned  from  captivity,  in  New  York,  having  lost  the  fragments  of 
his  fortune  in  that  adventure.  There  is  very  great  consternation  in  that 
City  from  apprehensions  of  a  visit  from  Paul  Jones,  but  we  cannot  learn 
there  are  any  solid  reasons  to  expect  him,  at  least  at  present.  Money, 
money  is  our  great  object  at  present,  and  unless  we  can  find  it,  we  shall 
have  no  army  in  a  little  time.  Mr.  Adams  writes  that  there  will  be  no 
difficulty  in  Holland,  and  that  they  impatiently  expect  Mr.  Laurens,  but 
while  the  Eastern  gentlemen  so  much  dislike  the  errand,  and  the  Southern 
gentlemen  the  messenger,  I  fear  he  will  make  little  progress.*  By  the 
last  accounts,  he  was  at  Wilmington  in  North  Carolina,  waiting  his  final 
instructions,  which  are  not  yet  gone,  and  are  not  like  to  be  for  some  time. 

I  find  there  are  several  petitions  against  agreeing  to  the  Resolution  of 
Congress  of  the  18th  March;  but  I  believe  the  Assembly  will  pass  the  law 
with  a  suspending  clause,  and  provided  the  certificates  are  secured  in  the 
plan  proposed;  but  T  am  sorry  to  say  this  goes  very  heavily  with  Congress, 
and  there  is  danger  of  its  failing  at  last — a  most  dreadful  event  to  Pennsyl- 
vania, which  it  is  hoped  honour  and  honesty  will  avert.  Be  pleased  to  re- 
member me  to  your  colleagues  and  the  Attorney-General.f 


*  There  is  in  my  possession  a  MS.  copy  of  Charles  Thomson's  report  of  the 
Debates  in  Congress  in  1782,  one  of  which  of  great  interest  relates  to  Mr.  Laurens' 
conduct  whilst  a  prisoner  in  the  Tower,  and  his  celebrated  petition  to  Parliament. 

t  The  Attorney.General  was  Mr.  Sergeant,  of  whose  career  I  am  enabled  to  give 
the  following  account. 

Jonathan  Dickinson  Sergeant  was  a  native  of  New  Jersey.  He  was  born  in 
1746,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Princeton.  He  practised  law  there  till  the  Revo- 
lution began,  when  lie  immediately  took  part  in  it,  and  became  a  member  of 
various  conventions  and  assemblies.  He  was  one  of  the  Committee  that  drafted 
the  former  Constitution  of  New  Jersey.  In  1776,  he  attended  the  Congress  sitting 
in  Philadelphia,  as  a  member  from  that  State.     In  1777,  he  was  invited  to  accept 


DISCONTENT  AT  CAMP.  201 

The  cheering  promise  of  aid  from  France  which  Lafayette 
brought,  and  the  encouragement  of  the  letters  from  the  Com- 
missioners, availed  little  to  alleviate  the  piteous  distress  of  our 
suffering  soldiers. 


GENERAL  WILLIAM  IRVINE  TO  MR.  REED. 

Camp  near  Morrislown,  May  26t'i,  1780. 

I  forgot  to  inform  your  Excellency  (in  my  letter  of  the  24th)  that  we  shall 
be  able  to  do  with  what  hats  we  have  till  tall. 

I  have  not  hitherto  troubled  you  with  anything  relating  to  the  army  in 
genera],  but  confined  myself  to  our  own  line,  particularly  as  I  knew  official 
applications  were  made  to  all  the  States.  However,  matters  are  now  be- 
come so  serious,  that  it  is  absolutely  necessary  to  speak  plain ;  in  short, 
without  the  most  speedy  exertions  somewhere,  and  I  believe  everywhere, 
the  army  must  and  will  disband. 

We  have  had  about  four  pounds  of  meat  only  in  eleven  days;  neither 
ofBcers  nor  soldiers  have  money  nor  credit.  I  can  assure  you  with  great 
truth,  that  many  officers  have  lived  some  time  on  bread  and  water  rather 
than  take  any  of  the  scanty  allowance  from  the  men.  We  are  told  of  sup- 
plies coming  from  Philadelphia  and  other  places;  but  I  fear  the  whole  are 
merely  temporary,  and  perhaps  more  imaginary  than  real.  Be  this  as  it 
may,  they  come  on  so  slow  and  such  small  quantities  at  a  time,  that  they 
rather  serve  to  tantalize  than  do  any  real  service.  The  Connecticut  Line 
mutinied  last  Thursday  evening  about  dusk,  beat  drums,  &c.,  and  assembled 
on  their  parade  in  order  to  march  home,  bag  and  baggage.  Very  fortunately, 
our  poor  fellows  (though  as  hungry  as  they)  were  not  so  disposed,  but,  on 
the  contrary,  marched  to  quell  them,  which  by  the  activity,  spirit,  and 
address  of  our  officers,  was  happily  effected  without  damage.  Though  I  do 
not  mean  to  throw  the  smallest  reflection  on  any  troops,  knowing  well  that 
we  ourselves  have  many  foibles,  yet  I  hope  I  may  be  pardoned  if  on  this 
occasion  I  speak  feelingly,  and  even  with  some  degree  of  exultation,  when 
I  assure  your  Excellency  that  the  good  conduct  of  our  line,  in  my  opinion, 

the  office  of  Attorney-General  of  Pennsylvania,  and  came  to  Philadelphia  to 
reside.  His  house  in  Princeton  had  been  burnt  by  the  British  army  in  its 
incursions  in  1776,  after  the  retreat  of  the  American  forces.  He  resigned  his 
office  in  three  years,  and  was  afterwards  employed  by  Congress  in  the  trial  of 
St.  Clair,  and  by  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  in  the  Wyoming  controversy.  In  1793 
he  died  of  the  yellow  fever,  in  consequence  of  his  exposure  as  a  member  of  the 
Committee  of  Twelve,  who  at  that  alarming  crisis  ofTered  their  services  to  the 
city.  It  seems  scarcely  necessary  to  say  that  the  allusion  to  him  and  Dr.  Hutch- 
inson, in  one  of  the  letters  of  John  Adams,  published  in  the  Cunningham  Corre- 
spondence, is  a  fable.     It  was  refuted  at  the  time  in  the  answer  of  Mr.  Pickering. 


202  Washington's  letter. 

kept  the  army  together.*  How  these  things  may  end,  1  cannot  pretend  to 
say,  but  am  fully  persuaded  that  unless  the  army  is  at  least  fed,  we  must  be 
ruined.  Something  ought  also  to  be  done  respecting  pay;  what  that  some- 
thing is,  I  know  not,  but  fear  much  that  nothing  short  of  hard  money  will 
do.  The  enemy  have  emissaries  among  us,  who  drop  printed  handbills,  not 
only  granting  pardon  to  all  who  have  been  formerly  in  their  service,  but 
promising  large  bounties  and  many  other  shining  advantages  to  all  who  will 
go  and  join  the  King's  troops.  This  they  press  them  to  do  with  arms  in 
their  hands,  in  which  mode  they  say  they  will  be  most  welcome. 

Matters  seem  to  have  been  brought  to  a  crisis  by  the  follow- 
ing letters  from  Washington  and  Lafayette,  which  stimulated 
the  Assembly  to  decisive  action.  Its  journals  and  the  minutes 
of  Council  during  the  recess,  show  how  much  had  been  at- 
tempted by  the  Executive,  and  what  was  at  last  consummated. 
It  was  at  the  end  of  the  recess  that  the  President  organized, 
and  on  the  27th  of  May,  according  to  the  newspapers  of  the 
day,  reviewed,  in  the  presence  of  the  French  Minister,  nearly 
three  thousand  volunteers  under  arms  and  fully  equipped  for 
service.  "  Five  years',"  Mr.  Reed  said  in  his  address  to  them, 
"  cruel  war  has  not  exhausted  the  zeal  and  gallantry  of  Penn- 
sylvania." But  more  than  the  mere  organization  of  troops  was 
needed  at  Camp. 

WASHINGTON  TO  PRESIDENT  REED. 

Morristown,  May  28th,  1780. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  your  favour  of  the  23d.t  Nothing  could  be 
more  necessary  than  the  aid  given  by  your  Slate  towards  supplying  us  with 
provision.  I  assure  you,  every  idea  you  can  form  of  our  distresses  will  fall 
short  of  the  reality.  There  is  such  a  combination  of  circumstances  to  ex- 
haust the  patience  of  the  soldiery,  that  it  begins  at  length  to  be  worn  out, 
and  we  see  in  every  line  of  the  army  the  most  serious  features  of  mutiny 
and  sedition.  All  our  departments,  all  our  operations  are  at  a  stand,  and  un- 
less a  system  very  different  from  that  which  for  a  long  time  has  prevailed  be 

»  The  revolt  of  the  Connecticut  troops  is  minutely  described  in  Washington's 
letter  of  the  27th  May,  1 780,  to  Congress  {Sparks,  vol.  vii.  p.  54).  The  officers  were 
faithful,  and  Colonel  Meigs,  Wayne's  companion  at  Stoney  Point,  was  most  active 
in  bringing  the  mutineers  to  their  duty.  This  mutiny  was  the  first  of  the  series 
of  military  disturbances.  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey  followed  the  example  of 
discontent.     But  on  all,  the  blandishments  of  the  British  were  inoperative. 

t  This  letter,  with  many  others,  is  lost. 


Washington's  letter.  203 

immediately  adopted  throughout  the  States,  our  affairs  must  soon  become 
desperate  beyond  the  possibility  of  recovery.  If  you  were  on  the  spot,  my 
dear  sir,  if  you  could  see  what  difficulties  surround  us  on  every  side,  how 
unable  we  are  to  administer  to  the  most  ordinary  calls  of  the  service,  you 
would  be  convinced  that  these  expressions  are  not  too  strong,  and  that  we 
have  almost  ceased  to  hope.  The  country  in  general  is  in  such  a  state  ot 
insensibility  and  indifference  to  its  interest,  that  I  dare  not  flatter  myself 
with  any  change  for  the  better. 

The  Committee  of  Congress  in  their  late  Address  to  the  several  States 
have  given  a  just  picture  of  our  situation.  I  very  much  doubt  its  making  the 
desired  impression,  and  if  it  does  not,  I  shall  consider  our  lethargy  as  incura- 
ble. The  present  juncture  is  so  interesting  that  if  it  does  not  produce  cor- 
respondent e.xertion,  it  will  be  a  proof  that  motives  of  honour,  public  good, 
and  even  self-preservation,  have  lost  their  influence  upon  our  minds.  This 
is  a  decisive  moment.  One  of  the  most  (I  will  go  further  and  say  the  most) 
important  America  has  seen. 

The  Court  of  France  has  made  a  glorious  effort  for  our  deliverance,  and 
if  we  disappoint  its  intentions  by  our  supineness,  we  must  become  contemp- 
tible in  the  eyes  of  all  mankind  ;  nor  can  we  after  that  venture  to  confide 
that  our  Allies  will  persist  in  an  attempt  to  establish  what  it  will  appear  we 
want  inclination  or  ability  to  assist  them  in. 

Every  view  of  our  own  circumstances,  ought  to  determine  us  to  the  most 
vigorous  efforts;  but  there  are  considerations  of  another  kind  that  should 
have  equal  weight — the  combined  fleet  of  France  and  Spain  last  year  were 
greatly  superior  to  those  of  the  enemy,  the  enemy  nevertiieless  sustained  no 
material  damage,  and,  at  the  close  of  the  campaign,  have  given  a  very  im- 
portant blow  to  our  Allies — this  campaign,  the  difference  between  the  fleets, 
from  every  account  I  have  been  able  to  collect,  will  be  very  inconsiderable 
— indeed  it  is  far  from  clear  that  there  will  not  be  an  equality.  What  are 
we  to  expect  will  be  the  case,  if  there  should  be  another  campaign?  In  all 
probability,  the  advantage  will  be  on  the  side  of  the  English,  and  then  what 
will  become  of  America]  We  ought  not  to  deceive  ourselves, — the 
maritime  resources  of  Great  Britain  are  more  substantial  and  real  than 
those  of  France  and  Spain  united,  her  commerce  is  more  extensive  than 
that  of  both  her  rivals ;  and  it  is  an  axiom  that  the  Nation  which  has 
the  most  extensive  commerce,  will  always  have  the  most  powerful  marine ; 
were  these  arguments  less  convincing,  the  fact  speaks  for  itself;  her  progress 
in  the  course  of  the  last  year  is  an  incontestable  proof 

It  is  true,  France,  in  a  manner,  created  a  fleet  in  a  very  short  space,  and 
this  may  mislead  us  in  the  judgment  we  form  of  her  naval  abilities  ;  but  if 
they  bear  any  comparison  with  those  of  Great  Britain,  how  comes  it  to  pass 
that  with  all  the  force  of  Spain  added,  she  has  lost  so  much  ground,  in  so 
short  a  time,  as  now  to  have  scarcely  a  superiority?  We  should  consider 
what  was  done  by  France  as  a  violent  and  unnatural  effort  of  the  Govern- 
ment, which,  for  want  of  sufficient  foundation,  cannot  continue  to  operate 
proportionable  effects. 


204  EUROPEAN  AFFAIRS. 

In  modern  wars,  the  longest  purse  must  chiefly  determine  the  event,  I 
fear  that  ofthe  enemy  will  be  found  to  be  so ;  though  the  government  is  deeply 
in  debt,  and,  of  course,  poor,  the  nation  is  rich,  and  their  riches  afford  a  fund 
which  will  not  be  easily  exhausted.  Besides,  their  system  of  public  credit 
is  such  that  it  is  capable  of  greater  exertion  than  that  of  any  other  nation. 
Speculatists  have  been  a  long  time  foretelling  its  downfall,  but  we  see  no 
symptoms  of  the  catastrophe  being  very  near.  I  am  persuaded  it  will  at 
least  last  out  the  war,  and  then,  in  the  opinion  of  many  ofthe  best  politicians, 
it  will  be  a  national  advantage.  If  the  war  should  terminate  successfully, 
the  Crown  will  have  acquired  such  influence  and  power,  that  it  may  attempt 
any  thing,  and  bankruptcy  will  probably  be  made  the  ladder  to  climb  to  ab- 
solute authority.  Administration  may,  perhaps,  wish  to  drive  matters  to 
this  issue — at  any  rate,  they  will  not  be  restrained  by  an  apprehension  of 
it  from  forcing  the  resources  of  the  State.  It  will  promote  their  present 
purposes,  on  which  their  all  is  at  stake,  and  it  may  pave  the  way  to  triumph 
more  efl^ectually,  over  the  Constitution.  With  this  disposition,  I  have  no 
doubt  that  ample  means  will  be  found  to  prosecute  the  war  with  the 
greatest  vigour. 

France  is  in  a  very  different  position.  The  abilities  of  her  present  finan- 
cier has  done  wonders.  By  a  wise  administration  ofthe  revenues,  aided  by 
advantageous  loans,  he  has  avoided  the  necessity  of  additional  taxes.  But  I 
am  well  informed,  if  the  war  continues  another  campaign,  he  will  be  obliged 
to  have  recourse  to  the  taxes  usual  in  time  of  war,  which  are  very  heavy, 
and  which  the  people  of  France  are  not  in  a  condition  to  endure  for  any 
duration.  When  this  necessity  commences,  France  makes  war  on  ruinous 
terms;  and  England,  from  her  individual  wealth,  will  find  much  greater 
facility  in  supplying  her  exigencies.* 

*  The  practical  sagacity  of  these  speculations  is  very  remarkable.  With  every 
inducement  to  look  hopefully  on  French  affairs  and  French  character,  Washington 
saw  shadows  of  the  coming  future  darkening  the  path.  The  war  taxes  of  the 
American  Revolution  gave  the  crowning  blow  to  the  credit  of  the  French 
monarchy.  How  different  were  the  auguries  ofthe  British  politicians,  is  apparent 
from  a  letter  written  by  the  Duke  of  Richmond  to  Burke  a  few  years  earlier,  and 
which  has  always  appeared  to  me  very  curious.  In  August,  1776,  the  Duke  of 
Richmond  visited  Paris  to  secure  the  formal  claim  of  his  family  to  the  peerage  of 
Aubigny.  It  cost  him  much  trouble  and  expense.  "  You  may  naturally  say," 
he  wrote  to  Burke,  "  is  this  worth  the  trouble  ?  My  answer  is,  perhaps  not ;  in  a 
philosophic  view,  few  things  in  life  are  worth  the  trouble  we  take  for  them. 
To  have  a  thing  by  halves,  is  not  to  me  pleasant ;  since  I  have  the  grant, 
I  would  have  it  effectual.  Besides,  who  knows  that  a  time  may  not  come 
when  England  may  not  be  worth  living  in,  and  when  a  retreat  to  this  country 
may  be  a  happy  thing  to  have.  My  prospects  are  gloomy  enough  to  see,  not  very 
far  distant,  the  moment  when  England  will  be  reduced  to  a  state  of  slavery. — ■ — 

1  fear  I  see  the  time  approaching  when  the  English,  afler  having  been  guilty 

of  every  kind  of  meanness  and  corruption,  will  at  last  own  themselves,  like  the 
Swedes,  unworthy  to  be  free  I     When  that  day  comes,  our  situation  will  be  worse 


Washington's  letter.  205 

Spain  derives  great  wealth  from  her  mines,  but  not  so  great  as  is  gene- 
rally imagined.  Of  late  years  the  profit  to  Government  is  essentially 
diminished.  Commerce  and  industry  are  the  best  means  of  a  nation  ;  both 
which  are  wanting  to  her.  I  am  told  her  treasury  is  far  from  being  so  well 
filled  as  we  have  flattered  ourselves.  She  also  is  much  divided  on  the  pro- 
priety of  the  War.  There  is  a  strong  party  against  it.  The  temper  of  the 
nation  is  too  sluggish  to  admit  of  great  exertions  ;  and  though  the  courts  of 
the  two  kingdoms  are  closely  linked  together,  there  never  has  been,  in  any 
of  their  wars,  a  perfect  harmony  of  measures,  nor  has  it  been  the  case  in 
this;  which  has  already  been  no  small  detriment  to  the  common  cause. 

I  mention  these  things  to  show  that  the  circumstances  of  our  Allies  as 
well  as  our  own  call  for  peace;  to  obtain  which  we  must  make  one  great 
effort  this  campaign.  The  present  instance  of  the  friendship  of  the  Court 
of  France  is  attended  with  every  circumstance  that  can  render  it  important 
and  agreeable,  that  can  interest  our  gratitude,  or  fire  our  emulation.  If  we 
do  our  duty,  we  may  even  hope  to  make  the  campaign  decisive  on  this  Con" 
tinent.  But  we  must  do  our  duty  in  earnest,  or  disgrace  and  ruin  will 
attend  us.  I  am  sincere  in  declaring  a  full  persuasion  that  the  succour  will 
be  fatal  to  us  if  our  measures  are  not  adequate  to  the  emergency. 

Now,  my  dear  sir,  I  must  observe  to  you,  that  much  will  depend  on  the 
State  of  Pennsylvania, — she  has  it  in  her  power  to  contribute,  without  com- 
parison, more  to  our  success  than  any  other  State,  in  the  two  essential 
articles  of  flour  and  transportation.  New  York,  Jersey,  Pennsylvania  and 
Maryland,  are  our  flour  countries.  Virginia  went  little  on  this  article  the 
last  crop  (and  her  resources  are  called  for  to  the  Southward.)  New  York,  by 
legislative  coercion,  has  already  given  all  she  could  spare  for  the  use  of  the 
army.  Her  inhabitants  are  left  with  scarcely  a  sufficiency  for  their  own 
subsistence.  Jersey,  from  being  so  long  the  place  of  the  army's  residence, 
is  equally  exhausted.  Maryland  has  made  great  exertions,  but  she  can  still 
do  something  more.  Delaware  may  contribute  handsomely,  in  proportion 
to  her  extent,  but  Pennsylvania  is  our  chief  dependence.  From  every  in- 
formation I  can  obtain  she  is  at  this  time  full  of  flour.  I  speak  to  you  in  the 
language  of  frankness,  and  as  a  friend.    I  do  not  mean  to  make  any  insinua- 

than  France.  Young  despotism,  like  a  boy  broke  loose  from  school,  will  indulge 
itself  in  every  excess.  Here,  habits  and  manners  have  put  some  check  to  it.  Be- 
sides, if  there  is  a  contest,  though  it  be  a  feeble  one,  I  or  mine  may  be  con. 
cerned,  and  among  the  proscribed.  If  such  an  event  should  happen,  and  America 
not  be  opened  to  receive  us,  France  is  some  retreat,  and  a  Peerage  here  is  some- 
thing." {Burke^s  Correspondence,  vol.  ii.  p.  120.)  In  twenty  years  from  this 
French  hereditary  titles  were  for  ever  obliterated,  the  blood  of  an  aristocracy 
among  whom  the  British  peer  hoped  to  take  refuge  was  poured  out  like  water  ;  and 
in  seventy  years  (1846)  a  Duke  of  Richmond,  with  all  the  wealth  and  honours  of 
his  ancestry,  is  enjoying  the  luxuries  of  Goodwood,  and  with  equal  sagacity  to  his 
uncle,  foretelling  the  fall  of  the  Peerage  as  a  sequel  to  the  repeal  oi'  the  Cora 
Laws. 


206  Lafayette's  arrival. 

tions  unfavourable  to  the  State.  I  am  aware  of  the  embarrasstnents  the 
Government  labours  under  from  the  open  opposition  of  one  party,  and 
the  underhand  intrigues  of  another.  I  know  that  with  the  best  dispositions 
to  promote  the  public  service,  you  have  been  obliged  to  move  with  circumspec- 
tion ;  but  this  is  a  time  to  hazard,  and  to  take  a  tone  of  energy  and  decision. 
All  parties  but  the  disaffected  will  acquiesce  in  the  necessity,  and  give  their 
support.  The  hopes  and  fears  of  the  people  at  large  may  be  acted  upon  in 
such  a  manner  as  to  make  them  approve  and  second  your  views. 

The  matter  is  reduced  to  a  point — either  Pennsylvania  must  give  us  all 
the  aid  we  ask  of  her,  or  we  undertake  nothing.  We  must  renounce  every 
idea  of  a  co-operation,  and  must  confess  to  our  Allies  that  we  look  wholly 
to  them  for  our  safety.  This  will  be  a  state  of  humiliation  and  littleness 
against  which  the  feelings  of  every  good  American  ought  to  revolt.  Yours, 
I  am  convinced,  will ;  nor  have  I  the  least  doubt  that  you  will  employ  all 
your  influence  to  animate  the  Legislature  and  the  people  at  large.  The  fate 
of  these  States  hangs  upon  it.  God  grant  we  may  be  properly  impressed 
with  the  consequences. 

I  wish  the  Legislature  could  be  engaged  to  vest  the  Executive  with  ple- 
nipotentiary powers.  I  should  then  expect  everything  from  'your  abilities 
and  zeal.  This  is  not  a  time  for  formality  or  ceremony.  The  crisis  in 
every  point  of  view  is  extraordinary,  and  extraordinary  expedients  are 
necessary.  I  am  decided  in  this  opinion.  I  am  happy  to  hear  that  you 
have  a  prospect  of  complying  with  the  requisitions  of  Congress  for  specific 
supplies — that  the  spirit  of  the  City  and  State  seems  to  revive,  and  the 
warmth  of  party  decline.  These  are  good  omens  of  our  success.  Perhaps 
this  is  the  proper  period  to  unite. 

I  am  obliged  to  you  for  the  renewal  of  your  assurances  of  personal  regard^ 
My  sentiments  for  you,  you  are  too  well  acquainted  with,  to  make  it  neces- 
sary to  tell  you  with  how  much  esteem  and  regard,  I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  and  affectionate  humble  servant, 

G.  Washington. 

P.  S.  I  felicitate  you  on  the  increase  of  your  family.  Mrs.  Washington 
does  the  same,  and  begs  her  particular  respects  and  congratulations  to  Mrs. 
Reed,  to  which,  permit  me  to  add  mine. 

Lafayette  had,  as  has  been  stated,  just  returned  to  the  United 
States,  after  an  absence  of  about  a  year,  which  he  had  im- 
proved by  constant,  and  at  last,  successful  action,  in  our  behalf, 
at  the  French  Court.  He  was  the  harbinger  of  Rochambeau's 
army.  Though  the  following  letter  is  the  first  that  I  have,  it  is 
apparent,  from  its  affectionate  and  confidential  tone,  that  he  and 
Mr.  Reed  had  relations  of  former  and  intimate  friendship.    It  is 


LAFAYETTE.  207 

unnecessary  to  say  that  this  letter  is  printed  without  even  a 
verbal  alteration. 


LAFAYETTE  TO  PRESIDENT  REED. 

Head-Quarters,  Morristown,  May  31st,  1780. 
Dear  Sir, 

Though  you  must  on  this  moment,  be  more  particularly  engaged  in  pub- 
lic business,  I  can't  help  indulging  the  strong  desire  I  feel  of  writing  some 
lines  to  you,  and  from  the  affectionate  sense  I  have  of  our  old  friendship,  I 
flatter  myself  you  will  have  no  objection  to  lose  a  few  minutes  in  this  epis- 
tolary conversation.  What  I  want  to  tell  you,  my  dear  friend,  has  been 
fully  explained  in  public  letters,  and  in  a  private  one  from  our  respected  and 
heroic  friend.  I  shall,  therefore,  confine  myself  in  imparting  to  you  confi- 
dentially, my  private  feelings  on  this  important  affair. 

It  is  only  as  an  American  soldier — as  an  ardent  lover  of  our  noble  cause, 
as  one  who,  having  been  lately  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic,  may  the  more 
properly  foresee  good  and  bad  consequences,  that  he  has  been  here,  and  there, 
led  (let)  into  the  secrets.  It  is  not  only  on  all  the  aforesaid  accounts,  that  I 
am  far  concerned  in  the  operations  of  the  campaign.  But  you  may  lately 
guess  I  was  not  a  stranger  to  the  planning  of  the  co-operation,  which  I  then 
thought  to  be  very  important  to  America,  which  I  now  find  to  be  neces- 
sary, and  in  the  course  of  those  arrangements,  I  need  not  mention  that  I 
ever  spoke  with  a  becoming  pride  of  the  American  Army,  of  the  effects 
which  the  virtue  of  America  would  make  towards  an  honourable  co-opera- 
tion. 

Those  people  are  coming,  my  good  friend,  full  of  ardour  and  sanguine 
hopes,  and  may  be  every  day  expected.  France  and  Spain  are  in  high  ex- 
pectations. The  world  is  looking  on  us,  and  all  the  European  powers,  that 
never  saw  America  but  through  a  spy-glass,  are  watching  the  opportunity 
of  fixing,  at  once,  their  fluctuating  opinions. 

It  is  from  me,  on  the  moment  of  their  arrival,  that  the  French  Generals 
expect  intelligence,  and  you  may  guess  that  paquets  shall  be  by  them  im- 
mediately despatched  to  Europe,  An  army  that  is  reduced  to  nothing,  that 
wants  provisions,  that  has  not  one  of  the  necessary  means  to  make  war, 
such  is  the  situation  wherein  I  found  our  troops,  and  however  prepared  I 
could  have  been  to  this  unhappy  sight,  by  our  past  distresses,  I  confess  I  had 
no  idea  of  such  an  extremity.  Shall  I  be  obliged  to  confess  our  inability, 
and  what  shall  be  my  feelings  on  the  occasion,  not  only  as  an  American  and 
American  soldier,  but  also  as  one  that  has  highly  boasted  in  Europe  of  the 
spirit,  the  virtue,  the  resources  of  America.  Though  I  had  been  directed  to 
furnish  the  French  court,  and  the  French  Generals,  with  early  and  minuted 
intelligence,  I  confess,  pride  has  stopped  my  pen,  and,  notwithstanding  past 


208  MARTIAL  LAW. 

promises,  I  have  avoided  entering  into  any  details,  till  our  Army  is  put  in  a 
better  and  more  decent  situation. 

We  have  men,  my  dear  Sir,  we  have  provisions,  we  have  everything  that  is 
wanted,  provided  the  country  is  awakened,  and  its  resources  are  brought 
forth.  That  you  know,  can't  be  done  by  Congress,  and  unless  the  States 
take  the  whole  matter  upon  themselves,  we  are  lost.  You  will,  both  as  a 
soldier,  and  a  politician,  easily  foresee  that  the  crisis  is  one  way  or  other, 
a  decisive  one,  and  that  if  proper  exertions  are  made,  we  may  expect  every- 
thing that  is  good. 

As  you  are  a  military  man,  (and  I  wish  it  was  for  the  moment  the  case 
with  the  other  leading  men  in  America)  you  know  that  filling  up  imme- 
diately the  Continental  battalions,  is  the  way  of  having  an  army;  and  that 
cannot  be  done,  but  by  militia  drafts.  Your  State  is  the  only  one  who  un- 
dertook to  give  to  their  officers  a  decent  cloathing.  In  all  other  matters,  I 
hope  it  will  take  the  lead  as  far  as  it  depends  upon  your  influence  in  Pen- 
silvania,  and  that  goes  a  great  length,  I  have  no  doubt,  but  that  we  shall  be 
under  the  greatest  obligations  to  that  State.  The  expectations  are  also 
strengthened  by  the  sense  I  have  of  your  friendship  to  our  General.  But, 
my  good  friend,  no  time  is  to  be  lost.  In  asking  your  pardon  for  this  long, 
confidential  letter,  I  am,  with  the  most  perfect  regard. 

Your  affectionate 

Lafayette. 

The  earnest  importunity  of  these  confidential  letters  was 
most  opportune;  and  being  communicated  to  the  Assembly, 
they  procured,  at  the  instance  of  the  Executive,  the  adoption 
of  the  extraordinary  legislative  measure  which  the  Commander- 
in-chief  hoped  for  rather  than  expected.  Dictatorial  powers 
were  conferred  on  the  Executive  Council.  So  hazardous  was 
it  deemed  at  the  time,  so  entirely  unprecedented,  that  no  record 
was  made  on  the  Journal  of  Assembly,  nor  is  any  trace  of  it 
now  to  be  found,  except  in  the  newspapers.  The  resolution  is 
there  inserted  in  these  words. 

[Pennsylvania  Packet,  10th  June,  1780.] 

In  General  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania, 
Thursday,  June  1st,  17S0. 

Whereas,  the  exigencies  which  may  arise  in  a  state  of  war 
are  frequently  of  a  nature  that  require  such  sudden  and  extra- 
ordinary exertions  as  are  impossible  for  the  legislative  body  to 
provide  for  by  the  ordinary  course  of  law,  therefore 


PROCLAMATION  OF  MARTIAL  LAW.  209 

Resolved,  unanimously,  That  during  the  recess  of  this  House, 
should  the  circumstances  of  the  War  make  it  necessary,  the 
President  or  Vice-President  in  Council  be  authorized  and  em- 
powered, and  they  are  hereby  authorized  and  empowered  to 
DECLARE  MARTIAL  LAW,  SO  far  as  the  same  may  be  conducive  to 
the  public  security  and  to  the  safety  and  defence  of  the  good 
and  faithful  citizens  of  this  Com.monwealth. 

Extract  from  the  Minutes.  Thomas  Paine,  Clerk.* 


PRESIDENT  REED  TO  WASHINGTON. 

Philadelphia,  June  5th,  1780. 

Your  kind  and  truly  obliging  favour  of  the  28th  ultimo  came  safely  to 
hand,  and  the  oftener  I  peruse  it,  the  more  fully  sensible  I  am  of  the  justice 
and  importance  of  its  contents.  I  do  not  know  by  what  means  the  expected 
assistance  from  France  has  been  procured,  but  it  will  certainly  give  a  com- 
plexion to  the  Alliance  in  future,  according  to  the  reception  it  meets  with  here. 
I  should  be  very  apprehensive  from  the  different  state  of  improvement  of  the 
two  countries,  and  perverseness  of  human  nature,  which  often  leads  us  to 
expect  more  than  can  be  obtained,  and  be  chagrined  at  the  disappointment; 
that  with  all  possible  attention  and  care,  difficulties  will  arise,  and  that  it 
will  greatly  add  to  the  burden  laid  upon  you.  But  if  they  should  want 
necessaries  when  the  country  abounds  in  them,  we  shall  justly  forfeit  every 
pretension  to  respect  and  friendship,  and  become  contemptible,  not  only 
to  them,  but  to  the  world  and  even  to  ourselves. 

Our  difficulties  lie  with  the  rich,  and  not  with  the  poor.  While  the  war 
was  conducted  with  emissions,  the  aid  of  the  former  was  not  wanted;  that 
of  the  latter  was  to  be  had,  and  may  be  had  now  upon  the  same  terms — that 
is,  giving  them  a  support  for  their  labours;  but  to  fight  and  starve,  or  work 
and  starve,  are  equally  impracticable.  In  my  opinion,  we  have  miscalculated 
the  abilities  of  the  country,  and  entirely  the  disposition  of  the  people  to  bear 


*  Extract  from  Journals  of  Congress,  June  1,  p.  165.  On  motion  of  Mr.  Burke, 
seconded  by  Mr.  Duane,  "Resolved,  unanimously,  That  the  thanks  of  Congress 
be  given  to  the  Legislature  and  to  the  President  and  Supreme  Executive  Council 
of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  for  their  ready  attention  to  the  matters  which  the 
Committee  of  Conference  laid  before  them,  and  the  satisfactory  measures  they 
have  taken  in  consequence  thereof." 

A  few  weeks  later,  Richard  Henry  Lee  wrote  from  Richmond :  "The  generous 
exertions  of  your  State  at  the  present  great  crisis  does  honour  to  the  Common- 
weahh  and  its  Councils.  I  wish  the  example  may  inspire,  as  it  ought,  the  rest 
of  this  sleeping  Union."— MS.  Letter,  30th  June,  1780. 

VOL.  II.  14 


210  PENNSYLVANIA  POLITICS. 

taxes  in  the  necessary  extent.  The  country  not  immediately  the  seat  of 
either  army  is  richer  than  when  the  war  began ;  but  the  long  disuse  of  taxes, 
and  their  natural  unpalatableness,  have  embarrassed  the  business  exceed- 
ingly, and  Tories,  grumbling  Whigs,  and  party,  have  all  thrown  in  their  aid 
to  increase  the  discontent.  These  circumstances,  which  it  was  impossible 
to  foresee  in  their  full  extent,  made  n  foreign  loan  a  matter  of  great  import- 
ance, and  even  of  indispensable  necessity;  and  if  anything  has  been  omitted 
to  obtain  it,  which  we  may  yet  retrieve,  I  should  hope  no  time  will  be  lost. 
The  failure  of  the  Eastern  States  to  supply  beef  will  be  attended  with  some 
disagreeable  effects  here,  for  all  the  money  we  had  or  expected  soon  has 
been  furnished  to  procure  this  article;  and  of  course  our  means  of  procuring 
flour  proportionably  diminished.  This  State  made  an  effort  on  this  account 
which  no  other  has  equalled,  as  they  mortgaged  an  estate  belonging  to  the 
public  in  the  neighbourhood  of  this  city,  for  the  special  purpose  of  supplying 
the  army,  leaving  the  taxes  for  the  general  use  of  the  United  States :  but 
this  money,  though  secure  in  every  other  event  than  that  of  our  failing  in 
the  contest,  and  drawing  an  interest,  has  met  with  embarrassments  and 
opposition,  partly  from  interested,  and  partly  from  other  motives,  which  have 
very  much  delayed  the  supplies.*  We  have  at  length  got  in  motion,  and  I 
hope  shall  be  able  to  get  a  supply  of  stores  for  the  summer;  but  the  shock 
paper  money  has  received,  subjects  all  our  resources  to  the  caprice  of  inte- 
rested or  perverse  individuals,  more  than  is  consistent  with  our  safety  or 
honour. 

The  address  of  the  committee  accompanied  with  a  letter  from  yourself 
came  at  a  seasonable  moment,  just  as  the  House  of  Assembly  was  about  to 
rise;  they  immediately  passed  a  law  for  raising  two  men  out  of  every  com- 
pany of  militia ;  which  I  had  endeavoured,  but  in  vain  to  effect  last  spring.f 
This  will  produce  about  one  thousand  men  from  the  whole  State ;  about  six 
hundred  of  which  will  go  to  fill  up  the  ranks  of  the  Continental  army,  the 
remainder  we  must  endeavour  to  throw  upon  the  frontiers,  or  some  of  our 
oldest  and  most  established  counties  are  in  danger  of  becoming  a  frontier. 
In  short  there  is  no  pacifying  them  without  a  body  of  troops,  though  ex- 
perience has  long  decided  how  inadequate  a  defensive  war  is  for  support 
against  the  Indians.  The  representation  of  the  distress  for  want  of  meat 
produced  an  immediate  exertion,  of  which  I  hope  the  benefit  must  be  felt 
by  this  time.  It  is  true  many  of  the  cattle  are  not  fit  for  slaughter,  but 
they  are  the  best  we  have.|     It  was  thought  best  to  continue  this  business, 

*  Act  of  25th  March,  1780,  M'Kean's  Laws,  vol.  i.  p.  374,  pledging  the  Province 
Island  property.  This  was  part  of  Galloway's  confiscated  estate,  and  there  seems 
to  have  been  a  strange  and  culpable  repugnance  to  use  it. 

t  An  act  for  the  greater  ease  of  the  militia  and  the  more  speedy  and  effectual 
defence  of  the  State,  26th  May,  1780. 

t  An  act  for  procuring  an  immediate  supply  of  provisions  for  the  Federal  army 
in  its  present  exigency,  1  June,  1780. 


-^^ 


PARTIES  IN  CONGRESS.  211 

at  least  for  some  weeks,  in  order  to  liave  a  stock  in  possession,  and  of  con- 
sequence they  will  be  continued  fome  time,  proceeding  to  Camp  upon  this 
principle,  that  if  you  have  none  better,  these  must  serve,  and  if  you  have, 
the  season  of  the  year  will  admit  their  being  kept  till  they  are  better. 

We  had  proceeded  thus  far,  and  there  seemed  to  be  a  very  good  disposi- 
tion in  all  to  advance  the  necessary  measures  with  as  much  expedition  as 
deliberative  bodies  usually  do,  or  are  capable  of.  The  vesting  extraordinary 
powers  in  the  Executive  was  not  so  well  relished;  and  it  was  too  delicate 
a  subject  to  be  much  pressed  by  me,  especially  as  there  appeared  some  re- 
luctance on  this  point,  and  it  is  probable  the  House  would  have  adjourned 
without  touching  upon  it,  had  it  not  been  so  forcibly  urged  in  your  private 
letter.  I  was  extremely  embarrassed  ;  I  did  not  see  any  chance  of  its  being 
done  but  by  letting  them  know  that  it  was  deemed  by  you,  a  matter  not  of 
mere  importance,  but  of  indispensable  necessity.  This  was  done  in  a 
manner  the  most  guarded  and  confidential,  and  had  the  desired  effect,  as 
they  have  vested  the  Executive  with  the  power  to  declare  Martial  Law,  so 
far  as  they  shall  deem  necessary,  and  which  gives  us  a  power  of  doing 
what  may  be  necessary,  without  attending  to  the  ordinary  forms  of  law.  I 
have  the  pleasure  to  observe  the  measure  is  generally  satisfactory  ;  and  as 
we  shall  endeavour  to  exercise  it  with  prudence  and  moderation,  I  hope  it 
may  be  productive  of  the  good  effects  expected  from  it. 

The  loss  of  Charleston  with  its  garrison  and  stores,  which  I  think  a 
very  probable  event,  notwithstanding  the  sanguine  hopes  of  some,  and 
doubts  of  others,  will,  it  must  be  presumed,  rouse  us  from  the  insensibility 
with  which  we  have  hitherto  carried  on  the  war  since  1777.  And  yet  the 
scene  is  so  distant,  and  the  danger  apparently  remote,  that  I  am  not  certain 
of  this  effect.  The  arrival  of  a  few  vessels  from  Statia  or  capture  of  as 
many,  seems  to  be  an  event  more  interesting  than  an  advantage  gained  or 
lost  by  the  enemy,  however  considerable.  And  our  country  friends  find 
their  patriotism  abate  as  their  interests  are  affected  by  duties  or  taxes.  I 
am  inclined  to  think  some  stroke  of  adverse  fortune  necessary,  and  that 
lasting  good  may  flow  from  it ;  for  pretend  what  we  may,  the  country  is 
much  recovered  from  the  distress  of  the  war,  and  really  has  the  three  great 
requisites  of  war,  men,  provisions,  and  iron,  if  not  in  abundance,  in  suffi- 
ciency for  all  our  wants ;  our  only  difficulty  is,  to  draw  them  forth  ;  and  for 
this,  two  things  are  essentially  necessary,  viz.  union  among  the  States 
generally  and  particularly.  The  parties  in  Congress  have  weakened  the 
influence,  and  lessened  the  weight  of  that  body  ;  and  the  internal  divisions 
have  had  the  like  eflect  on  the  governments ;  so  that  every  measure, 
however  necessary  for  the  general  good,  has  been  timid,  feeble,  and  languid ; 
each  fearing  to  give  his  adversary  some  advantage;  while  the  disaffected 
and  mercenary  have  raised  their  heads  with  an  astonishing  degree  of  in- 
solence, tothegreatdiscouragementof  the  Whigs,  especially  in  the  middling 
and  lower  classes  of  life,  who  having  been  distressed  by  their  attachment  to 
our  cause,  and  their  minds  neither  feeling,  or  perhaps  capable  of  feeling, 


212  MAJOR  LEE. 

.  what  is  called  liberality  of  spirit  towards  an  enemy,  have  been  mortified  to 
find  themselves  no  way  distinguished  but  by  their  sufferings. 

It  is  clear  that  the  Royal  cause,  both  in  this  State  and  Maryland,  derives 
great  advantage  from  the  divisions  of  the  Whigs;  for  in  the  rage  and  dis- 
content of  party,  auxiliaries  are  so  acceptable  that  we  are  not  apt  to  scruti- 
nize their  motives  and  principles  too  narrowly.  Upon  these  considerations, 
I  have  ever  thought  it  a  most  necessary  duty  to  sacrifice,  as  fir  as  I  am 
capable,  any  smaller  resentments,  and  far  from  declining  the  paths  of  peace, 
to  seek  them.  I  have  made  more  advances  than  one:  the  exposing  my  life 
to  save  that  of  my  principal  enemies,  when  they  would  otherwise  have  fallen 
a  collective  sacrifice  to  their  own  imprudence  and  to  popular  resentment, 
though  an  act  of  duty  in  my  station,  might  have  been  evaded  on  many 
plausible  pretexts  ;  but  it  seems  to  be  the  allotment  of  Providence  that  in 
this  respect  I  am  to  be  unhappy.  Conceiving  it  to  be  a  proper  time  to 
unite  and  make  a  great  and  general  eflxjrt  for  our  national  safety  and 
honour,  a  few  days  before  I  was  favoured  with  your  sentiments  on  this  sub- 
ject, waiving  all  sorts  of  punctilio,  I  made  a  direct  overture.  I  can  only 
say,  it  was  not  accepted  ;  but  it  was  of  so  explicit  and  unequivocal  a  nature 
as  to  leave  no  farther  grounds,  unless  time  and  a  change  of  circumstances 
should  produce  it.  1  am,  however,  happy  to  find,  that  I  have  met  your 
opinion  in  this  respect ;  and  beg  you  to  believe  not  only  that  I  was  sincere 
on  that  occasion,  but  that  as  the  public  good,  and  your  ease,  appear  con- 
nected in  some  degree,  I  shall  embrace  any  favourable  opportunity  to 
renew  it. 

I  feel  exceedingly  for  the  peculiarity  of  your  situation,  my  dear  sir, 
and  also  fear  that  your  health  may  sufl^er  in  the  conflict.  But  when  I  con- 
sider what  just  conceptions  you  have  of  the  importance  of  the  prize  for 
which  we  contend,  and  the  abounding  affection  and  confidence  of  the 
country,  I  cannot  but  believe  you  may  draw  great  consolation  and  support, 
that  the  present  difficulties  will  lay  a  foundation  for  some  system  of  solid 
supply,  and  a  just  consideration  of  the  army  ;  which  has  been  too  generally 
viewed  through  a  very  mistaken  medium.  For  myself  I  shall  only  add,  that  the 
same  motives  which  led  me  to  leave  domestic  enjoyments  and  lucrative 
ease,  in  1775,  and  partake  your  early  exertions,  now  strengthened  by  more 
knowledge  and  warmer  attachment,  will  induce  me  to  strain  every  nerve, 
and  run  every  risk,  to  promote  the  public  service,  as  the  most  acceptable 
testimony  I  can  give  you  of  the  truth  of  these  professions;  and  if  there  is 
any  particular  case  or  occasion  which,  from  want  of  knowledge  or  infor- 
mation, I  may  be  likely  to  overlook,  I  shall  esteem  it  a  particular  favour  to 
be  honoured  with  a  few  lines,  and  to  which  I  shall  pay  the  most  special  and 
animated  attention. 

I  think  it  very  happy  that  Major  Lee's  corps  is  in  the  vicinity  of  this 
place,  as  in  case  of  an  emergency,  they  may  be  wanted  to  execute  measures 
which,  though  necessary,  are  unpalatable,  and  often  ill-executed,  where  the 
feelings  of  acquaintance  and  personal  friendship  operate  against  the  public 


heed's  letter.  213 

measures.  They  are  in  exceeding  good  quarters,  on  the  best  terms  with 
the  inhabitants,  and,  I  presume,  must  be  far  too  late  to  render  any  assist- 
ance to  our  friends  in  the  South. 

Mrs.  Reed,  who  is  pretty  well  recovered,  returns  her  respectful  regards, 
and  thanks  to  Mrs.  Washington  and  yourself  for  your  polite  attentions,  in 
which  I  beg  leave  to  include  mine;  and  am,  with  the  most  unfeigned  re- 
spect and  esteem,  dear  sir. 

Your  obliged  and  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

J.  R.* 


*  "  I  understand,"  says  Mr.  Madison  in  a  letter  to  Governor  Jefferson,  "  the  Penn- 
sylvania  Legislature  has  invested  the  Executive  witli  a  dictatorial  authority  from 
which  nothing  but  the  lives  of  the  citizens  are  exempted.  I  hope  the  good  resulting 
from  it  will  be  such  as  to  compensate  for  the  risk  of  the  precedent." — Madison's 
Works,  vol.  i.  48.  When  the  Council  of  Censors  met  in  1783,  after  the  war  was 
over,  this  act  of  the  Executive  Council  was  severely  censured  by  its  Committee, 
as  a  dangerous  violation  of  the  Constitution,  though  it  was  admitted  that  public 
exigency  seemed  to  authorize  it. — Journals,  p.  166. 


CHAPTER   X. 

1780. 

Martial  Law  proclaimed — Reed's  Letter  of  20th  June — Bank  of  North  America 
— Reed's  Letter,  22d  June — Greene's  Letter — Paine's  Letter  to  Mr.  Reed — 
State  of  feeling  in  Pennsylvania — Correspondence  of  Washington  and  Reed  on 
Public  Affairs — Mr.  Reed's  exposition  of  Pennsylvania  Affairs — Birth  of  his 
youngest  son,  George  Washington  Reed — His  career  in  the  Navy  of  the  United 
States— His  Death  in  1813. 

On  the  20th  of  June,  Martial  Law  was  in  due  fornn  proclaimed, 
or  rather,  the  extraordinary  functions  of  the  Council  were  for- 
mally announced,  and  on  the  same  day  the  President  wrote  to 
Camp. 

PRESIDENT  REED  TO  WASHINGTON. 

Philadelphia,  June  20th,  1780. 
I  have  received  your  favour  of  the  16th  inst.  directing^  the  march  of  the 
City  Light  Horse,  for  which  the  necessary  orders  will  be  given,  and  ihey 
will  proceed  with  all  possible  despatch.  Upon  the  new  plan  of  our  militia, 
there  are  light  horse  attached  to  the  troops  of  every  county.  The  short 
time  since  the  plan  has  been  adopted,  has  not  permitted  a  thorough  execu- 
tion; but  if  your  Excellency  should  be  of  opinion  they  would  be  specially 
useful,  I  shall  endeavour  to  have  them  completed  as  soon  as  may  be.  The 
troop  of  the  County  of  Philadelphia  is  already  well  mounted,  armed  and  in 
uniform.  I  do  assure  your  Excellency  every  stimulus  has  been  used  to  for- 
ward the  recruits.  According  to  information  they  are  chiefly  selected,  and 
only  wait  a  proper  equipment :  but  as  I  found  this  was  tedious  in  the 
country,  I  directed  them  to  be  sent  hither,  and  they  are  now  coming  in.  I 
am  of  opinion,  if  your  Excellency  could  spare  a  few  officers,  say  five  or  six 
prudent  and  discreet,  who  could  bear  with  the  oddities  and  humours  of  the 
persons  with  whom  they  will  have  to  do,  it  might  forward  the  men,  and  as 
it  is  proposed  to  set  about  a  voluntary  additional  enlistment,  as  soon  as  this 
is  over,  we  are  sanguine  enough  to  believe  some  men  might  be  had  ; — for 


BANK  OF  NORTH  AMERICA.  215 

this  purpose  some  clever  sergeants  would  be  of  great  service.  The  spirit 
which  your  Excellency  seems  to  wish,  I  think  is  recovered  beyond  expecta- 
tion. The  loss  of  Charleston,  like  many  other  seeming  misfortunes  may, 
perhaps,  (heavy  as  it  now  appears,)  prove  a  real  blessing  to  America.  A 
measure  has  been  set  on  foot  here,  to  establish  a  Bank,  which,  from  the 
unanimity  with  which  it  is  espoused,  seems  likely  to  produce  considerable 
advantages  and  supplies  to  the  army.  It  was  at  first  constructed  upon  so 
narrow  a  scale  as  to  meet  with  difficulties;  but  being  since  enlarged,  I  hope 
will  prove  a  more  fruitful  source  of  supply  than  the  occasional  expedients 
from  time  to  time  adopted.  Whatever  measure  promotes  the  public  good, 
shall  have  my  aid  and  concurrence,  from  whatever  quarter  it  proceeds.* 

We  have  just  heard  that  Mrs.  Washington  is  upon  the  road  to  this  City, 
so  that  we  shall  have  the  benefit  of  her  advice  and  assistance  here;  and  if 
necessary  refer  afterwards  to  your  Excellency. 


PRESIDENT  REED  TO  GENERAL  WASHINGTON. 

Philadelphia,  June  22d,  1780. 

Your  Excellency's  favour  of  the  19th  inst.,  requesting  250  wagons  from 
this  State,  was  duly  received,  and  orders  have  issued  accordingly.  I  fear 
the  collection  of  them,  considering  the  great  demand  by  Mr.  Cornay  and 
other  causes,  will  be  more  tedious  than  the  exigency  of  our  affairs  will  well 
admit.  The  number  of  wagons  in  this  State,  is  most  amazingly  diminished. 
The  County  of  Lancaster,  which  formerly  returned  1,620,  now  has  but  370; 
and  other  counties  have  fallen  off"  in  the  same  proportion.  The  miserable 
wages  allowed  by  the  United  States,  have  occasioned  many  farmers  to  break 
up  their  teams ;  and  proved  a  very  great  discouragement.  The  wages,  at 
present,  are  but  6s,  and  8s.  hard  money,  per  day.  If  more  adequate  wages 
could  be  obtained,  I  am  persuaded  this  service  will  go  on  better.  The  quar- 
termasters have  several  hundred  ready-made  wagons  in  this  State,  for  which 
we  could,  by  one  means  or  other,  procure  horses,  if  a  union  of  our  force 
could  be  obtained.  After  they  have  equipped  as  many  teams  as  they  are 
able,  and  we  have  done  the  same,  without  drawing  from  each  other;  if  they 
would  assist  us  with  the  wagons,  or  we  them  with  horses,  I  imagine  we 
should  make  a  very  respectable  addition. 

I  have  ever  understood,  and  so  I  do  believe  the  fact  is,  that  the  deficiency 
of  transportation  from  Trenton,  does  not  arise  from  any  other  cause,  than 
a  want  of  money  to  pay  the  teams.     This  is  a  want  we  very  sensibly  feel 

*  The  Bank  of  North  America,  to  which  Mr.  Reed  was  an  original  subscriber. 
Penna.  Packet,  27th  June,  1780.  A  portion  of  this  letter  is  here  omitted.  It 
relates  to  the  Ladies'  Subscription,  and  will  be  found  below. 


216  Greene's  letter. 

here  ;  for  in  the  late  scarcity  of  beef,  we  disbursed  every  shilling  we  could 
command,  and  the  demands  of  the  Quartermaster  and  Commissary  are 
like  spunges  that  soak  up  all  new  supplies.  The  money  allotted  by  the 
State  for  flour,  was,  by  direction  of  Congress,  applied  to  the  meat;  and  I 
very  much  fear  the  consequences  of  this  division  will  embarrass  us. 

The  new  plan  of  a  Bank,  seemed  to  go  on  with  great  spirit ;  and  I  hope  will 
continue  to  do  so,  as  it  appears  to  be  the  only  system  which  can  give  timely 
aid  :  but  the  finger  of  party  is  so  manifest,  that  I  sometimes  have  my  doubts. 
I  have  given  it  every  forwardness  in  my  power,  and  shall  continue  to  do  so, 
whatever  my  private  opinion  of  the  designs  and  plans,  and  secondary  views 
may  be.  I  wish  the  gentlemen  here,  had  done  the  same  with  the  money 
issued  by  the  State,  which  is  acknowledged  by  themselves  to  be  well  se- 
cured, and  yet  is  most  disingenuously  evaded  and  depreciated.  Had  this 
seasonable  and  proper  measure  met  with  deserved  and  proper  support,  we 
should  now  have  had  10,000  barrels  of  flour  on  hand,  and  a  proportionable 
quantity  of  forage,  besides  many  other  articles  of  equal  use. 

We  have  now  in  the  barracks  50  recruits,  and  more  daily  coming  in  ;  we 
think  it  best  to  forward  them  as  they  arrive,  and  shall,  as  soon  as  equipped, 
send  them  oflT. 

Mrs.  Washington  does  us  the  favour  of  lodging  with  us,  and  was  very 
well  last  evening.  ' 


GENERAL  GREENE  TO  MR.  REED. 

Ramapaugh,  June  29th,  1780. 
Dear  Sir, 

Since  the  enemy  first  made  their  entrance  into  the  State  of  New  Jersey, 
I  have  not  had  time  to  write  you ;  although  I  have  several  times  at- 
tempted it ;  but  before  I  could  make  any  considerable  progress,  something 
or  other  always  interrupted  me,  and  drew  off  my  attention.  Was  I  not 
fully  persuaded  that  you  have  had  as  good  or  a  better  history  of  their  ope- 
rations, than  I  could  give  you,  I  would  attempt  it  still ;  but  long  stories  and 
old  news  are  the  most  disagreeable  things  in  the  world,  either  to  relate  or 
to  hear. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  upon  evacuating  this  State  pushed  up  the  North  River 
with  such  force  and  rapidity  as  if  he  had  some  serious  designs  upon  West 
Point,  but  as  he  has  spent  several  days  fishing  about  from  side  to  side  of  the 
river,  I  am  persuaded  he  has  nothing  of  the  kind  in  contemplation;  he  is 
now  landed  in  West  Chester,  and  seems  to  be  sending  his  force  towards  the 
borders  of  Connecticut.  I  imagine  his  principal  object  is  to  destroy  the 
forage  of  that  part  of  the  country,  that  should  there  be  any  operations  car- 
ried on  against  New  York,  we  may  not  have  it  in  our  power  to  avail  our- 
selves of  it.     If  this  is  not  his  object,  it  is  difficult  for  me  to  conjecture 


MILITARY  PLANS. 


217 


what  it  can  be.*  The  force  and  provisions  that  are  in  West  Point  render  that 
place  pretty  secure.  Great  exertions  are  making  for  some  offensive  opera- 
tions against  New  York  in  conjunction  with  the  troops  of  our  great  and  good 
ally.  The  efTorts  of  one  or  two  States  will  answer  no  valuable  purpose.  It 
will  require  the  united  exertion  of  the  whole.  Everybody's  eyes  seem  to 
be  turned  to  Pennsylvania,  Great  things  are  expected  from  you,  both  from 
the  resources  of  the  State,  and  the  powers  given  you.  Should  you  fail  to 
exert  yourself  on  this  occasion,  equal  to  the  expectation  of  your  friends,  it 
will  give  your  enemies  a  great  handle  to  improve  to  your  prejudice.  I  hope 
you  will  disappoint  them,  by  exceeding  even  what  they  have  a  right  to 
expect.  You  must  not  confine  your  views  to  Pennsylvania  alone.  I  am 
persuaded  you  will  be  called  forth  into  more  important  employments  before 
this  dispute  is  finished;  therefore  I  wish  you  to  pursue  such  a  line  of  policy 
as  will  give  you  the  most  favourable  reception  among  the  States  at  large. 
Your  internal  enemies  are  making  great  exertions  to  provide  for  the  army. 
It  is  noble,  it  is  generous;  but  doubtless  they  have  something  further  in 
view  than  just  accommodating  the  troops.  The  army  is  the  great  object  on 
which  all  political  institutions  must  depend  ultimately;  and  therefore  you 
are  never  to  lose  sight  of  its  concerns,  its  interest,  or  its  operations. 
You  know  my  heart  and  my  wishes ;  and  if  my  anxiety  for  your  safety 
should  prompt  me  to  speak  with  more  freedom  than  common,  I  hope  you 
will  impute  it  to  its  true  cause,  a  desire  to  inform  you  of  people's  sentiments 
and  expectations  from  the  State  of  Pennsylvania. 

It  is  really  in  contemplation  to  lay  siege  to  New  York ;  and  the  force 
you  are  about  to  send  us  will  fall  fur  short  of  what  will  be  absolutely  neces- 
sary from  you,  for  so  important  a  purpose.  We  are  really  in  earnest ;  and 
if  the  other  States  exert  themselves  properly,  and  you  fail,  and  the  business 
falls  through,  it  is  not  difficult  to  foresee  where  the  load  of  blame  will  fall, 
and  to  whom  all  the  after  calamities  of  the  war  will  be  charged.  Though 
this  may  not  be  just,  it  will  nevertheless  have  its  effect;  and  being  properly 
improved  by  your  enemies,  will  give  your  reputation  and  popularity  a  fatal 
stab. 

I  am  confident  it  will  be  your  desire  to  grant  everything  that  can  be 
asked  or  expected  from  you.  The  General,  the  Army,  and  in  a  word  every- 
body have  their  eyes  upon  you,  knowing  the  State  abounds  with  resources 
of  every  kind,  and  that  you  have  powers  to  draw  them  forth.  It  may  be  a 
little  dangerous  to  push  forward;  but  it  will  be  certain  ruin  to  stand  still. 
Even  the  officers  of  your  own  State  are  anxious  that  you  should  do  all  in 
your  power  to  put  the  army  in  a  condition  to  operate  to  advantage. 

*  Sir  Henry  Clinton  had  returned  from  the  South  after  the  reduction  of  Charles- 
ton, leaving  the  British  army  under  the  command  of  Lord  Cornvvallis.  Sir 
Henry's  arrangements  with  Arnold  were  near  maturity.  Arnold  had  for  some 
time  been  urging  his  claims  to  the  command  at  West  Point. — Sparks'  Wash, 
ington,  vol.  vii.  p.  95. 


218  THOMAS  PAINE. 

We  are  now  in  the  greatest  distress  imaginable.  The  army  without 
tents,  and  the  officers  without  baggage  for  want  of  teams.  When  the  offi- 
cers see  the  country  full  of  horses,  and  abound  with  every  comfort,  and  feel 
themselves  oppressed  on  every  side  with  difficulties  and  distress,  they  are 
almost  ready  to  mutiny  ;  nor  do  I  believe  they  will  bear  it  much  longer. 

The  General  has  it  in  contemplation  to  send  me  to  Philadelphia;  should 
I  come,  we  shall  have  an  opportunity  to  talk  over  these  matters  more 
fully. 

Truly,  yours, 

N.  Greene. 

I  wish  you  not  to  hint  anything  of  my  coming  to  Philadelphia.  My  best 
respects  to  Mrs,  Reed. 

Whilst  the  President  was  thus  urged  to  action  from  Camp, 
he  was  the  recipient  of  all  sorts  of  suggestions,  feasible  and 
impracticable,  from  self-constituted  advisers  at  home.  Among 
the  last  was  Paine,  who  had  resided  in  Philadelphia  for  several 
years,  and  who  recently  had  been  appointed  to  office  by  the 
Assembly.  His  suggestions  were  often  sagacious,  and  al- 
ways made  in  that  direct  and  vigorous  English  which  gave 
popular  currency  to  all  he  wrote.  He  was  a  man  of  great  re- 
sources, rich  in  economical  schemes  for  the  public,  and  poor 
in  ability  to  devise  or  do  anything  for  himself.  The  following 
is  a  specimen  of  his  mode  of  thought. 


THOMAS  PAINE  TO  REED. 

Sunday  Morning,  June  4th,  '80. 
Sir, 

I  trouble  you  with  a  few  thoughts  on  the  present  state  of  affairs.  Every 
difficulty  we  are  now  in  arises  from  an  empty  treasury  and  an  exhausted 
credit.  These  removed  and  the  prospect  were  brighter.  While  the  war 
was  carried  on  by  emissions  at  the  pleasure  of  Congress,  any  body  of  men 
might  conduct  public  business,  and  the  poor  were  of  equal  use  in  govern- 
ment with  the  rich.  But  when  the  means  must  be  drawn  from  the  country, 
the  case  becomes  altered,  and  unless  the  wealthier  part  throw  in  their  aid, 
public  measures  must  go  heavily  on. 

The  people  of  America  understand  rights  better  than  politics.  They 
have  a  clear  idea  of  their  object,  but  are  greatly  deficient  in  comprehending 
the  means.  In  the  first  place,  they  do  not  distinguish  between  sinking  the 
debt,  and  raising  the  current  expenses.  They  v/ant  to  have  the  war  carried 
on,  the  Lord  knows  how. 


FINANCIAL  PLANS.  219 

It  ie  always  dangerous  to  .spread  an  alarm  of  danger  unless  the  prospect 
of  success  be  held  out  with  it,  and  that  not  only  as  probable,  but  naturally 
eventual.  These  things  premised,  I  bog  leave  to  mention,  that  suppose  you 
were  to  send  for  some  of  the  richer  inhabitants  of  the  City,  and  state  to  them 
the  situation  of  the  army  and  tiie  treatiury,  not  as  arising  so  much  from  de- 
fect in  the  departments  of  government  as  from  a  neglect  in  the  country 
generally,  in  not  contributing  the  necessary  support  in  time.  If  they  have 
any  spirit,  any  foresigiit  of  their  own  interest  or  danger,  they  will  promote 
a  subscription  either  of  money  or  articles,  and  appoint  a  committee  from 
among  themselves  to  solicit  the  same  in  the  several  Counties,  and  one  State 
setting  the  example,  the  rest,  I  presume,  will  follow.  Suppose  it  was  like- 
wise proposed  to  them  to  deposit  their  plate  to  be  coined  for  the  pay  of  the 
army,  crediting  government  for  the  value,  by  weight. 

If  measures  of  this  kind  could  be  promoted  by  the  richer  of  the  Whigs,  it 
would  justify  your  calling  upon  the  other  part  to  furnish  their  proportion 
without  ceremony,  and  these  two  measures  carried,  would  make  a  draft  or 
call  for  personal  service  the  more  palatable  and  easy. 

I  began  to  write  this  yesterday.  This  morning,  it  appears  clear  to  me  that 
Charleston  is  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  and  the  garrison  prisoners  of  war. 
Something  must  be  done,  and  that  something,  to  give  it  popularity,  must 
begin  with  men  of  property.  Every  care  ought  now  to  be  taken  to  keep 
goods  from  rising.  The  rising  of  goods  will  have  a  most  ruinous  ill  efl'ect 
in  every  light  in  which  it  can  be  viewed. 

The  army  must  be  recruited,  and  that  by  the  most  expeditious  possible 
means.  Drafts  should  first  be  countenanced  by  subscriptions,  and  if  men 
would  but  reason  rightly,  they  would  see  that  there  are  some  thousands  in  this 
State  who  had  better  subscribe  thirty,  forty,  or  fifty  guineas  apiece,  than 
run  the  risk  of  having  to  settle  with  the  enemy.  Property  is  always  the 
object  of  a  conqueror,  wherever  he  can  find  it.  A  rich  man,  says  King 
James,  makes  a  bonny  traitor;  and  it  cannot  be  supposed  that  Britain  will 
not  reimburse  herself  by  the  wealth  of  others,  could  she  once  get  the  power 
of  doing  it.  We  must  at  least  recruit  eight  or  ten  thousand  men  between 
Pennsylvania  and  Hampshire;  but  the  measure  by  drafts  must  be  strongly 
patronised.  I  am  sure  there  are  two  thousand  men  in  this  Slate,  who  had 
better  raise  a  man  apiece,  though  it  should  cost  them  a  thousand  pound 
apiece,  than  not  have  a  sufficient  force,  were  it  only  for  safety  sake.  Eight 
or  ten  thousand  men,  added  to  what  we  have  now  got,  with  the  force  that 
may  arrive,  would  enable  us  to  make  a  stroke  at  New  York,  to  recover  the 
loss  at  Charleston — but  the  measure  must  be  expeditious. 

I  suggest  another  thought.  Suppose  every  man,  working  a  plantation, 
who  has  not  taken  the  oath  of  allegiance,  in  Philadelphia  County,  Bucks, 
Chester,  Lancaster,  Northampton,  and  Berks,  were,  by  the  new  power  vested 
in  the  Council,  called  immediately  upon  for  taxes  in  kind  at  a  certain  value. 
Horses  and  wagons  to  be  appraised.  This  would  not  only  give  immediate 
relief,  but  popularity  to  the  new  power.     I  would  remark  of  taxes  in  kind, 


220  Washington's  letter. 

that  thoy  are  hard  money  taxes,  and  could  they  be  established  on  the  non- 
jurors, would  relieve  us  in  the  articles  of  supplies. 

But  whatever  is  necessary  or  proper  to  be  done,  must  be  done  imme- 
diately. Wo  mut^t  rise  vigorously  upon  the  evil,  or  it  will  rise  upon  us. 
A  show  of  spirit  will  grow  into  real  spirit,  but  the  Country  must  not  be  suf- 
fered to  ponder  over  their  loss  for  a  day.  The  circumstance  of  the  present 
hour  will  justify  any  means  from  whicii  good  may  arise.  We  want 
rousing. 

On  the  loss  of  Charleston  I  would  remark — the  expectation  of  a  foreign 
force  arriving  will  embarrass  them  whether  to  go  or  to  stay  ;  and  in  eithercase, 
what  will  thoy  do  with  their  prisoners]  If  they  return,  they  will  be  but  as 
they  were  as  to  dominion;  if  they  continue,  they  will  leave  New  York  an 
attackable  post.  They  can  make  no  new  movements  for  a  considerable 
time.  They  may  pursue  their  object  to  the  Southward  in  detachments,  but 
then  in  every  main  point  they  will  naturally  be  at  a  stand  ;  and  we  ought 
immediately  to  lay  hold  of  the  vacancy. 

I  am,  sir, 
Your  obedient,  humble  servant, 

Thomas  Paine. 

The  two  following  letters,  each  eminently  characteristic,  are 
full  of  interest.  That  of  Mr.  Reed  discloses  the  painful  respon- 
sibility of  the  position  in  which  he  was  placed,  and  contains 
the  first  intimation  of  the  effects  of  anxiety  and  continued  public 
care  on  his  health,  which,  never  very  robust,  now  showed 
symptoms  of  the  decline  that  hurried  him  in  a  few  years  to  an 
early  grave.  The  asperity  of  feeling  which  he  manifests  to 
his  political  opponents,  though  no  doubt  extreme,  and  perhaps 
in  its  individual  direction  sometimes  unjust,  was  most  natural. 
He  was  fretted  and  annoyed  beyond  endurance  by  the  intrigues 
and  animosities  of  his  opponents. 


WASHINGTON  TO  PRESIDENT  REED. 

Bergen  County,  4th  July,  1780. 
My  dear  Sir, 

Motives  of  friendship,  not  less  than  of  public  good,  induce  me  with  freedom 
to  give  you  my  sentiments  on  a  matter  which  interests  you  personally,  as 
well  as  the  good  of  the  common  cause.  I  flatter  myself  that  you  will  re- 
ceive what  I  say  in  the  same  spirit  whicii  dictates  it,  and  that  it  will  have  all 
the  influence  circumstances  will  possibly  permit. 

The  Legislature  of  Pennsylvania  has  vested  you,  in  case  of  necessity, 


DEMAND  ON  PENNSYLVANIA.  22  I 

with  a  power  of  declaring  martial  law  throughout  the  State,  to  enable  yon 
to  take  such  measures  as  the  exigency  may  demand.  So  far  the  Legislature 
has  done  its  part.  Europe,  America,  the  State  itself,  will  look  to  you  for 
the  rest.  The  power  vested  in  you  will  admit  of  all  the  latitude  that  could 
be  desired,  and  may  be  made  to  mean  anything  which  the  public  safety 
may  require.  If  it  is  not  exerted  proportionably,  you  will  be  responsible  for 
the  consequences.  Nothing,  my  dear  sir,  can  be  more  delicate  and  critical 
than  your  situation;  a  full  discretionary  power  lodged  in  your  hands  in  con- 
junction with  the  Council ;  great  expectations  in  our  allies  and  in  the  people 
of  this  country ;  ample  means  in  the  State  for  great  exertions  of  every  kind  ; 
a  powerful  party  on  one  hand  to  take  advantage  of  every  opening  to  pre- 
judice you — on  the  other,  popular  indolence  and  avarice,  averse  to  every 
measure  inconsistent  with  present  ease  and  present  interest.  In  this 
dilemma,  there  is  a  seeming  danger  whatever  side  you  take;  it  remains  to 
choose  that  which  has  least  real  danger,  and  will  best  promote  the  public 
weal.  This,  in  my  opinion,  clearly  is  to  exert  the  powers  entrusted  to  you 
with  a  boldness  and  vigour  suited  to  the  emergency. 

In  general,  I  esteem  it  a  good  maxim  that  the  best  way  to  preserve  the 
confidence  of  the  people  durably,  is  to  promote  their  true  interest.  There 
are  particular  exigencies  when  this  maxim  has  peculiar  force.  When  any 
great  object  is  in  view,  the  popular  mind  is  routed  into  expectation,  and 
prepared  to  make  sacrifices  both  of  ease  and  property.  If  those  to  whom 
they  confide  the  management  of  their  affairs,  do  not  call  them  to  make 
these  sacrifices,  and  the  object  is  not  attained,  or  they  are  involved  in  the 
reproach  of  not  having  contributed  as  much  as  they  ought  to  have  done 
towards  it,  they  will  be  mortified  at  the  disappointment,  they  will  feel  the 
censure,  and  their  resentment  will  rise  against  those,  who,  with  sufficient 
authority,  have  omitted  to  do  what  their  interest  and  their  honour  required. 
Extensive  powers  not  exercised  as  far  as  was  necessary,  have,  I  believe, 
scarcely  ever  failed  to  ruin  the  possessor.  The  Legislature  and  the  people, 
in  your  case,  would  be  very  glad  to  excuse  themselves  by  condemning  you. 
You  would  be  assailed  with  blame  from  every  quarter,  and  your  enemies 
would  triumph. 

The  party  opposed  to  you  in  the  government  are  making  great  efforts.  I 
am  told  the  Bank,  established  for  supplying  the  army,  is  principally  under 
the  auspices  of  that  party.  It  will  undoubtedly  give  them  great  credit  with 
the  people,  and  you  have  no  efl^ectual  way  to  counterbalance  this,  but  by 
employing  all  your  influence  and  authority  to  render  services  proportioned  to 
your  station.  Hitherto  I  confess  to  you  frankly,  my  dear  sir,  I  do  not  think 
your  affairs  have  been  in  the  train  which  might  be  wished  ;  and  if  Penn- 
sylvania does  not  do  its  part  fully,  it  is  of  so  much  importance  in  the  general 
scale,  that  we  must  fail  of  success,  or  limit  our  views  to  mere  defence.  I 
have  conversed  with  some  gentlemen  on  the  measure  of  filling  your  bat- 
talions.    They  seem  to  think  you  could  not  exceed  what  the  Legislature 


222  MR.  reed's  reply. 

had  dune  for  this  purpose.  I  am  of  a  very  different  sentiment.  The  es- 
tablishment of  Martial  Law  implies,  in  my  judgment,  the  right  of  calling 
any  part  of  your  citizens  into  military  service,  and  in  any  manner  which 
may  be  found  expedient;  and  I  have  no  doubt  the  draft  may  be  executed. 

I  write  to  you  with  the  freedom  of  friendship,  and  I  hope  you  will  esteem 
it  the  truest  mark  I  could  give  you  of  it.  In  this  view,  whether  you  think 
my  observations  well  founded  or  not,  the  motive  will,  I  am  persuaded, 
render  them  agreeable.  In  offering  my  respects  to  Mrs.  Reed,  I  must  be 
permitted  to  accompany  them  with  a  tender  of  my  very  warm  acknowledg- 
ments to  her  and  you,  for  the  civilities  and  attention  both  of  you  have  been 
pleased  to  show  Mrs.  Washington,  and  the  honour  you  have  done  me  in 
calling  the  young  Christian  by  my  name. 

With  the  greatest  regard, 

I  am,  dear  sir,  yours  affectionately, 

George  Washington. 

Mr.  Reed's  reply  to  this  admirable  letter  is  very  interesting, 
not  only  in  illustration  of  the  state  of  things  in  Pennsylvania, 
but  of  the  character  and  tone  of  the  writer's  mind  and  spirit. 
It  is,  perhaps,  the  most  interesting  letter  in  this  collection.  It 
is  the  first  that  indicates  the  flaw  in  his  bodily  health  which  the 
overtask  of  intellect  was  producing,  and  whilst  it  was  appa- 
rent to  all  around  him,  for  friends  and  family  were  watching 
the  fatal  progress  anxiously,  he  only  admitted  it  in  communion 
even  with  himself,  when  harassed  and  dispirited  by  the  poisoned 
atmosphere  of  adverse  party  spirit,  which  he  was  compelled  to 
breathe.  He  seetns  anxious  to  conceal  from  himself  and  his 
correspondents  the  symptoms  of  bodily  decay  which  were 
hourly  showing  themselves.  "  I  do  acknowledge,  my  dear 
sir,"  he  says  to  Washington,  "  that  my  health  and  spirits  daily 
sink,  and  that  I  find  I  am  every  week  less  capable  of  business." 
And  yet,  rallying  soon  from  the  depression  which  thus  clouded 
his  spirit,  he  seems  to  forget  the  weakness  into  which  he  had 
fallen,  and  with  the  elasticity  of  temperament  which  was  his 
most  marked  characteristic,  looks  forward  cheerfully  to  a  re- 
sult, and  confidently  promises  every  effort  on  his  part  to  secure 
it.     His  account  of  Pennsylvania  affairs  is  very  curious. 


reed's  letter.  223 

PRESIDENT  REED  TO  WASHINGTON. 

Philadelphia,  July  15th,  1780. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  must  acknowledge  and  thank  you  most  cordially  for  your  truly  friendly 
and  valuable  letter  of  the  4th  instant.  I  consider  it  as  an  inestimable  mark 
of  that  esteem  of  whicli,  with  a  kind  allowance  for  human  frailty,  I  trust  I 
am  not  altogether  unworthy  ;  and  wiiich  I  shall  be  solicitous  to  improve  and 
preserve,  as  adding-  dignity  and  value  to  my  life. 

I  am  sensible  of  the  delicacy  of  my  station,  and  that  whether  I  go  for- 
ward, or  stand  still,  I  run  infinite  hazard.  However,  personal  considerations 
are  secondary.  I  am  willing  to  run  any  personal  risk,  if  the  measure  bids 
fair  to  serve  the  public  interests.  But  there  are  political  imposiribilities  as 
insurmountable  almost  as  physical  or  moral;  and  which  prescribe  limits  to 
power  and  influence  equally  impassable.  The  Turk,  despotic  as  he  is, 
cannot  lay  a  new  tax  upon  his  subjects :  nor  can  the  king  of  France,  arbi- 
trary as  he  is,  violate  the  rank  of  his  army.  The  powers,  therefore,  sup- 
posed to  be  vosted  in  me,  however  extensive,  must,  I  take  it,  to  be  used 
with  success,  have  a  constant  respect  and  attention  to  the  feelings,  and 
generally  approbation  of  the  people;  I  say  supposed,  because  they  are  not 
vested  in  me  singly,  but  in  tlie  Council,  which  is  composed  of  five  persons; 
some  of  whom  have  just  pretensions,  from  their  abilities,  to  very  respect- 
able characters.  However  they  may  be  influenced  by  reason  or  argument, 
I  neither  wish,  nor  do  possess  that  influence  which  gains  the  opinion,  with- 
out convincing  the  judgment.  Their  concurrence  I  must  have  in  every 
case ;  and  then  the  powers  must  be  exercised  under  the  restrictions  I  have 
mentioned. 

I  entirely  agree  with  you,  my  dear  sir,  that  in  general,  the  best 
way  to  preserve  the  confidence  of  tiie  people,  is  to  promote  their  true  inte- 
rest; but  then  a  question  arises,  whether  they  ought  not  to  see  their  inte- 
rest; and  the  case  to  be  such  as  they  will  be  disposed  to  see  it,  when  proper 
evidence  appears.  If  a  general  declines  battle  because  his  interest  is  to 
delay,  or  retreat,  he  may  venture,  and  ought  to  get  over  the  false  shame  of 
appearing  to  decline  action,  for  he  is  certain  that  time  will  do  him  justice  ; 
and  there  is  no  permanent  rooted  passion  of  the  mind,  to  combat  his  pros- 
pects ;  but  where  property  is  to  be  invaded,  force  used,  life,  perhaps,  endan- 
gered in  the  struggle  (for  we  have  had  officers  killed  in  execution  of  the 
clearest  duty,)  I  conceive  common  prudence  suggests  not  merely  a  decisive, 
but  also  a  cautious  line.  For  I  have  found  by  experience  that  when  you 
touch  the  property,  be  it  of  Whig  or  Tory,  arguments  resulting  t>om  public 
good,  or  public  necessity,  have  very  little  weight.  In  the  present  instance, 
the  demands  for  supplies  are  of  such  magnitude  that  the  Whigs,  both  real 
and  professional,  must  bear  great  part.     There  are  but  two  modes  of  pro- 


224  MR.  reed's  letter. 

curing  them,  persuasion  and  force ;  the  former  must  be  accompanied  with 
money,  which  we  have  not,  for  such  has  been  the  waste  of  public  confi- 
dence, that  every  dollar  we  can  furnish  is  anticipated  by  the  calls  of  Con- 
gress, long  before  it  reaches  our  Treasury.  Force  then  must  be  used,  upon 
so  great  a  proportion,  that  it  may  be  said  to  be  nearly  all  :  but  from  whence 
is  this  force  to  cornel  It  must  be  the  force  of  the  country  against  the 
country.  Experience  enables  me  to  say,  that  it  is  difficult  to  turn  the 
force  of  the  country  against  tlie  Tories,  for  in  themselves  they  are 
considerable,  in  point  of  numbers  and  weight;  but  the  support  they 
receive  from  degenerate  Whigs,  for  the  sake  of  discrediting  the  govern- 
ment, enables  them,  if  not  wholly  to  defeat,  to  weaken  the  best 
measures  for  the  public  welfare;  lest  their  enemies  should  get  some  repu- 
tation. I  could  give  some  surprising  instances  of  this,  if  it  was  necessary ; 
and  that  from  men  who  figure  highly  as  Whigs  in  profession.  One  mode 
they  have  taken  is  to  depreciate  and  discredit  the  State  money,  which  they 
know  is  one  of  the  principal  means  of  enabling  us  to  procure  the  supplies. 
It  is  an  undoubted  fact  that  after  acknowledging  its  credit,  and  agreeing, 
under  their  hands,  to  take  it  in  all  payments,  it  is  frequently  refused,  but 
for  goods;  and  then  they  lay  an  additional  price,  though  they  have  solemnly 
agreed  to  receive  it  as  gold  and  silver.  By  arts  and  practices  of  this  kind, 
by  thwarting  every  measure  of  government,  refusing  even  communication, 
with  the  setting  up  schemes  of  individuals,  drawing  off  both  the  articles, 
and  the  means  of  procuring  them  ;  they  not  only  mean  to  raise  some  repu- 
tation themselves,  (to  which  I  have  no  objections,)  but  the  principal  view 
is,  to  discredit  us  for  not  doing  what  they  have  prevented  ;  and  drive  us  to 
use  violent  measures,  which,  in  addition  to  the  heavy  taxes,  will  disgust 
the  people,  and  induce  them  to  seek  relief  in  a  change  of  Councils. 

A  general  combination  seems  to  be  entered  into  among  them,  to  exagge- 
rate the  resources  and  supplies  of  this  State,  far  beyond  their  real  bounds  ; 
— and  what  I  consider  as  the  most  unhappy  is  that  it  is  so  agreeable,  that 
every  ear  catches  the  impression  with  greediness;  and  even  minds  that  we 
cannot  suppose  interested  in  our  disputes,  receive  the  impression,  and  act 
under  its  influence.  My  situation  and  acquaintance  with  the  State,  gives 
me  a  good  opportunity  to  know,  and  I  have  taken  care  to  inform  myself. 
After  making  such  a  sacrifice  of  my  own  time  and  prospects,  to  the  appa- 
rent ruin  of  my  family,  I  cannot  be  suspected  of  sparing  others  unnecessa- 
rily; I  can,  therefore,  with  great  truth,  declare  that  the  State  does  not  pos- 
sess those  supplies  which  some  give  out;  and  it  is  obvious,  from  the  state  of 
things,  which  cannot  lie.  In  the  first  place  there  are  great  numbers  who 
will  not  cultivate,  or  improve  their  lands  as  formerly  ;  but  only  raise  what 
is  barely  necessary  tor  their  own  support,  and,  lately,  to  pay  the  taxes:  all 
that  surplus  which  formed  a  great  exportation,  is  not  produced.  In  the  se- 
cond place,  we  have  four  entire  counties,  formerly  productive  of  taxes  and 
exports,  which  now  draw  their  support  from  the  interior  country,  and  must 


RECRUITING  THE  LINE.  225 

have  constant  advances  of  money,  aid  of  men,  &lc.,  to  an  amount  far  beyond 
what  strangers  or  distant  observers  can  suppose.  In  the  third  place,  the 
enormous  debts  of  the  Quartermaster's  and  Commissary's  department,  and 
the  depreciation  of  the  money,  have  poisoned  all  the  springs  of  industry; — 
finding,  by  experience,  that  ihey  receive  no  value,  not  even  a  nominal  one, 
well  knowing  tiiat  while  a  war  is  to  be  carried  on,  their  property,  if  found, 
must  go,  they  not  only  have  not  the  usual  spur  to  acquire  it,  but  they  are 
laid  under  the  strongest  temptations,  to  have  as  little  as  may  be  subject  to 
this  risk.  A  most  infallible  proof  of  what  I  advance  is,  that  even  for 
specie,  so  sought  and  coveted,  articles  cannot  be  procured,  even  of  country 
produce,  but  at  885  advance  on  former  prices.  This  surely  is  no  argument 
of  plenty. 

Our  trade  is,  by  many,  supposed  to  be  a  source  of  wealth  and  strength  ;  but 
every  day's  experience  shows  the  fallacy  of  this  reasoning  ;  a  supply  of  a  {"ew 
necessary  articles  is  indispensable,  and  for  which  the  luxury  of  the  country 
might  be  sent  out ;  but  what  are  our  importations]  Sugar,  wines,  spirits,  and 
gewgaws  of  every  kind,  only  calculated  to  gratify  pride,  intemperance  and 
folly  ;  and  for  these,  the  men  and  provisions  of  the  country  are  sent  forth,  in 
quantities  and  numbers,  that  would  give  us  great  relief,  if  applied  to  the  ser- 
vice of  the  country.  When  the  enemy  made  their  incursion  into  New 
Jersey,  and  the  most  alarming  consequences  were  apprehended,  we  laid  an 
embargo  which  lasted  only  eight  days;  but  it  is  difficult  to  describe  the 
clamour  this  created,  though,  in  the  judgment  of  the  most  considerate,  a 
measure  important  to  the  supply  of  the  City  itself.  The  merchants  sent  a 
deputation  to  know  our  reasons,  and  to  expostulate  with  us  on  the  invasion 
of  their  property,  and  restraint  of  their  business.  In  short,  there  is  no  mea- 
sure we  pursue  which  touches  interest  or  pride,  but  a  powerful  opposition  is 
immediately  made  ;  and  it  has  become  such  a  fashion  to  find  fault  with  the 
State  of  Pennsylvania,  that  most  of  our  young  politicians  set  out  with  it, 
as  their  first  and  capital  lesson. 

Being  influenced  very  much  by  your  Excellency's  opinion  last  winter, 
that  we  could  not  rely  upon  voluntary  enlistments,  but  must  have  re- 
course to  draughts  to  answer  the  demands  of  the  campaign,  I  pressed  this 
measure  last  March  with  all  my  might,  but  without  success;  such  are  the 
circumstances,  and  such  the  disposition  of  the  people,  that  the  Assembly 
would  not  venture  to  pass  the  bill,  nor,  if  they  had,  do  I  now  think  it  would 
have  been  carried  into  execution.  For  no  measure  has  been  more  generally 
reprobated.  The  cry  is  for  voluntary  enlistments;  and  the  most  confident 
assertions  are  made  that  a  sufficient  number  of  men  would  have  been  pro- 
cured, and  on  better  terms.  And  now,  such  is  the  temper  of  some  of  the 
Counties,  that  they  absolutely  refuse  to  march  the  draughts  to  the  army, 
alleging  the  necessity  of  defending  themselves  and  friends  against  the 
savages.  The  whole  amount  of  these  draughts  would  be  1260,  of  which 
we  supposed  about  1000  might  be  thrown  in  the  line;  that  we  could  then 
make  some  addition  of  voluntary  recruits,  pick  up  some  deserters,  so  as  to 
VOL.  II.  15 


226  WAGON  SERVICE. 

fill  up  the  deficiency  stated  last  winter,  viz.  1425  men.  Except  Militia,  I 
dare  not  flatter  myself  with  any  considerable  additions;  and  when  it  is  con- 
sidered what  heavy  losses  this  State  had  in  troops  in  1776,  the  great  pro- 
portion of  our  people  who  will  not  bear  arms  under  any  pretext,  the  force  to 
be  kept  on  the  frontiers,  the  drain  which  trade  and  privateers  will  unavoid- 
ably make,  and  the  numbers  which  have  been  enlisted  during  the  war,  and 
consequently  kept  constantly  in  the  field,  subject  to  all  the  casualties  of 
disease,  desertion,  &c.,  I  cannot  help  thinking  we  are  entitled  to  some 
decrree  of  credit  for  what  we  have  done,  as  well  as  what  we  may  do.  I  have 
never  sought  after  comparison  with  other  States,  but  have  ever  understood 
that  (Maryland  excepted)  this  Slate  always  had  a  greater  proportion  of  troops 
in  the  field  than  any  State,  unless  we  reckoned  the  ill-selected  draughts 
that  came  in  from  some  Eastern  States,  a  proportion  of  which  would  not  pass 
muster,  and  the  rest  went  home  as  soon  as  they  became  soldiers.  As  to  men 
enlisted  for  the  war,  this  State  has  certainly  ever  had  a  great  proportion, 
and  would  have  retained  a  much  greater,  if  the  land  office  in  Virginia  had 
not  afforded  both  an  asylum  and  a  temptation  for  desertion.  We  now  have 
very  sufficient  evidence  that  great  numbers  of  the  deserters  are  at  Kentucky 
and  its  vicinities,  where  they  are  free  from  taxes,  militia  duties,  and  other 
burdens,  and  enjoy  a  sort  of  savage  freedom  which  is  highly  pleasing  to 
some  minds.  With  respect  to  Militia,  I  hope  we  shall  be  able  to  produce 
the  number  required  without  much  difficulty,  now  the  harvest  is  got  in;  but 
a  call  three  weeks  sooner  would  have  been  very  distressing,  and  I  fear  im- 
practicable, from  the  great  scarcity  of  labourers  in  the  country;  that  class 
of  people  being  distressed  by  the  war.  I  cannot  say  that  I  am  very  sanguine 
in  my  expectations  of  their  being  very  useful,  as  they  have  not  in  many  in- 
stances had  that  practice  and  familiarity  which  many  other  States  have  had  ; 
but  the  principal  reason  is,  that  the  gentlemen  having  generally  withdrawn 
themselves  entirely,  or  into  separate  corps;  their  officers  are  not  such  as  I 
could  wi?h,  though  there  are  some  of  whom  we  expect  respectable  service. 
We  have  been  using  every  exertion  to  procure  a  number  of  teams,  as 
well  voluntary  as  by  impress,  and  they  are  coming  in  daily ;  but  the  Quarter- 
master's Department  is  so  deranged  that  it  is  attended  with  considerable 
difficulty.  I  have  frequently  been  obliged  to  interest  myself  to  get  them 
forage  and  provisions,  as  they  are  not  officially  known  to  the  Continental 
officers.  The  wagon-masters  represent  that  they  find  their  situation  unsup- 
portably  distressing;  that  the  number  of  teams  in  the  country  has  decreased 
one-third;  that  of  those  from  former  service  unpaid,  the  inadequate  price 
and  real  change  of  circumstances,  a  part  can  only  be  got;  the  rest  hiding 
their  horses  and  gears,  and  even  destroying  their  wagons,  that  they  may 
not  be  compelled  to  go.  To  impress  requires  a  force  to  support  it;  and  from 
the  nature  of  the  service,  a  number  of  people  to  collect  and  keep  the  im- 
pressed articles.  Most  of  the  teams  yet  obtained  are  pressed.  I  hope  we 
shall  be  able  to  make  up  the  number  of  two  hundred  and  fifty,  and  then  we 
shall  immediately  set  about  the  collection  of  horses,  wherein,  I  presume. 


POLITICAL  DIFFICULTIES.  227 

there  will  be  less  difficulty,  because  we  know  they  are  in  the  country,  and 
cannot  be  concealed  with  the  same  ease  as  gears,  wagons,  &c.  We  have 
quartered  the  whole  number  of  wagons  and  horses  on  the  counties,  as  well 
as  the  commissariat  articles;  but  the  expectation  of  fully  answering  such  a 
demand,  amounting  to  one-half  and  more  (viz.  one  hundred  and  six  millions 
of  dollars)  than  all  the  money  ever  issued  by  Congress,  cannot,  I  fear,  be 
answered.  I  have  not  met  with  one  person,  in  or  out  of  Congress,  belonging 
or  not  belonging  to  the  State,  who  does  not  pronounce  the  requisition  in  its 
full  extent  impracticable.  I  hope  we  shall  get  one  thousand  horses  at  least, 
and  that  we  shall  be  able  to  answer  the  requisition  of  February.  If  we  can 
do  more,  we  shall;  for,  as  I  observed  before,  we  have  actually  demanded  the 
whole;  have  furnished  all  the  commissaries  with  blanks  of  various  kinds  of 
returns,  and  directed  them  to  send  us  a  weekly  account  of  their  progress. 
Our  first  instructions  were  for  monthly  returns,  but  they  were  not  complied 
with,  owing,  as  we  suppose,  to  a  want  of  skill  in  making  the  returns,  and 
to  a  want  of  time  to  ascertain  what  they  could  do.  I  do  not  know  how  it  is 
conducted  in  other  States;  but  at  least  three  parts  of  my  time  and  labour 
are  employed  in  doing  this  duty  of  Quartermaster  and  Commissary,  to  the 
great  neglect  of  my  other  duties. 

I  have  never,  in, any  part  of  my  life,  gone  through  half  the  fatigue  of 
business  that  I  have  done  for  these  two  months  past;  and  it  is  very  dis- 
couraging, that  with  so  unremitted  an  attention  to  the  public  service,  I  find 
I  am  to  be  the  subject  of  complaint.  I  do  acknowledge,  my  dear  sir,  that 
my  health  and  spirits  daily  sink  under  it,  and  that  I  find  I  am  every  week 
less  capable  of  business.  While  I  see  hundreds  round  me  securino-  a  com. 
fortable  competence  for  themselves  and  families,  enjoying  occasional  amuse- 
ments, and  even  members  of  Congress  themselves  and  their  officers  par- 
taking of  the  satisfaction  of  cheerful  society,  I  am  sacrificing  my  youth  my 
profession,  my  whole  time,  and  denying  myself  all  sorts  of  relaxation,  that 
I  may  answer,  at  least  in  part,  the  expectations  formed  at  this  crisis.  My 
conscience  and  the  knowledge  those  have  who  see  my  mode  of  life  must 
acquit  me  of  any  neglect;  and  if,  after  all  this,  I  do  not  stand  justified  in  the 
opinion  of  my  country  and  friends,  I  think  I  have  reason  to  conclude  myself 
an  unhappy  and  an  injured  character. 

I  have  seen  some  letters  from  Camp,  and  one  from  Mr.  Tilo-hman,  that 
have  hurt  me  a  good  deal,  considering  his  connexion  with  the  State,  and 
the  station  he  holds  in  your  family.  In  this  letter,  not  wrote  to  a  person  of 
the  most  prudence  or  consideration,  he  pronounces  our  exertions  scan- 
dalous. This  letter  is  doubtless  shown  about  town.  You  observe,  my  dear 
sir,  that  our  afiuirs  are  not  in  the  train  they  ought  to  be;  I  am  not  sensible 
of  any  material  defect,  but  this  I  can  truly  say,  that  they  are  in  as  good  a 
train  as  our  abilities,  and  the  circumstances  of  things,  will  admit.  This  State, 
(setting  aside  the  opposition  to  the  government,)  is  composed  of  very  hete- 
rogeneous particles.  It  has  been  settled  by  people  from  all  countries,  and 
a  great  portion  of  them  very  incapable  to  judge  of  the  nature  and  extent  of 


228  MERCANTILE  INTEREST. 

the  present  controversy,  which,  arising  from  apprehension,  more  than  a 
reality  of  oppression,  now  that  they  feel  the  heavy  taxes,  and  the  burriens 
which  are  necessarily  laid,  begin  to  reason  from  their  feelings  and  grow 
extremely  uneasy.  They  cannot  anticipate  the  future  happiness  of  their 
country,  in  being  exempt  from  foreign  laws  and  jurisdiction,  when  they 
find  they  must  work  harder  and  pay  more  than  they  did.  Comparisons  of 
former  taxes,  burdens,  &,c.,  are  now  frequent,  and  it  is  my  firm  opinion, 
sanctified  by  that  of  many  gentlemen  of  more  knowledge  and  experience, 
that  the  people  of  this  State  would,  if  too  heavily  pressed,  more  readily 
renew  their  connexion  with  Great  Britain,  than  any  State  now  in  the  Union. 
Even  the  arguments  and  influence  of  Tories  have  great  weight  upon  Whigs, 
when  under  the  pressure  of  heavy  taxes  and  burdens,  they  are  told,  you 
are  not  well  governed,  and  you  will  find  (as  you  have  found)  that  the  yoke 
of  Great  Britain  is  easy  and  her  burden  light,  compared  with  what  you  now 
endure.  My  best  friends  seem  to  have  adopted  a  sentiment  which  sur- 
prises me,  and  use  arguments  of  this  nature:  "  Your  enemies  will  serve  the 
public  effectually,  and  gain  credit,  you  must  therefore  exert  yourself."  My 
dear  sir,  I  wish  every  man  to  have  credit  and  success,  if  he  does  serve  the 
public,  whether  he  is  my  friend  or  foe;  and  if  he  does  it  effectually,  I  am 
content  he  should  have  reputation,  let  him  make  what  .use  he  pleases  of  it 
to  my  prejudice.  I  am  conscious  of  having  no  object  to  stand  in  competition 
with  the  freedom  of  my  country  ;  this  was  my  first  motive  for  going  into 
public  service,  it  is  still  the  governing  principle  of  my  life;  those  therefore 
who  really  contribute  to  effect  it,  gratify  me  in  the  most  essential  point. 
But  it  does  not  appear  to  me  that  all  the  modes  and  measures  taken,  lead  to 
that  point.  The  opposition  in  this  State  has  no  strength  or  consequence 
out  of  this  city,  that  they  acknowledge ;  these  separate  schemes,  therefore, 
serve  only  to  embarrass,  whereas  did  they,  as  they  ought,  join  with  the 
government,  there  is  no  point  scarcely  within  physical  possibility,  we  could 
not  attain.  They  cannot  have  popularity,  because  the  thirst  of  gain  con- 
tinually leads  them  into  some  scheme,  opposed  to  the  public  interests,  which 
is  discovered.     A  late  instance  has  occurred  in  addition  to  twenty  others. 

The  inhabitants  of  Bermudas  have,  to  discourage  privateers,  asso- 
ciated to  buy  no  prize  goods;  the  consequence  was,  that  these  kind 
of  goods  might  be  had  next  to  nothing,  on  which  the  principal  merchants 
in  this  City,  send  a  person,  or  at  least  employ  one,  who  had  been  pro- 
scribed, and  is  now  under  security  for  his  good  behaviour ;  he  goes  to  that 
Island  without  permission,  and  there  in  company,  they  purchase  those  prize 
goods;  the  inhabitants  of  the  Island  had  associated  out  of  friendship  to  us, 
not  to  purchase  and  import  them  under  cover  of  British  papers.  We  have 
seized  the  goods,  and  upon  inquiry  all  these  facts  turn  out  in  proof.  We 
have  never  been  able  to  get  the  least  assistance  from  them,  to  prevent  taking 
deserters  on  board  their  ships,  whereas  a  virtuous  resolution  to  employ  no 
captain  who  received  them,  would  do  more  good  than  all  the  laws,  procla- 
mations, and  searches,  that  could  ever  be  made.     But  I  find  myself  insensi- 


EXECUTIVE  DUTIES. 


229 


bly  drawn  to  a  tedious  length  of  letter,  which  my  anxiety  to  remove  any 
unfavourable  impressions  has  hurried  me  into.  I  will,  therefore,  trespass 
but  little  longer.  From  what  1  have  said,  I  hope  you  will  not  suspect  my 
retiring  in  the  public  service  while  I  have  strengtti  of  body  or  mind.  I 
must  entreat  you  to  do  me  the  justice  to  believe,  I  shall  strain  the  cord  as 
tight  as  it  will  bear;  those  of  government  are  never  tied  again,  if  once 
broken ;  and  governing  too  much  is  the  way  not  to  govern  at  all.  I  will 
use  every  species  of  influence,  argument,  and  authority  I  possess,  to 
promote  the  views  of  the  public  at  this  juncture.  I  have  done  it  for  months 
past,  as  Congress  are  very  sensible,  from  the  letters  laid  before  them,  in 
consequence  of  a  very  unkind  one  from  their  Committee.*  Every  motive 
that  can  interest  or  impel  the  heart  of  man,  I  must  have  on  this  occasion ; 
and  why  should  it  be  supposed  that  they  will  not  have  due  operation?  I  am 
not  so  stupid  as  not  to  comprehend  the  force  and  necessity  of  corresponding 
fully  with  the  exertions  of  our  ally  ;  nor  so  insensible  of  national  reproach, 
as  not  to  feel  for  the  honour  of  the  country,  if  it  should  fail  in  a  capital  degree 
in  its  engagements.  No  one  can  more  sensibly  wish  an  end  to  the  war  than 
I  do,  or  be  more  sensible  that  great  exertions  at  this  period  may  bring  about 
this  happy  issue.  Nor  am  I  capable  of  mean  and  selfish  pain,  at  seeing  those 
who  are  my  enemies,  more  successful  in  serving  the  public  than  myself,  if 
it  should  be  so.  If  I  know  myself,  my  errors  are  of  the  head  and  temper, 
not  of  the  heart. 

I  rely,  therefore,  dear  Sir,  much  on  your  friendship  and  candid  construc- 
tion ;  and  shall  take  it  as  the  greatest  favour,  if  in  ihe  same  free  and  friendly 
manner  you  have  now  done,  you  will  tell  me  what  is  amiss,  and  how  1  may 
rectify  it. 

Mrs.  Reed  and  myself  are  exceedingly  gratified  with  the  kind  and  obli- 
ging notice  you  have  taken  of  the  small  proof  of  our  regard,  in  giving  your 
name  to  our  new-born  son  ;  and  siiall  be  happy  on  every  occasion  to  give 
more  extensive  and  essential  proofs.  And  as  to  your  good  lady,  her  com- 
pany gave  us  so  sincere  a  pleasure  that  we  could  not  but  regret  that  it  was 
so  short.  We  hope  she  got  safe  home,  as  we  have  not  heard  from  her  since 
we  left  her  a  few  miles  on  the  way. 

I  am  persuaded  yon  are  so  busy,  that  I  hope  you  will  not  think  of  answer- 
ing this  long  tedious  letter,  which  has  been  wrote  by  snatches,  as  I  could 
steal  a  few  moments,  at  one  time  or  another. 

I  shall,  therefore,  now  conclude  with  mentioning,  that   next  week  will 

*  Of  this  Committee,  General  Schuyler  was  chairman.  He  was  at  this  time  in 
close  correspondence  with  Arnold,  and  urging  his  appointment  to  the  command 
at  West  Point,  {Sparks''  Washington,  vol.  vii.  p.  95,)  and  being  utterly  unsuspi- 
cious of  the  deep  infamy  of  his  correspondent,  listened,  no  doubt,  with  too  ready 
an  ear  to  his  slanders  of  Mr.  Reed  and  the  Pennsylvania  authorities,  whom,  as 
has  been  seen,  Arnold  hated  with  the  intense  malignity  which  crime  ordinarily 
exhibits  to  its  prosecutors.  A  curious  letter  from  General  Schuyler,  dated  about 
this  time,  will  be  hereafter  referred  to. 


230  GEORGE  WASHINGTON  REED. 

take  forward  iiOOO  shirt?,  and  as  many  overalls  for  the  State  Troops, 
with  a  large  supply  of  refreshments  of  other  kinds  ;  that  we  have  sent  off 
a  person  to  Europe,  some  time  since,  to  lay  in  a  good  supply  of  all  kinds  of 
clothing,  for  officers  and  6000  men ;  so  that  we  need  not  depend  on  uncer- 
tain and  precarious  supplies.  Mrs.  Reed  received  your  kind  favour  a  few 
days  ago,  and  is  exerting  herself  to  comply  with  your  direction  ;  but  there 
is  at  present  a  very  great  difficulty  in  procuring  the  articles,  even  for  money.* 

In  General  Washington's  letter  of  the  4th  of  June,  he 
thanked  Mr.  Reed  for  naming  after  him  "  The  Young  Chris- 
tian." This  was  George  Washington  Reed,  born  in  May,  1780, 
whose  brief  career,  so  far  as  it  was  pubhc,  is  not  without  inte- 
rest. He  was  thoroughly  educated,  and,  after  being  graduated 
at  Princeton  College,  in  1798,  entered  the  Navy  of  the  United 
States,  as  a  midshipman.  He  was  soon  promoted,  and  in 
1803,  was  lieutenant  of  the  Nautilus  schooner,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Richard  Somers,  and  attached  to  Preble's  Squadron, 
before  Tripoli.  Lieutenant  Reed  was  in  command  of  the 
Nautilus  in  the  attack  of  the  28th  of  August,  and  is  referred  to 
with  high  praise  by  the  Commodore  in  his  official  account  of 
that  afiair.  On  the  night  of  the  4th  of  September,  Somers 
undertook  the  perilous  enterprise  of  entering  the  harbour  of 
Tripoli,  on  board  the  fire-ketch,  Intrepid.  Its  mysterious  and 
fatal  result  is  well  known. 

"  It  was  eight  o'clock,"  says  the  biographer  of  Somers, 
"  in  the  evening,  before  the  Intrepid  lifted  her  anchor ;  the 
Argus,  Vixen,  Nautilus  weighing,  and  standing  in,  in  company. 
The  night  was  sufficiently  advanced  to  cover  the  move- 
ment, and  all  four  vessels  stood  towards  the  rocks,  under 
their  canvass.  The  last  person  who  left  the  ketch  was  Lieute- 
tenant  Washington  Reed,  then  first  of  the  Nautilus.  This  offi- 
cer did  not  quit  his  Commander,  until  it  was  thought  necessary 
for  him  to  rejoin  the  vessel  of  which  he  was  now  in  charge. 
When  he  went  over  the  side  of  the  Intrepid,  all  communication 
between  the  gallant  spirits  she  contained,  and  the  rest  of  the 
world,  ceased.  At  that  time  everything  seemed  propitious ; 
Somers  was  cheerful,  though  calm  ;  and  perfect  order  and  me- 
thod prevailed  in  the  little  craft.     The  leave-taking  was  affec- 

*  This  refers  to  the  exertions  made  by  Mrs.  Reed  and  the  ladies  of  Philadel. 
phia,  to  supply  the  soldiers  with  clothes,  which  will  hereafter  be  alluded  to. 


•CAPTURE  OF  THE  VIXEN.  231 

tionate  and  serious  with  the  officers,  though  the  common  men 
appeared  to  be  in  high  spirits.  This  was  about  9  p.  m.  The 
Argus  and  Vixen  lay  oft'  at  a  httle  distance  from  the  rocks  to 
attack  the  galleys  or  gun-boats,  should  either  attempt  to  follow 
the  party  out  in  their  retreat,  while  the  Nautilus  shortened  sail, 
and  accompanied  the  ketch,  as  close  in  as  was  deemed  prudent, 
with  the  especial  intention  of  bringing  oft'  the  boats.  Lieute- 
nant Reed  directed  the  present  Commodore  Ridgely,  then  one 
of  the  Nautilus'  midshipmen,  to  watch  the  ketch's  movements, 
with  a  night-glass  ;  and  as  this  order  was  strictly  complied  with, 
it  is  almost  certain  that  this  officer  was  the  last  person  of  the 
American  Squadron  who  saw  the  vessel.  She  seemed  to  be  ad- 
vancing slowly."*  In  a  few  minutes  later,  the  ketch  exploded 
under  the  batteries  of  Tripoh,  and  the  fate  of  Somers,  and  the 
gallant  crew  was  darkened  for  ever.  Somers,  Decatur,  Reed, 
and  Stewart,  the  actors  and  anxious  spectators  of  the  doings 
of  that  night,  were  Philadelphia  sailors.  But  one  of  them  now 
survives.f 

Lieutenant  Reed  accompanied  General  Eaton's  detachment 
to  the  coast  of  Africa,  and  served  on  board  the  vessel  which 
co-operated  with  him  on  that  romantic  expedition. 

When  war  was  declared  against  England,  Mr.  Reed  having 
then  been  promoted  to  the  grade  of  Commander,  though  in 
extremely  delicate  health,  solicited  active  service  and  took 
command  of  the  Vixen  brig-of-war  of  12  guns,  then  fitting  for 
sea  in  one  of  our  eastern  ports.  Whilst  on  a  cruise  in  the 
West  Indies,  the  Vixen  was  captured  by  the  Southamp- 
ton frigate  of  32  guns,  commanded  by  Sir  James  Lucas 
Yeo.  On  the  night  of  the  capture,  both  vessels  being  under 
heavy  press  of  sail,  were  almost  simultaneously  wrecked  on 
one  of  the  Bahama  keys.  The  Vixen  sank  so  rapidly,  that  the 
prize  crew  barely  had  time  to  save  their  lives  ;  the  American 
prisoners  having  been  previously  transferred  to  the  Southamp- 
ton. On  board  the  frigate,  a  scene  of  great  disorder  oc- 
curred; the  British  sailors  broke  into  the  spirit-room,  and  defied 

*  Cooper''s  Naval  Biographies,  vol.  i.  p.  107. 

t  Commodore  Charles  Stewart.  Had  Mr.  Reed  lived,  he  would,  at  this  time, 
(1847)  have  been  the  fourth  Post  Captain  on  the  Navy  List.  The  list  would  be 
James  Barron,  Charles  Stewart,  Jacob  Jones,  George  W.  Reed. 


232  CAPTURE  OF  THE  VIXEN. 

all  control  on  the  part  of  their  officers,  and  it  was  only  by  the 
aid  of  the  American  prisoners,  officers  and  men,  that  the 
mutiny  was  suppressed. 

On  arriving  at  Jamaica,  Sir  James  Yeo  publicly  returned 
thanks  for  the  assistance  thus  rendered,  and  at  once  offered 
Captain  Reed  his  parole.  This  was  declined  on  the  ground 
that  he  would  under  no  circumstances  leave  his  officers  and 
crew,  among  whom  the  disease  of  the  climate  had  already 
made  its  appearance,  and  over  whom  their  commander,  him- 
self destined  to  be  its  earliest  victim,  watched  with  the  most 
affectionate  solicitude.  Every  day,  in  all  the  extremity  of  the 
climate,  he  repaired  from  Spanishtown  to  Kingston,  to  be  with 
and  relieve  the  wants  of  his  men.  The  exposure  soon  pro- 
duced its  ordinary  results,  and  he  was  attacked  by  a  tropical 
fever.  His  constitution,  never  very  robust,  soon  yielded,  and 
on  the  4th  of  January,  1813,  he  died  at  the  early  age  of  thirty- 
three.*     The  few  survivors,  to  one  of  whom  I  am  indebted  for 

*  At  the  time  of  Captain  Reed's  death,  a  very  graceful  obituary  notice  of  him 
was  pubhshed  in  the  National  Intelligencer  of  28th  Marcli,  1813,  understood  at 
the  time  to  be  from  the  pen  of  Mr.  Charles  J.  Ingersoll.  To  this,  and  to  the 
recollections  of  Captain  W.  M.  Hunter  of  the  U.  S.  Navy,  vpho  was  the  sailing- 
master  of  the  Vixen,  I  am  indebted  for  most  of  the  facts  stated  in  the  text. 
{Cooper''s  Naval  History,  vol.  ii.  p.  256.)  In  1828,  the  Navy  Department  despatched 
a  national  vessel  to  Jamaica,  whose  errand  is  tlms  described  in  a  paper  of  5th 
July,  1828,  published  at  Kingston.  "  We  noticed  in  our  last  the  arrival  of  the 
U.  S.  schooner  Grampus.  We  were  not  then  aware  of  the  precise  object  of  her 
visit.  She  was  directed  to  bring  out  a  tomb-stone,  to  be  placed  over  the  grave 
of  Captain  Reed,  who  is  buried  in  the  churchyard  of  Spanishtown. 

"  Through  the  indulgence  of  the  gentlemen  to  whom  the  stone  is  addressed, 
we  have  had  an  opportunity  of  viewing  a  beautiful  slab  of  marble,  with  the  fol- 
lowing feeling  record  of  the  remembrance  in  which  the  friends  of  the  deceased 
cherish  the  liindness  shown  to  him  in  captivity." 

In 

Memory  of 

George  Washington  Reed, 

Master  Commandant  in  the  Navy  of  the 

United  States. 

Born  at  Philadelphia,  May  26,  1780, 

Captured  in  the  United  States'  brig  of  war,  Vixen, 

Under  his  command. 

By  H.B.M.  Frigate  Southampton, 

He  died  a  prisoner  of  war  at  this  place, 

January  4,  1813. 


DEATH  OF  CAPTAIN  KEED.  233 

many  of  these  particulars,  cherish  in  grateful  recollection 
the  unremitting  kindness,  the  almost  affectionate  attention 
bestowed  by  the  British  army  and  navy  officers,  to  Captain 
Reed  during  his  illness,  and  the  honours  rendered  to  his  memory 
by  the  Governor  and  garrison.  He  was  followed  to  his  foreign 
grave  by  brave  enemies,  who  had  learned  to  do  willing  justice 
to  the  high  spirit  and  generous  tone  of  his  character  and 
bearing.  Such  was  the  honourable  though  brief  career,  which 
I  hope  to  be  excused  for  here  alluding  to,  of  one  of  Washing- 
ton's earliest  namesakes. 

Unwilling-  to  forsake  iiis  companions  in  captivity,  he  declined 

A  proffered  parole,  and  sunk  under  a  tropical  fever. 

This  Stone 

Is  inscribed  by  the  hand  of  affection  as  a  memorial  of 

His  virtues, 

And  records  the  gratitude  of  his  friends  for  the  kind  offices 

Which,  in  the  season  of  sickness,  and  hour 

Of  death,  he  received  at  the  hands  of 

A  generous  Foe. 


As  this  form  is  passing  through  the  press,  the  following  letter  has  reached  the 
author. 

Baltimore,  April  15th,  1847. 
My  Dear  Sir, 

I  have  yours  of  the  13th,  in  relation  to  my  most  valued  friend,  George  W. 
Reed.  I  wish  most  sincerely  it  was  in  my  power  to  write  a  reminiscence  of  him 
worthy  of  record,  for  if  genuine  sterling  merit  as  an  officer,  seaman,  and  gentleman, 
were  ever  entitled  to  a  remembrance  in  history,  most  certainly  he  was. 

There  was  no  one  in  the  naval  service  of  that  day,  who  was  held  in  higher 
estimation  than  himself;  he  was  highly  intellectual  and  an  accomplished  scholar, 
an  agreeable,  social  companion,  and  the  warmest  of  friends.  He  was  first  lieu- 
tenant of  the  Nautilus,  and  in  command  of  her  in  the  different  battles  had  before 
Tripoli,  while  Captain  Somers  was  commanding  a  division  of  gun-boats.  On  the 
night  of  the  fatal  explosion  of  the  fireship,  which  destroyed  the  entire  crew,  the 
Nautilus  was  directed  to  follow  her  in  under  the  batteries  on  shore,  to  pick  up 
the  boat  that  was  intended  to  bring  Somers  and  his  crew  off.  The  explosion  took 
place  between  10  and  11  p.  m.,  and  I,  as  second  lieutenant,  was  requested  by  Reed 
to  take  the  night-glass  and  not  lose  sight  of  her.  Immediately  on  the  explosion, 
we  hoisted  a  light,  and  kept  it  flying  until  early  dawn,  in  the  hope  that  if  any 
had  survived,  they  might  be  found  on  a  spar  or  plank.  During-  all  the  time,  we 
were  so  close  in  shore,  the  guns  from  the  forts  were  firing  at  us,  but  in  every  in- 
stance  they  fell  beyond  us  at  least  a  quarter  of  a  mile.  At  daylight  we  stood  off 
to  the  fleet,  and  Reed  went  on  board  and  reported  to  the  Commodore. 

I  am  your  friend, 

Charlks  G.  Ridgelt. 


CHAPTER  XI. 
1780. 

Difficulties  of  Executive  Administration — President  Reed's  Letters  to  Lancaster 
and  Bucks  Counties — William  Henry  of  Lancaster — Gait's  Life  of  West — Ar- 
rival  of  the  Division  of  the  French  Army  under  Rochambeau — Militia  Camp  at 
Trenton — President  Reed  takes  the  field  in  person — William  Moore  Vice-Pre- 
sident— Letter  to  Washington,  T7th  August,  from  Trenton — Letters  to  Mrs. 
Reed — Greene's  resignation  as  Quartermaster  General — Letter  to  Reed  29th 
of  August — Washington's  Letter  of  20th  August — Abandonment  of  the  attack 
on  New  York — Mr.  Reed's  Letter  to  Chief  Justice  M'Kean — Revenue  Plans — 
Land  Office — Letter  to  Washington — Mr.  M'Kean's  Letter — General  Wayne 
— President  Reed's  return  to  Philadelphia. 

If,  as  the  correspondence  would  seem  to  show,  there  were 
complaints  and  partial  misunderstandings  at  Head-Quarters, 
they  were  most  groundless ;  and,  it  is  right  to  add,  they  were 
transient.  The  Executive  functions  of  the  State  were  never 
exercised  under  greater  embarrassment,  or  with  greater  energy. 
Mr.  Reed's  correspondence  with  the  local  and  subordinate 
officers  shows  what  he  was  doing,  and  the  perplexing  difficuhies 
with  which  he  was  contending.  To  Lancaster,  then  the 
richest  County  in  the  vState,  and  the  most  exempt,  by  central 
position,  from  the  eflects  of  the  war,  he  wrote  in  terms  of  abso- 
lute supplication  for  its  share  of  revenue  and  supplies. 

"  I  beg  to  know,  my  good  friend,  why  your  County  cannot 
pay  her  share  of  taxes  proportionably  with  other  counties  ? 
Has  she  suffered  by  the  enemy  1  Has  famine,  pestilence,  tem- 
pest or  bad  seasons  deprived  her  of  the  means?  You  will 
answer  me  in  the  negative.  Are  not  her  lands  good,  and  her 
country  populous  ?  Did  she  not,  at  the  last  regulation  of  pro- 
perty, appear  so  considerable  as  to  have  almost  double  the 


WILLIAM  HENRY.  235 

number  of  Representatives  of  most  of  the  other  counties — even 
of  those  which  have  contributed  more  to  the  public  necessities 
than  she  has  done  ?  The  truth  is,  there  is  not  a  week  that 
some  people  from  your  County  are  not  purchasing  gold  and 
silver  in  the  city,  and  hoarding  up,  as  too  sacred  to  be  touched 
for  taxes."* 


*  This  letter,  dated  19th  Jul}',  1780,  was  addressed  to  Mr.  Henry,  of  Lancaster, 
of  whom  I  am  enabled  to  give  the  following-  sketch, 

William  Henry  was  a  distinguished  Whig  of  Lancaster,  where  he  had  an 
extensive  manufactory  of  arms,  established  previous  to  the  French  war.  He  was 
born  in  Chester  County,  May  19th,  1729,  his  parents  having  emigrated  from  Cole- 
raine,  Ireland,  in  1722.  His  talents  and  public  spirit  were  soon  distinguished  by 
his  appointment  to  offices  of  trust.  He  acted  as  magistrate  for  many  years  under 
the  proprietary  government,  and,  on  the  breaking  out  of  the  Revolution,  of  which 
he  vi'as  a  warm  supporter,  he  served  as  Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Safety  for 
the  County  at  various  times. 

In  '77  he  was  a  Deputy  Commissary-General,  and  was  actively  engaged  in  for- 
warding supplies  of  provisions  and  clothing  from  his  district  to  the  army  at 
Valley  Forge.  He  was  also  Treasurer  of  the  county  during  the  Revolution,  and 
until  his  death,  December  15th,  1786.  In  this  capacity  he  rendered  very  efficient 
aid  to  the  State  Government. 

He  was  elected  a  member  of  the  American  Philosophical  Society  soon  after  its 
institution,  and  contributed  several  valuable  papers  to  its  "  Transactions."  He 
was  the  inventor  of  what  is  called  the  screw  auger. 

In  1756  he  married  Ann  Wood,  of  Burlington,  N.  J.,  a  lady  of  remarkable 
business  talents,  who,  after  his  decease,  was  continued  Treasurer  of  Lancaster 
county  for  several  years. 

In  1784  he  was  elected  a  member  of  Congress.  Whilst  in  session  at  Trenton 
he  contracted  the  disease  of  which  he  died,  December  15,  1786. 

Seven  children  survived  him;  the  eldest,  William,  continued  the  business  of 
manufacturing  rifles  near  Nazareth,  Northampton,  now  conducted  by  his  grand- 
son,  James  Henry  (great-grandson  of  the  elder  William  Henry).  His  second  son, 
John  Joseph,  the  author  of  the  Campaign  against  Quebec,  a  delightful  little 
volume,  now,  I  regret  to  say,  nearly  out  of  print,  was  in  1793  appointed 
President  Judge  of  Second  Judicial  District  of  Pennsylvania,  and  died  whilst 
holding  that  office  in  1811. 

Another  son,  Matthew,  entered  the  army,  and  died  in  command  of  Fort  Michil- 
limackinac,  early  in  the  present  century. 

Benjamin  West  lived  in  Mr.  Henry's  house  at  Lancaster,  and  several  portraits 
by  him  are  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  John  Jordan,  Jun.,  of  Philadelphia,  (to  whom 
I  am  indebted  for  this  sketch,)  who  is  Mr.  Henry's  great-grandson.  West's 
original  painting  of  the  Death  of  Socrates  now  belongs  to  James  Henry,  of  Bolton 
Gun  Works,  near  Nazareth,  Pennsylvania.     {GaWs  West,  p.  48,  &c.) 

It  may  not  be  amiss  here  to  say  that  more  grotesque  blundering  in  American 
history  is  nowhere  to  be  found  than  in  Gait's  Life  of  West.     It  would  seem  that 


236  GENERAI^  JOHN  LACEY. 

"  You  will  please,"  he  wrote  to  General  Lacey,*  "  to  pro- 
ceed, with  all  despatch,  to  Bucks  County,  to  forward  the  troops 
demanded  by  his  Excellency,  General  Washington,  from  that 
County.  In  the  ecjuipment,  you  will  issue  such  orders  of 
impress,  for  wagons,  horses,  blankets,  arms  and  accoutrements 
as  you  shall  judge  necessary  at  this  important  crisis,  and  to 

the  Scotch  novelist  and  the  octogenarian  artist  had  strangely  mingled  their  fancies 
and  recollections. 

*  John  Lacev  was  born  in  Bucks  County,  Pennsylvania,  on  the  4th  February, 
1755. 

He  was  commissioned  a  Captain,  by  Congress,  in  a  battalion  authorized  to  be 
raised  in  Pennsylvania,  which  was  commanded  by  Colonel  Anthony  Wayne. 
His  commission  was  dated  January  5th,  1776.  He  received  it  on  the  20th  of  that 
month,  and,  by  the  12th  of  February  ensuing,  he  had  recruited  his  complement 
of  men.  His  company  was  attached  to  the  4th  battalion  in  tlie  Pennsylvania 
Line,  and  was  soon    marched  to  New  York,  and  thence  to  Canada. 

In  consequence  of  a  misunderstanding  with  Colonel  Wayne,  he  resigned  his 
commission  at  the  end  of  the  campaign,  returned  home,  and  was  appointed  a 
"  Sub-lieutenant"  of  Bucks  County,  on  the  22d  of  March,  1777,  for  the  purpose 
of  organizing  the  militia  ;  such  was  his  activity,  he  was  the  first  who  complied 
with  the  requisitions  of  the  law. 

He  was  commissioned  a  Lieutenant-Colonel  of  the  militia  on  the  6th  of  May, 
1777.  He  marched  a  regiment  to  White  Marsh,  and  joined  General  Potter's 
brigade  in  November,  1777.  While  on  this  tour  of  duty,  he  was  engaged  in  an 
active  skirmish  with  the  enemy,  near  the  Gulf  Mills,  on  Schuylkill. 

On  the  9th  of  January,  1778,  he  received  the  appointment  of  Brigadier-General 
of  the  militia  of  this  State, — before  he  was  twenty-three  years  of  age, — and  was 
ordered  immediately  to  relieve  General  Potter.  He  commanded  on  the  Lines, 
while  the  British  lay  in  Philadelphia  from  the  above  date  until  the  middle  of 
May.  His  camp  was  attacked  on  the  morning  of  the  1st  of  May  by  a  detach- 
ment under  Colonel  Abercrombie,  (afterwards  Sir  Ralph  Abercrombie,  killed  in 
Egypt,)  and  Colonel  Simcoe,  from  which  difficulty  he  extricated  himself  with 
considerable  address.  A  letter  from  Council  to  him,  says,  "Your  conduct  is 
highly  approved,  and  your  men  have  justly  acquired  great  reputation  by  their 
bravery."  He  was  that  year  elected  a  member  of  the  General  Assembly,  and 
took  his  seat  in  November.  The  next  year  he  was  elected  to  Council,  of  which 
he  was  a  member  for  the  three  succeeding  years.  In  August,  1780,  a  Brigade 
of  Pennsylvania  militia  was  called  out,  of  which  he  had  the  command,  and  was 
in  almost  continual  service  until  October,  1781.  During  this  command  he  mar- 
ried a  daughter  of  Colonel  Thomas  Reynolds,  of  Burlington  County,  New  Jersey, 
and,  soon  afterwards,  removed  to  the  village  of  New  Mills  (now  Pemberton)  where 
he  became  largely  concerned  in  iron  works ;  and  was  also  much  in  public  life,  as 
a  Judge  and  Justice,  and  member  of  the  Legislature.  He  died  on  the  17th  of 
February,  1814,  aged  59  years.  Doctor  William  Darlington,  of  Chester  County, 
married  General  Lacey's  daughter. — HazarcVs  Register,  vol.  iii.  p.  295. 


MARTIAL  LAW.  237 

which  all  officers,  civil  and  military,  will  yield  due  obedience, 
as  they  will  answer  the  contrary  at  their  peril.  You  will  then 
proceed  to  Berks  County  for  the  same  purpose,  and  with  the 
like  powers.  After  seeing  the  men  in  proper  forwardness,  you 
will  then  return  to  this  city  for  farther  consultation  in  the  mea- 
sures necessary  for  the  troops,  and  in  the  mean  time  you  will 

give  such  directions  to  Colonel  J ,  the  Commissary  of  the 

State,  and  to  the  Deputy  Quartermaster,  with  respect  to  your 
stores,  and  the  transportation  of  your  baggage,  as  you  judge 
necessary  and  suitable  to  your  rank." 

To  a  resident  of  Bucks  County,  who  had  interfered  to  thwart 
the  impressment  service,  the  President  wrote  still  more  de- 
cisively.* 

"  Having  expressed  myself  so  fully  to  you  and  Mr.  Thomp- 
son upon  the  necessity  of  procuring  a  number  of  horses,  I  am 
not  a  little  surprised  that  you  should  have  discharged  those 
taken  under  the  direction  of  General  Lacey,  and  I  cannot  help 
considering  it  as  adding  to  my  embarrassments  at  a  time  when 
you  gave  me  reason  to  expect  assistance.  It  is  much  to  be 
wished  that  gentlemen  in  public  office,  who,  from  motives  of 
compassion,  or  a  fear  of  oflending,  cannot  take  part  in  these 
necessary  measures,  would,  on  such  occasions,  avoid  any  in- 
terference, and  leave  persons  of  more  decision  to  proceed.  The 
Legislature  having  vested  a  poWer  of  declaring  martial  law  in 
us,  I  apprehend  you  had  not  authority  to  counteract  the  orders 
given,  which  were,  to  send  such  horses  as  were  taken,  imme- 
diately down  to  this  place  for  the  accommodation  of  the  militia 
about  to  march,  agreeable  to  General  Washington's  orders  :  it 
will  be  a  great  disappointment  if  they  do  not  come  down,  and 
will  throw  us  all  into  confusion.  As  Mr.  Thompson  and  your- 
self, by  my  accounts,  discharged  all  the  horses  after  taken,  I 
must  esteem  you  accountable  for  them.  It  is  no  season  for 
such  lax  and  undecisive  measures,  and  you  will  probably,  ere 
long,  if  the  enemy  are  not  drawn  from  the  country,  experience 
that  though  temporizing  measures  appear,  at  first  view,  easy 
and  durable,  they  are  ruinous  in  the  end.     You  have  already 

*  To  Mr.  Wynkoop.— August  11th,  1780. 


238  MILITIA  CAMP  AT  TRENTON. 

done  enough,  and  have  property  enough,  to  make  you  an  ob- 
ject of  the  vengeance  of  the  enemy  and  the  Tory  adherents, 
and  if  you  do  not  secure  yourself  by  your  exertions,  you  have 
little  to  expect  from  our  lenity  or  gratitude.  I  should  not  have 
said  thus  much  if  I  did  not  feel  myself  much  hurt,  and  the  pub- 
lic service  injured,  by  giving  way  to  a  little  clamour,  after  the 
most  odious  and  difficult  part  of  the  business  was  done." 

These  are  taken  at  random  from  a  copious  correspondence, 
and  show  faintly  the  perplexities  of  the  times. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  first  division  of  the  French  reinforce- 
ments had  arrived  in  Rhode  Island,  and  a  combined  movement 
of  the  allied  forces  on  New  York  was  planned  by  Washington. 
On  the  27th  of  July  he  made  a  requisition  on  Pennsylvania  for 
her  organized  militia,  which  was  promptly,  and  to  the  full  ex- 
tent of  her  exhausted  means,  complied  with ;  and  on  the  27th 
of  August,  having  issued  a  spirited  address  to  the  public,  and 
relinquishing  his  Executive  authority  to  the  Vice-President, 
Mr.  Moore,  President  Reed  took  the  field  in  person,  assembling 
his  raw  levies  at  Trenton,  there  to  await  the  orders  of  the 
Commander-in-chief.     On  the  17th  he  writes  to  Washington. 


PRESIDENT  REED  TO  WASHINGTON. 

Trenton,  August  17th,  1780. 
In  pursuance  of  your  orders,  I  am  thus  far  on  my  way,  with  about  1200 
of  the  Militia  of  the  city  and  county  of  Philadelphia,  and  Bucks;  those  from 
the  other  counties  not  having  arrived,  but  are  by  this  time  on  their  way. 
Every  expedient  that  could  be  used  for  despatch  has  been  adopted;  but  the 
natural  slowness  in  their  movements,  the  necessary  equipment  and  other 
provision,  has,  unavoidably,  consumed  some  time.  As  soon  as  it  was  known 
in  this  place  that  we  were  to  rendezvous  here,  the  Quartermaster  informed 
me  he  was  not  possessed  with  one  single  article  necessary  for  our  accommo- 
dation, so  that  we  were  obliged  to  wait  some  days  in  town,  until  provisions, 
and  even  hay  could  be  ordered  up.  It  seemed  to  be  a  general  expectation 
that,  as  the  second  division  of  the  French  Fleet  was  not  arrived,  and  from 
the  present  position  of  the  British  Fleet,  the  Count  de  Rochambeau  could 
not  move,  that  our  actual  march  would  have  been  delayed  until  events  per- 
mitted tiie  armies  to  join  in  offensive  operations.  The  bringing  together 
such  a  body  of  men,  and  upon  a  route  so  unprovided  as  the  present,  with  the 
number  of  wagons,  horses,  &c.,  will  be  attended  with  great  expense  of 


CAMP  AT  TRENTON.  239 

money;  and  in  its  effects  retard  the  supplies,  which  for  a  few  weeiis  past, 
have  come  in  with  some  spirit. 

From  Cumberland  and  York,  I  receive  very  encouraging  accounts  of  the 
probability  of  furnishing  the  quotas  demanded,  but  from  the  other  counties, 
their  expectations  are  clogged  with  conditions  and  terms  of  being  supplied 
with  money  of  particular  kinds;  the  number  of  purchasers  and  variety  of 
moneys  passing,  creates  a  competition  and  embarrassment,  the  effects  of 
which  are  very  visible.  But  I  still  flatter  myself  that  the  animation  of  the 
country  and  flattering  prospects  held  forth,  will  induce  a  great  exertion. 

The  weather  being  so  extremely  warm,  and  the  necessity  of  taking  every- 
thing we  want  with  us,  will  forbid  my  marching  from  this  for  a  day  or  two; 
I  shall  then  take  the  route  directed  in  your  Excellency's  favour  of  the  27th 
ultimo,  by  Princeton,  Brunswick,  Springfield,  Sic,  on  which  any  orders  or 
farther  directions  will  find  me. 

1  shall  be  happy  to  hear  from  you  as  soon  as  possible,  as,  in  consequence  of 
a  letter  from  General  Dickinson  to  the  Board  of  War,  representing  the  dis- 
tressed situation  of  this  post,  and  this  State,  it  seemed  to  be  a  matter  of 
consideration,  whether  we  ought  to  proceed.*  In  answer  to  their  letter  on 
this  subject,  I  informed  them,  that  having  received  your  positive  directions, 
and  no  countermand,  I  could  not  think  myself  at  liberty  to  stop,  unless  I  be 
wholly  exculpated  with  you. 

I  expect  this  day  the  men  will  amount  to  1500,  and  I  have  the  pleasure 
to  inform  your  Excellency,  that  we  have  so  far  provided  ourselves,  that  I 
hope  we  shall  not  distress  you,  as  militia  frequently  do,  by  heavy  draughts 
on  the  Quartermaster's  stores.     We  have  our  own  tents,  wagons,  &c. 

This  it  will  be  recollected  was  but  a  Militia  Camp,  with  all 
its  attendant  vexations,  and  the  President,  with  a  fresh  recollec- 
tion of  past  annoyances  of  a  similar  character,  bore  what  now 
occurred  with  mingled  irritation  and  good  humour.  His 
letters  to  his  wife,  resumed  now,  after  a  long  interval,  and  to 
his  intimate  personal  friends,  best  show  this.f 


TO  MRS.  REED. 

Bloomsbury,  August  18th,  1780. 

We  got  here  safe  the  night  we  lefl  you,  about  nine  o'clock,  and  found 
our  f¥iends  all  well.     The  troops  had  not  all  arrived,  but  we  have  now  got 

*  General  Philemon  Dickinson  of  New  Jersey. 

t  Whilst  at  Camp,  Mr.  Reed  continued  to  correspond  on  matters  of  military 
detail  with  Washington  and  the  Executive  Council.  These  letters  are  in  my 
possession,  but  are  not  published,  as  they  relate  wholly  to  Camp  duties. 


240  GENERAL  GREENE. 

between  12  and  1500  men;  they  were  in  the  town  when  I  came,  but  have 
since  been  brought  down  near  the  river,  wliere  we  now  have  a  very  pretty 
encampment.  They  behave  very  well,  and  I  hope  have  left  all  their  ill 
humour  at  home.  I  do  not  expect  to  leave  this  before  Monday,  the  weather 
being  still  very  sultry  and  uncommonly  hot.  1  have  had  no  letters  from  the 
General,  and  therefore  am  apprehensive  that  they  have  gone  to  Philadelphia ; 
if  so,  you  will  endeavour  to  have  them  sent  after  me  as  soon  as  possible.  I 
shall  exceedingly  rejoice  to  hear  of  the  arrival  of  the  second  Division,  for  in 
this  respect  I  am  as  much  a  militia  man  as  the  meanest  of  my  soldiers.  I 
hate  to  lay  idle,  and  now  I  am  out,  I  shall  be  glad  to  have  something  done. 
Though  at  present,  appearances  are  very  unfavourable.  We  find  the  peo- 
ple of  this  place  in  much  better  humour  with  us  than  I  expected,  and  I  shall 
endeavour  to  give  them  as  little  trouble  as  I  can. 

You  will  write  to  me  as  often  as  possible  in  every  circumstance  and  situa- 
tion; it  will  afford  me  the  greatest  happiness  and  satisfaction.  I  am,  ray 
dear  Hetty,  &c. 


J.  R. 


My  love  to  your  mamma  and  the  children. 


PRESIDENT  REED  TO  GENERAL  GREENE. 

Trenton,  August  19th,  1780. 
My  dear  General, 

This  is  the  fourth  time  I  have  set  down  to  write  you,  but  the  multiplicity 
of  business  and  the  nature  of  the  subjects  on  which  I  wished  to  do  it  have 
constantly  interrupted  me ;  for  before  I  could  finish  one  letter,  some  new 
event  respecting  you  and  your  department  occurred,  so  as  to  change  the 
whole  complexion  of  the  business.  There  have  been  some  unhappy  mis- 
understandings and  misapprehensions  of  each  other, — views  and  intentions 
between  you  and  Congress,  which  artful  spirits  have  inflamed.  I  have  felt 
great  concern  on  the  occasion,  as  our  public  affairs  never  required  better 
fcouncils,  or  more  valuable,  able  men  to  execute  them.  Mr.  Pettit  has  com- 
municated to  me  most  of  your  letters,  as  he  has  those  to  you;  and  in  general 
we  have  agreed  upon  the  line  to  be  pursued.  You  have  undoubtedly  great 
reason  to  complain  of  the  public  gratitude;  so  have  the  best  men  in  all  ages; 
but  it  is  not  the  present  men,  or  at  least  a  majority  of  them,  of  whom  you 
have  most  reason  to  complain.  You,  perhaps,  will  be  surprised  when  1  as- 
sure you  that  in  my  opinion  you  never  had  fewer  enemies  in  Congress  than 
at  present.  A  keen  and  a  just  sense  of  ill-treatment  has  drawn  from  you 
expressions  which  would  have  been  properly  applied  to  some  members  of 
Congress  now  gone,  and  perhaps  to  a  few  that  remain ;  but  not  being  ap- 
plicable to  many,  they  have  in  some  degree  kindled  that  resentment  which 
we  are  all  subject  to  under  reproach,  the  ground  of  which  we  are  ignorant 
of,  and  the  desert  of  which  we  are  not  conscious  of.     I  observe  in  a  letter 


Greene's  resignation.  241 

to  Mr.  Cox  this  morning,  you  mention  the  design  of  superseding  you  in 
command  is  not  laid  aside.  I  assure  you  it  was  never  seriously  entertained 
by  a  great  majority  of  Congress.  One  hot  member  dropped  it  in  a  speech ; 
another  afterwards  moved  it  with  some  more  formality ;  but  it  was  scouted, 
and  respect  paid  to  your  military  character,  at  the  same  time  that  your  free- 
dom as  a  Quartermaster  gave  umbrage.  I  beg  you  to  excuse  my  not  having 
wrote  you  before ;  I  really  was  afraid  to  venture  on  paper  the  sentiments  1 
wished  to  convey  to  you,  and  I  had  not  time  to  make  use  of  the  cipher.  It 
is  a  paltry  excuse  to  say  I  had  not  time,  and  yet  I  can  assure  you  that  from 
manhood  to  this  lime,  I  never  went  through  such  a  scene  of  business  as  since 
the  scheme  of  specific  supplies  took  place. 

I  hope  to  see  you  shortly.  I  am  told  that  I  do  not  stand  so  well  at  Camp 
as  I  wish.  I  am  conscious  of  having  done  my  duty  fully,  and  there  is  no 
place  to  which  I  cannot  go  under  the  fullest  sense  of  having  discharged  my 
duty  in  every  respect.  I  have  here  about  1200  militia,  which  will  be  1500 
this  evening.  The  remainder  will  be  equal ;  and  I  know  no  hardships, 
danger  or  distress  I  am  not  willing  to  share  with  you.  Perhaps  a  commu- 
nication of  expected  or  apprehended  distress  may  have  had  some  influence 
in  calling  forth  militia  so  generally;  if  so,  I  do  not  think  it  a  bad  stroke  of 
military  policy.  Adieu,  and  believe  me,  under  every  circumstance,  your 
most  sincere  friend. 

To  the  part  of  this  letter,  expostulating  as  to  a  contemplated 
resignation  of  the  Quartermaster-Generalship,  Greene's  answer 
is  manly  and  characteristic. 

TO  PRESIDENT  REED. 

Camp,  August  29th,  1780. 
Dear  Sir, 

Your  obliging  letter  of  the  19th,  I  have  had  the  pleasure  to  receive.  I 
should  have  been  happy  to  have  had  your  advice  and  opinion  before  I  sent 
in  my  resignation  to  Congress;  but  I  thought  then,  and  cannot  help  thinking 
still,  that  the  measures  pursued  in  Congress  were  calculated  to  compel  me 
to  quit  the  department.  This  might  not  be  the  design  of  the  greater  part; 
but  I  am  persuaded  it  was  the  plan  of  a  few,  who  influenced  others  to  adopt 
their  measures  upon  different  principles  than  governed  themselves. 

You  know  1  had  got  sick  of  the  Department  long  since,  not  less  from  the 
treatment  1  met  with  in  Congress,  than  with  the  army,  and  was  desirous  of 
resigning;  but  I  should  not  have  ventured  upon  the  measure  this  campaign, 
if  I  could  possibly  have  conceived  I  could  have  got  through  the  business 
upon  the  new  system.  But  it  appeared  to  me  that  Congress  intended  to  tie 
up  my  hands  in  such  a  way  that  I  should  either  fail  in  the  business  or  depart 
from  the  plan.  In  either  case  I  should  have  been  ruined.  If  I  had  not  an- 
swered the  demands  of  the  service,  I  should  have  fallen  into  disgrace  with 

VOL.  II.  16 


242  Greene's  letter. 

the  army ;  and  if  I,  to  answer  the  demands  of  the  service,  had  departed 
from  the  system,  I  laid  myself  liable  for  the  consequences,  which,  to  be 
judged  of  hereafter  by  persons  altogether  sti'angers  to  the  circumstance?, 
would  not  fail  of  being  censured,  if  not  subjected  to  heavy  losses.  Upon 
the  whole,  I  considered  myself  as  cruelly  and  oppressively  treated.  I  did 
not  wish  to  desert  the  business  at  a  critical  hour,  nor  did  I  wish  to  go  into  a 
quarrel  with  Congress.  My  letter  of  resignation  may  have  more  tartness 
in  it  than  was  prudent;  but  I  am  far  from  thinking  it  merited  the  severity 
with  which  they  were  about  to  treat  it,  for  I  am  well  informed  it  was  seven 
days  in  agitation  to  dismiss  me  the  service  altogether.  This  they  may  do 
whenever  they  please,  I  am  not  anxious  to  continue  a  moment  longer  than 
I  am  thought  useful  to  the  community. 

If  I  have  many  friends  in  Congress  at  this  time,  my  enemies  have  the  art 
of  moulding  them  to  their  views.  Leaving  out  Mr.  Cox  and  Mr.  Pettit 
serves  to  convince  me  that  the  measure  was  more  personal  than  political. 

What  served  to  fix  my  determination  for  quitting  the  department,  was 
just  about  the  same  time  that  I  received  the  new  system,  I  received  a  Re- 
solution of  Congress  that  the  principal  of  the  departments  which  handled 
public  money,  however  diffuse,  should  be  held  responsible  for  all  the  subor- 
dinate agents.  This  appeared  to  me  so  unreasonable,  as  well  as  unjust,  that 
the  whole  complexion  of  the  business  had  something  so  cruel,  and  at  the  same 
time  so  personal  in  it,  that  I  was  determined  to  leave  it,  be  the  consequence 
what  it  might. 

As  to  public  gratitude,  I  expected  none;  especially  in  so  changeable  a 
body  as  that  of  Congress.  For  the  members  this  year  cannot  know  the 
merit  of  their  servants  last;  and,  therefore,  not  very  likely  to  reward  them 
for  past  services.  All  things  considered,  I  am  very  glad  I  am  out  of  the  De- 
partment, though  I  have  run  some  risk  in  getting  out,  and  perhaps  lost 
some  friends  by  it. 

I  can  assure  you  there  are  but  few  people  here  that  are  your  enemies. 
If  there  are  any  freedoms  taken  with  your  character,  it  is  unbeknown  to 
me ;  except  by  Mr.  Matthews,  who  has  said  some  bitter  things,  however, 
not  altogether  personal,  as  they  regarded  the  policy  of  the  State  more  than 
your  personal  conduct. 

This  gentleman  came  to  Camp  with  all  the  prejudices  imaginable  about 
him  respecting  the  Quartermaster's  Department;  and  he  appeared  to  be 
afraid  to  make  inquiry  for  fear  of  meeting  conviction.  But  I  believe  none 
of  the  Committee  leave  the  army,  with  more  favourable  sentiments  re- 
specting my  conduct,  and  the  order  and  management  of  the  business,  than 
he  does.  I  believe  him  to  be  a  well-meaning  man  ;  but  a  person  of  violent 
passions,  great  pride,  and  sudden  prejudices.  Under  the  influence  of  such 
a  temper,  he  may  take  a  very  wrong  bias,  with  very  honest  intentions. 
However,  thus  much  may  be  said  with  certainty,  you  are  not  to  number  him 
among  your  particular  friends.  He  and  I  have  had  several  conversations 
respecting  you,  as  I  make  it  a  rule  in  life,  never  to  hear  a  friend  of  mine 


LETTERS  FROM  CAMP.  243 

spoken  injuriously  of,  without  endeavouring  to  defend  his  character  and  con- 
duct. But  they  have  never  been  attended  with  any  heat,  as  it  was  only  re- 
specting the  motives  that  led  and  governed  your  political  conduct. 

I  have  no  wish  to  go  into  any  farther  disputes  with  him  upon  any  matters; 
and,  therefore,  beg  you  to  take  no  notice  of  this  information. 

I  wish  you  would  come  to  Camp,  once  in  a  while  ;  it  serves  to  set  many 
things  to  rights.  There  is  a  matter  now  in  the  Pennsylvania  line,  which 
originated  by  the  appointment  of  Major  MTherson  to  the  command  of  one  of 
the  light  infantry  battalions,  that  I  fear  will  be  attended  with  some  serious  and 
disagreeable  consequences  between  General  St.  Clair  and  General  Wayne.* 

One  lime  the  matter  got  so  high  that  I  really  apprehended  the  loss  of 
your  whole  line.  The  great  difficulty  is,  in  part,  got  over  ;  but  there  is  a 
settled  dislike  taken  place  between  the  two  generals.  Perhaps  you  may 
have  some  influence  towards  bringing  about  a  reconciliation;  though  I  con- 
fess I  see  but  little  prospect  of  so  desirable  an  issue.  For  this  purpose,  and 
some  other  matters  which  are  taking  place  in  New  England,  respecting  a 
general  convention  of  the  States,  I  should  be  happy  to  see  you  at  Camp. 

I  have  been  on  a  command  to  Bergen  after  forage  and  cattle.  We  gave 
the  enemy  a  military  insult ;  and  our  position  here  is  nothing  less  than  a 
challenge.  We  got  some  grain  and  long  forage.=,  about  2  or  300  head  of 
cattle,  and  a  few  sheep.  The  enemy  gave  us  no  disturbance,  though  we 
waited  three  days  to  give  them  an  opportunity  to  come  out  if  they  thought 
proper. 

We  are  in  a  starving  condition,  not  having  an  ounce  of  meat  in  Camp, 
and  very  little  coming  on. 

I  beg  my  compliments  to  Mrs.  Reed,  and  I  am,  with  perfect  esteem, 

Your  affectionate 

N.  Greene. 
TO  MRS.  REED. 

Bloomsbury,  August  19,  1780. 
My  dear  Hetty, 

I  wrote  you  yesterday  by  Mr.  Covenhover,  which  I  hope  you  received; 
since  that  time,  nothing  has  occurred  worthy  of  notice.  I  wrote  you  that  I 
should  go  from  this  on  Monday  or  Tuesday,  but  I  now  rather  expect  to  find 
myself  here  a  few  days  longer,  as  it  is  not  my  intention  to  move  till  we  are 
in  some  degree  of  order.  1  expected  to  find  my  men  somewhat  awkward, 
but  they  are  more  so  than  I  could  have  supposed.  It  will  not  do  for  me  or 
them  to  see  an  enemy  till  they  know  better  how  to  behave  themselves. 
Colonel  Tanner  was  to  send  me  a  tin  bowl — I  hope  it  will  not  be  neglected, 
as  it  will  be  very  much  wanted. 

We  are  very  pleasantly  situated,  and  f  find  myself  a  man  of  more  leisure 
than  I  have  been  for  these  twelve  months. 

*  This  incident  produced  great  irritation  in  the  line,  which  is  fully  described 
in  the  military  correspondence  of  the  time. 


244  THE  MILITIA  DISBANDED. 

Owing  to  the  failure  of  the  junction  of  the  French  and  Ame- 
rican armies,  and  the  embarrassments  connected  with  the  block- 
ade of  Count  Rochambeau  in  Rhode  Island,  and  of  De 
Guichen's  second  division  at  Brest,  by  the  British  squadrons, 
the  contemplated  movement  on  New  York  was  abandoned, 
and  on  the  20th  of  August,  Washington  with  great  reluc- 
tance communicated  to  President  Reed  an  order  to  discharge 
the  militia. 

WASHINGTON  TO  REED. 

Head-Quarters,  Orangetown,  20th  August,  1780. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  had  ihis  morning  the  honour  of  yours  of  the  17th,  from  Trenton.  When 
I  ordered  the  militia  of  Pennsylvania  to  assemble  at  their  place  of  rendezvous, 
I  was  in  hopes  that  our  supply  of  provisions  would  have  been  adequate 
to  their  subsistence  with  the  army;  but  from  repeated  and  a  late  pointed 
representation  from  the  Commissary-General,  I  find  myself  very  unfortu- 
nately disappointed.  I  can  with  every  exertion  scarcely  keep  the  army  in 
this  Camp  (entirely  Continental),  fed  from  day  to  day.  In  this  situation,  it 
will  be  only  adding  to  our  distress  to  bring  forward  the  men  under  your 
Excellency's  command  ;  to  halt  them  anywhere  between  this  and  Dela- 
ware would  be  in  fact  the  same  thing,  and  although  ordering  them  back  to 
their  counties  may  be  attended  with  some  inconveniences  and  delays  here- 
after, yet  necessity  constrains  me  to  do  it  in  some  measure.  I  would  wish 
you  immediately  to  send  orders  to  those  of  the  remoter  counties,  who  have 
not  yet  joined  you,  to  return  for  the  present,  but  to  hold  themselves  in 
readiness  to  move  again  upon  the  shortest  notice.  Should  you  be  of  opinion 
that  those  of  Philadelphia  and  the  neighbouring  counties,  who  are  already 
embodied  and  under  your  command,  could  take  a  position  in  the  county  of 
Bucks,  where  they  could  be  subsisted  without  interfering  with  the  supplies 
coming  in  for  the  army,  I  should  prefer  it  to  disbanding  them ;  for,  to  be 
candid,  I  fear  so  much  time  will  be  lost  in  getting  them  out  again  after  the 
second  division  of  the  French  troops  and  ships  (hourly  expected)  arrive,  that 
the  season  for  action  will  have  glided  away,  and  that  we  shall  on  that  ac- 
count be  unable  to  prosecute  the  intended  operation.  But  should  your 
Excellency  be  of  opinion  that  they  may  return  home,  and  be  collected  again 
in  the  course  of  a  few  days  when  wanted,  I  shall  have  no  objection.  The 
Delaware  militia  being  but  a  handful  of  men,  and  those  armed  and  accoutred 
by  the  public,  I  have  thought  it  better  to  order  them  forward,  than  by  coun- 
termanding them,  run  the  risk  of  losing  the  public  stores  which  they  have 
drawn.  I  am  infinitely  obliged  to  you  for  providing  your  people  with  Camp 
equipage,  as  it  would  not  have  been  in  my  power  to  have  furnished  them 
with  a  sufficient  quantity,  if  with  any  at  all. 


LETTER.  TO  THE  CHIEF  JUSTICE.  245 

It  is  a  most  mortifying  reflection  that  we  siiould  not,  at  this  advanced 
period  of  the  campaign,  have  magazines  of  provision  for  even  one  half  the 
men  necessary  for  our  intended  operations.  I  can  only  hope  that  this  is 
owing  to  the  new  crop  not  having  yet  come  into  use,  and  that  by  tiie  time 
of  the  arrival  of  the  2d  division,  upon  which  the  commencement  of  our  ope- 
rations will  depend,  we  shall  be  in  a  situation  to  draw  a  head  of  men 
together.  I  have  every  assurance  from  the  French  land  and  sea  Com- 
manders that  the  second  division  may,  without  some  very  unexpected  ac- 
cident, be  daily  expected.  Should  we  upon  the  arrival  of  this  reinforce- 
ment, be  found,  after  all  our  promises  of  a  co-operating  force,  deficient  in 
men,  provision,  and  every  other  essential,  your  Excellency  can  easily 
conceive  what  will  be  the  opinion  of  our  allies,  and  of  all  the  world,  and 
what  will  be  the  consequences  in  the  deranged,  distracted  state  of  our 
affairs;  and  that  we  shall  be  found  in  this  situation,  unless  the  most  vigorous 
exertions  are  made  by  the  several  States  to  send  in  those  supplies  which 
are  demanded  of  them,  I  am  as  well  convinced  as  I  am  of  any  one  thing  in 
nature. 

Let  me  conjure  you  then,  my  dear  sir,  to  make  the  proper  use  of  every 
moment  of  the  time  which  we  have  yet  left.  The  fairest  prospect  since  held 
out  to  us,  and  if  we  do  not  embrace  the  opportunity  which  now  presents 
itself,  and  which  is  certainly  within  our  reach,  if  we  will  make  use  of  the 
means  in  our  power,  can  we  expect  ever  to  have  the  offer  repeated  ? 
I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  respect  and  esteem. 

Your  Excellency's  most  obedient  and  humble  servant, 

George  Washington. 

P.  S.     I  duly  received  your  Excellency's  favours  of  the  3d  and  7th. 

A  word  from  Washington  seemed  only  necessary  to  stimu- 
late the  activity  of  Mr.  Reed's  mind,  and  the  following  letter, 
written  from  the  Camp  at  Trenton,  shows  how  quickly  and 
comprehensively  it  was  applied  to  suggest  supplies  for  new  and 
urgent  necessities. 

PRESIDENT  REED  TO  THOMAS  M'KEAN.* 

Militia  Head.Quarters  near  Trenton,  Aug.  25th,  1780. 
Dear  Sir, 

The  success  of  our  public  affairs  seems  now  so  entirely  to  depend  on  pro- 
curing money  for  supplies,  that  it  is  the  subject  of  my  thoughts  both  sleeping 
and  waking.     In  our  divided  State,  not  only  the  public  cause,  but  the  exist- 

*  This  letter  has  no  superscription,  but  it  is  evidently  addressed  as  in  the  text. 
Mr.  M'Kean  was  Chief  Justice  of  Pennsylvania,  and  at  the  same  time  a  Member 
of  Congress  from  Delaware. 


246  REVENUE  PLANS. 

ence  of  our  government  seems  to  depend  upon  it.  The  fate  of  our  State 
money  most  evidently  shows  that  this  is  the  part  in  which  we  are  vulnerable, 
and  that  in  the  present  temper  of  the  trading  interest,  which  comprises  the 
principal  opposition  of  government,  we  have  nothing  favourable  to  expect 
from  them.  The  taxes  are  not  only  insufficient,  but  what  they  are  we  can- 
not touch,  being  anticipated  by  the  demands  of  Congress  and  the  State.  We 
must  therefore,  in  my  opinion,  have  recourse  to  the  lands,  and  raise  from 
them  a  supply,  until  Congress  shall  be  able  to  re-establish  itself,  or  some 
other  source  of  supply  is  opened.  My  idea  would  be  to  sell  rights,  avoiding 
a  present  location,  which  might  have  a  tendency  to  draw  the  strength  of 
the  country  into  the  wilderness,  to  be  paid  for  in  hard  cash;  State  money  or 
Continental  at  such  exchange  as  the  Council  should  fix  from  time  to  time. 
The  old  prejudices  of  a  monopoly  of  lands  appear  to  me  to  be  unreasonable; 
the  purchase  money  and  the  taxes  1  think  will  always  prove  a  check  suffi- 
ciently powerful.  But  these,  if  real  evils,  in  my  judgment  are  not  to  be  put 
in  competition  with  the  failure  of  resources  to  carry  on  the  war.  In  Con- 
necticut, the  policy  of  which  is  in  many  respects  admirable,  they  have  im- 
posed taxes  payable  in  gold  and  silver,  and  State  money.  I  am  of  opinion  a 
tax  of  that  kind  with  us  would  have  good  effects,  and  I  would  propose  it  to 
be  laid  on  all  wheel  carriages  of  pleasure,  plate,  negroes,  indented  servants, 
single  men  above  the  age  of  twenty-five,  (viz.  bachelors,)  prize  goods, 
foreign  wines,  (those  of  French  growth  for  the  present  politically  excepted.) 
Nor  should  I  be  sorry  to  see  West  India  goods  generally  subject  to  some 
duty,  salt  excepted.  Unless  we  can  do  something  of  this  kind,  how  shall 
we  pay  the  interest  of  the  money  we  have  sent  Mr.  Searle*  abroad  to  borrow'? 
Or  suppose  we  were  to  pay  off"  the  interest  of  the  State  money  next  May 
with  the  product  of  this  tax,  it  would  give  that  money  immediate  circulation 
and  permanent  credit.  I  wish  you,  my  good  sir,  to  spend  a  few  thoughts  on 
these  points  ;  and  as  the  Assembly  will  pay  much  attention  to  your  senti- 
ments, if  you  could  digest  some  plan  of  this  kind,  the  public  would  be 
greatly  benefited.  I  intended  to  have  marched  from  this  place  this  day, 
but  received  letters  from  the  General,  dated  20th,  requesting  me  to  continue 
where  we  were;  the  second  division  of  the  French  fleet  not  being  arrived, 
and  of  course  the  proposed  expedition  against  New  York  being  delayed. 
My  people  behave  with  a  regularity  of  discipline  beyond  anything  I  ever 
saw  in  militia.     A  flock  of  chickens  would  go  untouched  through  the  camp. 


TO  MRS.  REED. 

Bloomsbury,  August  26th,  1780. 
My  dear  Hetty, 

Your  affectionate  favours  of  the  20th  and  22d  inst.  came  safe  to  hand  by 
Dr.  Cutting.  We  have  been  very  kindly  received  by  our  friends  here,  and 
as  yet  have  preserved  so  much  good  order  as  to  prevent  any  material  injury 

*  Mr.  Searle's  mission  to  Europe  will  be  described  in  the  succeeding  chapters. 


LETTER  TO  MRS.  REED. 


247 


to  our  hospitable  entertainers.  Mr.  Cox's  water-melon  patch  has  been 
robbed,  which  of  course  must  be  imputed  to  the  militia,  though  it  is  very 
probable  the  same  hands  have  been  busy  this  year  as  the  last.  You  will  find 
a  letter  from  Mr.  Barclay  to  me,  which  was  left  on  the  chimney-piece  in 
town,  which  I  should  be  glad  you  would  send  to  Mr.  Moore.  On  the  23d 
inst.  I  received  a  long  letter  from  the  General,  in  answer  to  the  one  I  wrote 
from  this  on  my  arrival  here.  He  laments  the  situation  of  his  army  in  point 
of  provision,  and  desires  we  would  not  proceed  till  further  orders.  He  has 
left  it  to  me  to  stay  in  New  Jersey,  or  go  into  Bucks  County,  or  in  case  the 
men  can  easily  be  got  out  again,  to  let  them  go  home  and  be  in  readiness  to 
march  at  a  short  warning.  The  latter  being,  in  my  opinion,  impracticable, 
and  staying  in  Bucks  County  not  eligible,  I  have  thought  it  best  to  stay  here 
He  says  there  is  daily  expectation  of  the  second  division  of  the  French  fleet, 
on  whose  arrival  he  would  have  us  come  forward.  I  am  almost  tired  of  this 
state  of  inactivity,  but,  on  the  whole,  think  it  preferable  to  disbanding  the 
militia,  and  calling  out  a  new  set.  It  is  too  obvious  that  the  bulk  of  the 
people  are  weary  of  war.  The  rich  pay  their  fines,  and  avoid  the  duty; 
the  poor,  having  little  or  no  stake  in  the  game,  seek  their  indulgences  also, 
and  I  fear  these  overstrained  exertions  will  leave  us  in  a  state  of  great 
weakness.  As  far  as  we  can  yet  judge,  the  French  reinforcement  will  be 
an  unlucky  measure;  but  it  may,  and  I  hope  will  prove  otherwise.  As  to 
going  to  Head-Quarters,  I  shall  not  do  it  unless  something  particular  should 
make  it  necessary.  I  should  not  care  to  leave  the  troops,  in  the  first  place ; 
and,  as  matters  are  circumstanced,  I  should  not  be  fond  of  going  to  Head- 
Quarters  uninvited.  As  your  resolutions  of  going  to  town  seem  to  have 
been  formed  on  the  change  of  weather,  you  have  probably  altered  them  on 
the  return  of  the  heat,  which  has  been  very  intense  for  several  days  past. 
As  our  stay  for  some  days  here  is  pretty  certain,  I  shall  be  very  happy  to 
see  you,  if  your  domestic  situation  will  permit,  and  will  send  Jack  down, 
whenever  you  name  the  day,  with  the  other  horse.  If  you  conclude  on  it, 
I  would  not  have  you  mention  it,  but  make  a  flying  visit.  You  cannot 
doubt,  my  dear  creature,  but  I  shall  not  only  be  gratified  with  seeing  you, 
but  that  I  should  also  wish  to  have  you  with  me  as  long  as  possible.  But 
you  know  how  many  busy,  slanderous,  and  envious  eyes  there  are  upon  me, 
and  that  the  old  proverb  is  frequently  verified  in  me,  that  some  may  better 
steal  a  horse  than  another  look  over  the  hedge.  Our  camp,  though  small, 
will  give  you  some  idea  of  an  army,  and  our  friends  will  make  you  welcome. 
General  Wilkinson,  Mr.  Shields,  and  Mr.  IngersoU  are  all  in  camp  to-day 
for  the  first  time.  Mrs.  Hutchinson  is  here  with  the  Doctor,  but  leaves 
him  to-day. 

The  affair  of  the  donation  will  require  your  attention,  or  slander  will  be 
busy  on  that  score ;  the  General  is  so  decided  that  you  have  no  choice  left, 
so  that  the  sooner  you  finish  the  business  the  better.*     You  will  recollect, 

*  The  Philadelphia  contribution  for  the  soldiers. 


248  LETTER  TO  WASHINGTON. 

my  dear  creature,  that  it  will  be  necessary  for  you  to  render  a  public 
account  of  your  stewardship  in  this  business,  and  though  you  will  receive  no 
thanks  if  you  do  it  well,  you  will  much  blame,  should  it  be  otherwise.  If 
it  should  happen  that  you  do  not  come  up,  I  have  something  to  mention  in 
writing  on  this  point,  but  I  had  rather  do  it  personally,  so  that  I  shall  defer 
till  I  see  what  you  conclude  upon.  I  have  received  the  shirts,  &c.,  and  a 
large  bundle  of  English  newspapers,  but  you  do  not  tell  me  to  whom  I  am 
obliged  for  this  communication,  or  whether  I  am  to  return  them.  I  should 
not  be  disappointed  if  the  repeated  and  continued  attacks  of  my  enemies 
should  sometimes  meet  with  partial  success.  Human  nature  is  not  equal 
to  the  task  of  watching  and  repelling  such  incessant  and  implacable 
malice,  but  I  am  grown  very  callous  on  these  points.  I  shall  do  my 
duty  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  and  if,  after  all,  prejudices  arising  from 
envy,  and  real,  though  causeless  malignity,  prevail,  I  trust  it  can  only  be 
for  a  season ;  the  mist  will,  sooner  or  later,  clear  away,  but  if  it  should  not, 
I  shall  always  have  the  satisfaction  arising  from  an  approving  conscience, 
of  having  performed  my  duty  to  my  country  unbiassed  by  interest  or  ambi- 
tion. It  is  not  unlikely  the  General  has  caught  the  infection  in  part,  for 
mischief  is  ever  industrious,  but  he  has  a  good  heart,  and  I  believe  slow  in 
listening  to  evil  reports.  He  may  have  more  professing  and  adulating 
friends,  but  he  has  not  a  more  sincere  one  in  America.  He  is  not  in  all 
respects  lucky  as  to  those  about  him,  but,  being  honest  himself,  he  will  not 
readily  suspect  the  virtue  of  others.  I  have  forwarded  your  letter  to  him. 
I  wish  you  had  mentioned  the  progress  you  had  made  in  the  business,  and 
think  you  had  best  occasionally  inform  him  how  you  go  on.  Kiss  the  chil- 
dren for  me,  and  remember  me  affectionately  to  your  mamma,  as  well  as 
kindly  to  all  friends.  If  you  have  not  sent  up  my  bed-curtains,  1  wish  you 
would  take  the  first  opportunity  to  do  it.  I  have  too  much  pleasure  in  hear- 
ing from  you  not  to  desire  you  to  write  as  frequently  as  you  can,  and  am, 
my  dear  Hetty, 

With  unabated  and  inviolable  affection,  ever  yours, 

J.  R. 


PRESIDENT  REED  TO  WASHINGTON. 

Bloomsbury,  Sept.  2d,  1780. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  beg  leave  to  introduce  to  you  Mr.  Sheill,  a  gentleman  whose  enthusi- 
asm in  the  American  cause  has  led  him  to  this  country  with  a  very  con- 
siderable fortune.  Being  disappointed  in  his  expectations  of  visiting  the 
camp  in  a  military  capacity,  he  wished  for  an  opportunity  to  pay  bis  respects 
to  your  Excellency  as  a  private  gentleman. 

Having  dismissed  the  militia,  collected  the  military  stores,  and  transferred 
to  the  Quartermaster  and  Commissary  all  that  remained  of  our  forage  and 
provisions,  I  shall  set  out  immediately  for  Philadelphia,  where  your  Excel- 


THOMAS  m'kean.  249 

lency  may  depend  on  every  exertion  in  my  power  for  the  general  benefit. 
I  have  the  satisfaction  of  leaving  this  post  better  supplied  than  I  found  it, 
having  drawn  from  Bucks  County  a  very  considerable  proportion  of  forage 
and  provisions,  which  we  left  here. 

The  deranged  state  of  our  public  affairs,  is  indeed  much  to  be  lamented 
and  apprehended  ;  but  I  shall  ever  think  it  is  to  be  ascribed  to  the  errors 
of  the  year  1779,  when  the  prospects  of  a  winter's  peace  was  evidently  the 
basis  of  all  the  measures  of  Congress,  and  a  few  landed  men,  apprehensive 
of  the  taxes  on  their  estates,  poured  out  the  public  money  with  such  profu- 
sion as  to  force  the  public  bankruptcy,  while  they  frustrated  every  measure 
for  restoring  public  credit,  either  by  a  foreign  loan,  or  a  vigorous  internal 
exertion.* 

In  calling  out  the  militia  of  the  State  on  this  occasion,  I  have  endea- 
voured to  conform  to  your  Excellency's  orders,  both  in  letter  and  spirit; 
they  only  regret  that  circumstances  have  not  permitted  them  to  give  you 
farther  proof  of  their  affection  and  confidence;  and  on  any  future  occasion, 
I  trust  they  will  be  equally  ready  to  obey  your  commands.  For  my  own 
part,  on  every  account,  both  public  and  private,  I  shall  be  happy  to  give 
every  possible  proof  of  the  sincere  attachment  and  respeci  with  which  I  am, 
dear  sir,  &c. 

The  following  letters,  selected  from  many  others,  belong  to 
this  period. 


THOMAS  M'KEAN  TO  REED. 

Philadelphia,  August  29th,  1780. 
Dear  Sir, 

Yesterday  morning  I  received  your  favour  of  Saturday  by  Mr.  Sterett. 
Congress  have,  for  a  month  past,  been  so  distressed  for  want  of  money,  that 
nothing  but  hope  could  have  supported  them  under  it,  and  that  hope,  to  wit, 
remittances  from  the  States  eastward  of  Virginia,  the  others  being  reserved 
for  the  northern  army,  has  now  failed  them  ;  almost  all  the  taxes  are  swal- 
lowed up  in  discharging  debts  contracted  in  the  Quartermaster's  and  Com- 
missary's departments,  and  what  little  surplus  remained,  we  are  told  by  all 
the  States,  is  employed  in  equipping  and  marching  the  militia  on  the  pre- 
sent expedition.  Had  the  whole  been  paid  into  the  treasury  of  the  United 
States,  it  would  have  amounted  but  to  a  third  part  in  value  of  the  sum  ex- 
pected, the  depreciation  having  trebled  since  the  requisition  made  of  the 
several  States.  You  now  see  our  situation.  All  the  resource  we  have  is 
the  new  money  ;  if  that  should  not  freely  circulate,  or  should  it  speedily  de- 
preciate, we  shall  be  at  our  wit's  end ;  however,  recent  steps  have  been 

*  This  view  of  the  legislation  of  the  preceding  year  is,  no  doubt,  a  just  one. 


250  MR.  m'kean's  letter. 

taken  to  give  it  vigour.  I  fear  we  shall,  at  last,  be  compelled  to  have  re- 
course to  the  Tories  for  one  of  Charles  the  Ist's  Benevolences.  In  short,  we 
seem  to  be  all  very  grave,  and  the  General's  late  letters  are  much  more  so 
than  usual ;  however,  si  male  nunc,  et  dim  non  erit.  Let  us  but  make  pri- 
soners of  the  British  Army  at  New  York,  and  all  will  be  soon  well. 

If  a  land  office  is  opened  soon,  in  this  State,  upon  the  fooling  you  men- 
tion, viz.  of  revenue  only,  Pennsylvania  will  have  money  enough  for  ano- 
ther and  yet  another  campaign  :  there  must  be  no  condition  of  settlement, 
as  contended  for  by  some,  there  should,  rather,  on  the  contrary,  in  my 
opinion,  be  a  condition  of  forfeiture,  in  case  of  settlement,  during  the  war, 
except  by  persons  at  present  resident  in  the  back  counties,  for  obvious  rea- 
sons.* To  limit  the  quantity  of  land  to  be  granted  to  any  one  person  or  fa- 
mily, is  useless  and  impracticable. 

The  great  object  of  a  present  sale  must  be  the  purchase  money,  and  an 
increased  fund  for  taxes  the  next  year;  and  many  foreigners  maybe  in- 
duced to  speculate  in  this  way,  and  thereby  become  really  interested  in  the 
event  of  the  war,  and  in  the  prosperity  of  Pennsylvania  in  particular.  I 
shall  exert  my  best  endeavours  to  have  this  work  accomplished  during  the 
present  session  of  Assembly,  and  that  I  may  be  enabled  in  future  to  attend 
to  the  affairs  of  this  State  only,  1  have  quit  Congress  yesterday,  except  to 
make  a  few  reports.  I  have  served  my  apprenticeship,  to  wit,  in  seven 
Congresses.  I  am  greatly  relieved  by  your  favourable  account  of  the  mi- 
litia :  those  of  the  City  must  be  much  reformed  since  I  had  the  command  of 
a  battalion  of  them.  There  were  then  some  of  the  most  rude,  turbulent  im- 
pudent, lazy,  dirty  fellows  amongst  them  that  I  had  ever  beheld  ;  but  I  sup- 
pose they  have  chiefly  gone  into  the  Army,  or  joined  the  enemy.  At  any 
rate  I  feared  you  would  have  had  much  trouble  with  them.  Congress 
have  passed  an  act  giving  the  Presidents  and  Governors  of  States,  the  rank 
of  major-generals  in  the  line  whilst  they  are  with  the  army.f 

There  is  an  opinion  entertained  here,  that  the  '2d  division  was  seen  near 
Bermudas,  and  I  have  some  hopes  that  it  may  be  so.  The  Alliance,  Captain 
Landais,  is  arrived  at  Boston — there  are  no  official  accounts  received,  but  you 
may  rely  upon  it,  she  has  brought,  at  least,  the  following  articles, — 10,000 
suits  of  soldiers'  clothes;  50  tons  of  powder  ;  20,000  stands  of  arms  ;  many 
cannon,  18  and  12  pounders,  besides  other  things  we  much  wanted — report 
speaks  of  larger  quantities  of  each  of  the  enumerated  articles. 

The  notice  you  have  been  pleased  to  take  of  Mr.  Sterett  is  very  obliging 
to  me;  you  will  find  him  a  young  man  of  unshaken  integrity,  indefatigable 
industry,  and  of  abilities  beyond  his  years,  accompanied  with  a  becoming 
modesty. 

*No  land  office  was  opened  during  the  war,  till  the  ne.xt  year,  under  an  act 
passed  9th  of  April,  1781. — Sergeant's  Land  Law  of  Pennsylvania,  p.  70. 
t  Resolution  25th  August,  1780.     Journals,  p.  266. 


WAYNE  S  LETTER. 


251 


I  wish  a  continuance  of  your  health,  and  a  glorious  campaign  to  yourself 
and  country,  and  am,  my  dear  Sir, 

Your  Excellency's 

Most  obedient  humble  servant, 

Thomas  M'Kean* 


WAYNE  TO  REED. 

Camp  Liberty  Pole,  September  3d,  1780. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  would  have  acknowledged  the  receipt  of  your  obliging  favour  long 
since,  but  was  deprived  of  that  pleasure  by  a  succession  of  marches  and 
counter-marches,  and  the  intervention  of  many  disagreeable  circumstances. 

I  am  not  altogether  unacquainted  with  the  ungenerous  insinuations  thrown 
out  with  respect  to  your  conduct,  but  am  made  happy  by  the  disappointment 
fiome  of  those  people  have  experienced  on  your  arrival,  with  so  respectable 
a  body  of  militia,  on  this  side  the  Rubicon,  which  has  produced  a  convic- 
tion that  the  virtuous  citizens  of  Pennsylvania  are  not  tied  down  to  any  local 
spot,  but  when  occasion  requires,  will  cheerfully  move  to  any  point,  and  in 
the  eye  of  danger  meet  every  vicissitude,  under  the  conduct  of  a  Governor 
in  whose  fortitude  and  abilities  they  can  place  the  highest  confidence. 

Among  the  disagreeable  circumstances  I  allude  to,  there  are  none  more 
alarming  than  the  discontent  that  pervades  the  whole  of  the  field  olficers 
of  this  line  on  account  of  a  brevet  officer  taking  a  permanent  command  in  a 
full  corps  drawn  from  tiie  troops  of  this  State  during  the  campaign.  I  have 
used  every  influence  in  my  power  to  prevent  their  dissolution,  in  which  I 
have  been  well  seconded  by  General  Irvine,  as  you'll  find  by  the  enclosed 
copies  of  letters  written  on  the  occasion. 

I  wish  every  general  officer  of  this  State  had  experienced  equal  anxiety, 
or  rather  that  they  had  not  been  too  instrumental  in  giving  the  first  cause 
for  tliat  discontent  and  persevering  in  it  at  a  period  which  atfords  but  a 
melancholy  aspect  of  a  happy  issue. 

One  of  the  enclosed  copies  to  his  Excellency  is  confidential ;  my  own 
feelings  prompt  me  to  send  it,  and  although  I  have  had  the  strongest 
assurances  from  Head-Quarters,  that   no  such  insinuations  had  or  ever 


*  I  may  here  be  permitted  to  express  my  regret  that  Mr.  M'Kean's  papers,  es- 
pecially those  connected  with  the  Revolution,  are  not  accessible.  They  must  be 
full  of  interest,  as  his  public  career  was  very  varied,  and  distinguished.  They 
are  understood  to  be  in  the  hands  of  his  only  surviving  child,  Mr.  Thomas  M'Kean 
of  this  City.  The  family  of  Chief  Justice  M'Kean  exhibits  a  curious  instance  of 
the  entanglement  of  American  and  European  personal  relations.  The  Duke  de 
Soto  Mayor,  lately  Spanish  Minister  at  London,  and  now,  if  the  confusion  of  rapid 
revolutions  does  not  mislead  me.  Prime  Minister  of  Spain,  is  a  grandson  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Chief  Justice. 


252  RETURN  TO  PHILADELPHIA. 

have  any  effect  to  the  prejudice  of  my  character,  yet  I  have  ground  to 
believe  that  for  a  time  they  had  some  weight. 

Could  I  but  once  fix  the  caitiff,  this  world  would  want  space  to  hold  us 
both.  I  think  that  1  have  drawn  his  picture,  and  doubt  not  but  that  the 
same  principles  which  induced  him  to  throw  out  this  innuendo,  has  produced 
others  on  many  occasions  to  different  gentlemen,  and  though  equally 
groundless,  perhaps  with  more  success. 

Enclosed  is  a  copy  of  my  letter  to  his  Excellency  General  Washington, 
which  I  expected  would  have  been  transmitted  to  Congress;  you  have  also 
a  list  of  officers  recommended  for  Commissions  in  the  7th  Regiment,  which 
I  wish  you  to  appoint,  as  they  are  much  wanted. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be  with  much  esteem. 

Your  Excellency's  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

Antuony  Wayne. 

N.  B.  Could  we  obtain  hard  cash,  we  would  enlist  almost  the  whole  of 
the  draughts  during  the  war ;  we  have  got  several  upon  trust. 

The  President  returned  to  Philadelphia  to  meet  the  Assembly 
then  about  to  convene,  and  resume  his  regular  Executive  duties, 
the  extraordinary  powers  with  which  he  and  his  colleagues 
were  vested,  being  limited  to  the  period  of  the  legislative  recess. 


CHAPTER    XIL 
1780. 

Mrs.  Reed's  Character — Her  Correspondence  during  the  War — Subscriptions  of 
the  Philadelphia  Ladies  for  the  relief  of  the  Soldiers — Barbe  Marbois'  Letter  to 
Mrs.  Reed — Letters  from  Washington  to  Mrs.  Reed — Lafayette's  Subscription 
— Mrs.  Reed's  Illness  and  Death — Mrs.  Bache — Wayne's  Letter — Arnold's 
Treason — Letter  from  Major  Andre  to  Mrs.  Arnold — Charles  Thomson's 
Letter  to  Mr.  Jay — General  Schuyler's  Letter — Andre's  Execution — Washing- 
ton's Letter,  18th  October,  1780. 

It  becomes  necessary  to  interrupt  the  narrative  of  public 
events  by  an  incident  of  painful  domestic  interest, — the  death  of 
Mrs.  Reed.  She  died  at  Philadelphia,  on  the  18th  of  Sep- 
tember, 1780,  at  the  early  age  of  thirty-four — a  brief  married 
life  of  ten  years  of  war  and  confusion.  It  is  not  easy  in 
the  biography  of  a  public  man,  to  determine  at  what  point 
domestic  and  familiar  incidents  cease  to  be  interesting  to  the 
casual  reader.  Yet  it  would  be  very  unjust  in  a  Memoir  meant 
to  illustrate  not  merely  the  public  career  of  one,  however 
eminent,  but  the  times  in  which  he  lived,  the  manners  of  so- 
ciety, and  the  thousand  circumstances  which  affect  individual 
character,  to  omit  to  notice  the  influence  of  a  wife  of  high  in- 
telligence and  accomplishment,  the  homeliness  of  whose  revo- 
lutionary life  was  brightened  by  the  most  heroic  of  woman's 
virtues, — cheerful  resignation,  and  uncomplaining  submission  to 
a  hard  lot.  The  women,  the  wives  and  mothers  of  the  Revo- 
lution, had  trials  as  well  as  the  men.  They  bore  them  with 
modest  heroism,  and  no  one  more  so  than  Esther  Reed. 

Born  to  affluence,  and  reared  under  the  eye  of  doting, parents 
in  the  Mother  Country,  she  had,  when  a  girl,  renounced  all  the 
ties  that  bound  her  to  home,  and  followed  the  lover  of  her 
youth  to  these  wild  Colonies.    Transatlantic  adventure  had  far 


254  MRS.  reed's  character. 

greater  terrors  then  than  now.  Scarcely  had  she  become  used 
to  her  new  and  distant  home,  and  while  watching  over  the 
cradle  of  her  first  children,  when  a  Civil  War  burst  forth, 
severing  all  bonds  between  her  native  and  adopted  land,  and 
tearing  from  her  side  the  husband  on  whom,  in  a  land  of  stran- 
gers, she  alone  depended.  During  fiv^e  years  of  war,  more  than 
half  the  time,  her  family  was  broken  up,  and  for  a  long  period 
the  young  wife,  with  her  little  children,  and  an  aged  mother, 
was  driven  to  seek  a  distant  and  precarious  refuge.  Yet  no 
murmur  of  complaint  ever  escaped  her  lips,  and  the  corre- 
spondence which  has  survived,  whilst  it  illustrates  the  lover- 
like and  romantic  fondness  of  the  husband,  paints  in  still  brighter 
tints  the  patient,  cheerful  endurance  of  the  desolate  wife.  She 
had  become  an  American  soldier's  wife.  All  her  hopes  and 
affections  were  wrapped  up  in  him  and  the  cause  he  had  es- 
poused. It  is  not  easy  to  resist  the  temptation  to  refer  to  these 
letters  in  detail.  They  are  eminently  characteristic  of  the 
writer,  and  her  times  of  trial.  One  or  two,  taken  very  much  at 
random  at  diflerent  periods  of  her  short  married  life,  may  at 
least  be  pardoned.  There  is  in  them  no  sentimentalism,  but  a 
healthy,  cheerful  tone,  which  is  worthy  of  all  praise.  They  show, 
too,  the  severity  of  the  blow  which,  amid  other  trials,  Mr.  Reed 
met  with  in  the  death  of  one  he  loved  so  wisely  and  so  well. 

Durino-  the  campaign  of  1777,  when  the  enemy  were  threat- 
ening Philadelphia  either  by  a  direct  movement  through  the 
Jerseys,  or  the  circuit  which  they  ultimately  adopted,  Mr.  Reed 
removed  his  family,  a  wife  and  three  children,  one  an  infant, 
and  the  oldest  but  six  years  of  age,  to  Norriton,  on  the  banks 
of  the  Schuylkill,  about  seventeen  miles  from  the  city.  Here 
they  remained  till  the  actual  approach  of  the  British  army,  and 
hence  the  following  letters  were  written  to  Mr.  Reed. 

"Norriton,  June  21,  1777. 

"  I  have  received  both  my  dear  friend's  letters,  one  by  Mr. 
Henry,  the  other  by  some  other  conveyance.  They  have  con- 
tributed in  a  great  degree  to  raise  my  spirits,  which,  though 
low  enough,  are  much  better  than  when  you  parted  with  me. 
The  reflection  how  much  I  pain  you  by  my  want  of  resolution, 


LETTERS  OF  MRS.  REED.  255 

and  the  double  distress  I  occasion  you  when  I  ought  to  make 
your  duly  as  light  as  possible,  would  tend  to  depress  my  spirits, 
did  I  not  consider  that  the  best  and  only  amends  is  to  endeavour 
to  resume  my  former  cheerfulness,  and  regain  my  usual  spirits. 
I  wish  you  to  know,  my  dearest  friend,  that  I  have  done  this 
as  much  as  possible,  and  beg  you  to  free  your  mind  from  every 
care  on  this  head,  I  must  acknowledge  the  good  news  I  gather 
from  your  letters  and  other  accounts,  have  contributed  much 
to  it,  and  especially  the  pause  there  seems  to  be  in  approaching 
events,  has   given   me   time  to  recover  myself.     I  am  well  in 

health,  and  better  in  spirits  than  when  you  left  me. 

I  am  much  pleased  with  your  determina- 
tion as  to  your  own  line  of  conduct.  Being  Adjutant-General 
to  the  militia  did  not  appear  to  me  so  clever.  I  wish  I  could 
find  words  sufficient  to  express  how  much  I  approve  and  ad- 
mire your  conduct,  in  which  the  tenderest  regard  for  my  hap- 
piness mingles  with  your  disinterested  exertions  in  your  coun- 
try's service,  but  I  dare  not  say  all  I  think.  I  know  you  smile 
already  at  what  you  call  my  partiality,  but  I  know  my  dear 
friend  will  not  wholly  despise  my  praises. 

"From  what  I  gathered  from  General  Armstrong,  I  imagine 
you  will  not  go  as  far  as  Head-Quarters,  and,  also,  from  his 
and  your  account  of  public  affairs.  General  Armstrong  will  not 
be  wanted  immediately.  If  so,  I  shall  hope  to  see  you  in  a  few 
days. — We  are  all  well,  and  join  in  the  most  earnest  wishes  for 
your  return.     Adieu." 

In  February,  1778,  writing  to  a  female  friend,  (Mrs.  Cox,*) 
she  says : 

"  Expecting  the  pleasure  of  seeing  Mr.  Cox  to-morrow,  and 
wishing  to  enjoy  as  much  of  his  company  as  I  can,  I  take  this 
evening  to  write  to  you.  I  hear  he  has  not  immediately  left 
home,  and  therefore  do  not  expect  the  pleasure  of  having  a 
line  from  you.  It  is  now  very  long  since,  but  I  know  it  is  not 
easily  accomplished,  especially  this  season — this  season,  my 
dear  friend,  which  used  to  be  long  and  tedious,  has  to  me  been 
swift,  and  no  sooner  come  but  nearly  gone.  Not  from  the 
pleasures  it  has  brought,  but  the  fears  of  what  is  to  come,  and 


*  Mrs.  Esther  Cox,  the  wife  of  Colonel  John  Cox. 


256  MRS.  REED  S  LETTERS. 

this  on  many  accounts.  Winter  has  now  become  the  only- 
season  of  peace  and  safety — returning  spring,  I  fear,  will  bring 
a  return  of  bloodshed  and  destruction  to  our  country.  That  it 
must  do  so  to  this  part  of  it  seems  unavoidable,  and  how  much 
of  the  distress  we  may  feel  before  we  are  able  to  move  from 
it,  I  cannot  say.  I  sometimes  fear  a  great  deal — it  has  already 
become  too  dangerous  for  Mr.  Reed  to  be  at  home  more  than 
one  day  at  a  time,  and  that  seldom  and  uncertain.  Indeed,  I 
am  easiest  when  he  is  from  home,  as  his  being  here  brings 
danger  with  it.  There  are  so  many  disaffected  to  the  cause 
of  their  country  that  they  lie  in  wait  for  those  who  are  active, 
but  I  trust  that  the  same  kind  presiding  Power  which  has  pre- 
served him  from  the  hands  of  his  enemies,  will  still  do  it.  His 
life  has  had  several  remarkable  escapes,  one  of  which  he  was 
not  apprised   of  till  a  few  days   ago.     Our  acquaintance,  T. 

S ,  who  you  know  is  not  apt  to  be  over  attentive  to  his  family, 

having  left  his  son  Jonathan  at  Germantown  about  six  weeks  after 
the  British  troops  had  left  it,  wrote  from  Lancaster  to  Mr.  Reed 
that  he  was  very  anxious  on  his  account,  and  begged  the  favour 
of  him  to  ride  down  there,  and  make  some  inquiry  concerning 
him.  His  affections  and  relations  to  the  child  made  him  under- 
take it,  but  not  without  some  little  fear  lest  the  enemy  might 
happen  to  come  out  that  way.  However,  he  went,  found  J.  S. 
in  good  health  and  spirits,  wanting  only  a  little  hard  money  to 
purchase  some  necessaries,  with  which  he  supplied  him,  and 
returned  safely.  He  has  learned  from  some  friends  since,  that 
the  English  Horse  were  there  at  the  very  time,  loitering  at  the 
lower  end  of  the  town,  and  were  at  the  house  he  left  not  five 

minutes  after  his  departure ." 

Again,  soon  after,  in  a  far  more  desponding  tone  : — 
"  How  can  I  better  employ  a  leisure  hour  than  by  writing  to 
my  dear  friend,  to  whom  I  know  it  always  gives  pleasure  to 
hear  from  me.  I  wrote  you  a  few  weeks  ago,  since  which  I 
have  not  had  a  word  from  you ;  indeed,  it  adds  not  a  little  to 
the  distresses  of  our  days  that  we  cannot  mitigate  the  trouble 
of  being  separated  from  our  friends,  by  a  frequent  and  uninter- 
rupted intercourse,  but  so  it  is,  and  we  must  submit.  In  my 
last  I  informed  you  of  my  situation,  and  how  very  low-spirited 


FAMILY  AFFAIRS.  257 

I  was  in  consequence  of  it.  I  wish  I  could  tell  you  now,  my 
dear  friend,  that  I  had  regained  my  spirits,  and  bore  my 
troubles  with  a  becoming  temper  of  mind,  but  I  confess  I  find 
the  greatest  relief  in  chasing  away  all  thoughts  of  what  is  be- 
fore me.  A  thousand  times  I  blame  myself  for  my  discontent, 
and  yet  I  am  not  able  wholly  to  overcome  it.  The  fears  of  my 
approaching  hour  sometimes  so  depress  me  that  my  whole  for- 
titude avails  me  nothing.  You  will  not  wonder  so  much  at 
this  when  I  tell  you  that  I  must  be  entirely  in  the  hands  of 
strangers,  nor  know  I  what  assistance  to  procure.  Distressing 
as  my  situation  is,  yet,  when  compared  to  some  others,  it  is 
not  to  be  mentioned.  Our  neighbourhood  has  lately  afibrded 
a  scene  of  trouble,  the  reflection  on  which  has,  in  some  de- 
gree, silenced  my  murmurings,  and  made  me  thankful,  instead 
of  repining  that  everything  is  not  exactly  as  I  could  wish.  Our 
neighbour,  B.  Marshall,  (I  don't  know  whether  you  know  him,) 
died  last  week  of  a  fever,  leaving  a  widow  and  three  children. 
I  have  not  yet  visited  this  house  of  sorrow,  but  shall,  as  soon 
as  the  weather  permits." 

Later  in  the  same  year,  (June,  1778,)  having  lost  one  of  her 
children  by  the  small-pox,  Mrs.  Reed  writes  to  the  same  friend 
from  Flemington,  whither  she  had  been  removed  some  weeks 
before. 

"  I  was  intending  to  sit  down  and  write  to  you  the  very  time 
I  received  your  kind,  acceptable  letter,  truly  welcome  in  the 
sympathizing  words  of  my  dear  friend, — much  do  I  stand  in 
need  of  them  ;  the  loss  I  have  sustained  in  my  little  circle  I 
find  sits  very  heavy  upon  me,  and  I  find,  by  experience,  how 
hard  a  task  it  is  to  be  resigned.  Therefore  I  must  make  yet 
larger  demands  on  you,  and  beg  you  will  continue  to  apply 
every  argument  which  will  tend  to  make  me  more  perfectly 
acquiesce  in  the  Divine  pleasure,  concerning  me  and  mine. 
Surely  my  affliction  had  its  aggravation,  and  I  cannot  help 
reflecting  on  my  neglect  of  my  dear  lost  child.  Too  thoughtful 
and  attentive  to  my  own  situation,  I  did  not  take  the  necessary 
precaution  to  prevent  that  fatal  disorder  when  it  was  in  my 
power.      Surely,  my  dear  friend,  I  ought  to  take  blame   to 

VOL.  II.  17 


258  MRS.  reed's  letters. 

myself.  I  would  not  do  it  to  aggravate  my  sorrow,  but  to 
learn  a  lesson  of  humility,  and  more  caution  and  prudence  in 
future.  Would  to  God  I  could  learn  every  lesson  intended  by 
the  stroke.  I  think  sometimes  of  my  loss  with  composure, 
acknowledging  the  wisdom,  right,  even  the  kindness  of  the  dis- 
pensation. Again  I  find  it  overcome  me,  and  strike  to  the  very 
bottom  of  my  heart,  and  tell  me  the  work  is  not  yet  finished, 
I've  much  yet  to  do ;  assist  me,  therefore,  my  dear  friend,  with 
your  councils,  and  teach  me  to  say,  that  God  does  all  things 
well.  But  I  will  not  trespass  longer  on  your  friendship,  but  turn 
my  thoughts  and  yours  to  more  pleasant  scenes,  for  God  has 
given,  as  well  as  taken  away,  and  the  loss  of  one  should  not 
make  me  unmindful  of  the  blessings  I  have  left,  and  those  newly 
given.         **-•#* 

"  I  am  pretty  well  recovered,  but  my  strength  not  so  much 
recruited  as  usual  in  the  same  time.  My  dear  little  boy  grows 
very  fast ;  his  name  is  Dennis  De  Berdt ;  he  has  as  few  com- 
plaints as  any  child  of  his  age  I  ever  saw ;  my  fresh  duty  to 
him  greatly  tends  to  relieve  my  thoughts,  and  divert  my  too 
melancholy  I'cflections.* 

"  I  know  it  will  give  you  pleasure,  my  dear  friend,  to  hear 
that  we  have  late  letters  from  my  brother.  Governor  John- 
stone, one  of  the  Commissioners,  brought  them.  They  bring  the 
most  agreeable  tidings  from  him ;  he  has  married  a  very  amia- 
ble woman  with  a  large  fortune,  from  whom  also  both  mamma 
and  myself  had  letters.  She  was  so  near  lying  in,  that  I  sup- 
pose his  son  or  daughter  is  just  the  age  of  my  child.  It  seems  to 
have  renewed  mamma's  spirits  exceedingly,  and  given  me 
double  pleasure  on  that  account ;  they  both  give  her  a  kind  in- 
vitation to  come  to  England,  which  she  enjoys  very  much, 
though  I  believe  without  the  thought  of  accepting.  Yet  I  can 
easily  judge  how  very  pleasing  it  must  be  to  her.         *         * 

"  How  earnestly  do  I  wish  that  I  could  see  you ;  can  I  have 
no  hope  this  summer  that  you  will  come?  must  you  ever  be  so 
crowded  with  business?  For  myself  it  is  not  practicable;  the 
length  of  the  journey  and  my  incumbrances  forbid  the  thought, 
but  r  can't  give  up  the  expectation  of  seeing  you  here.     Your- 

*  Mr.  Reed's  second  son,  born  at  Flemington,  12th  May,  1778,  died  at  sea  on 
his  voyage  fromBatavia,  6th  February,  1805. 


MRS.  reed's  letters.  259 

self  and  Miss  Rachael,  if  not  both  at  one  time,  yet  separately, 
might  favour  me.  I  am  very  lonely  here :  this  would  induce  you 
for  my  sake ;  that  the  part  of  the  country  is  new  and  would 
vary  the  scene  for  Miss  Rachael,  might  be  another  motive 
for  her.     I  think  I  will  be  very  angry  if  you  disappoint  me." 

July  Qth. — "  Thus  far  had  I  written,  as  you  will  see  by  the 
date,  three  weeks  ago,  and  have  had  no  opportunity  of  sending 
it  to  you.  I  had  some  doubts  whether  to  send  it  or  write  anew, 
but  as  my  mind  is  not  altered,  and  still  stands  in  need  of  your 
kind  and  consoling  advice,  I  venture  this  trespass  on  your 
friendship,  as  1  find  it  the  most  softening  and  healing  to  my 
heart ;  but  my  grief  shall  not  be  now  renewed,  but  stand  lar  off 
while  I  congratulate  you  on  the  possession  of  our  City  once 
more.  You  have  been  to  visit  it,  I  hear ;  for  my  part,  I  do  not 
expect  to  see  it  for  some  time  yet ;  the  cool  weather  must  arrive 
before  I  can  think  of  it.  I  hope  when  I  hear  from  you,  you 
will  tell  me  who  and  what  you  saw,  and  how  your  Tory  ac- 
quaintance behaved.  Methinks  one  would  be  almost  tempted 
to  pity  them.  At  a  distance,  I  cannot  feel  much  for  them,  but 
some  particular  scenes  of  separation,  I  dare  say,  must  be  verv 
distressing.  I  must  also  congratulate  you  on  our  success  at 
Monmouth,  and  that  our  State  is  free  from  our  cruel  enemy. 
You  will,  I  am  sure,  my  dear  friend,  congratulate  me,  when  1 
tell  you  that  my  dear  Mr.  Reed  was  in  the  action,  and  had  his 
horse  again  shot ;  this  is  the  third  time  the  same  circumstance 
has  happened,  and  himself  unhurt;  what 

•  VViien  all  thy  mercies,  O  my  God, 

My  rising  soul  surveys; 
Transported  with  the  view,  I'm  lost 
In  wonder  love  and  praise.' 

The  mercy  of  a  kind  Providence  ought  to  make  me  ashamed 
of  my  unsubmissive,  and  unresigned  temper  to  my  late  loss.  I 
will  try  to  act  and  think  properly. 

"  As  I  find  you  are  likely  to  come  to  Burlington,  I  have 
great  hopes  of  seeing  you  here ;  do  let  me  have  a  line  from 
you ;  a  line,  did  I  say  ?  do  not  put  me  off  so,  but  write  me  a  long 
letter.  Do  not  endeavour  to  shorten  my  entertainment ;  I  have 
very  few  here  to  hold  conversation  with." 


260  BAKBE  MARBOIS. 

These  letters,  inartificial  as  they  are  in  style,  convey  some 
idea  of  the  tone  of  the  writer's  mind.  Nor  is  there,  throughout 
the  War,  in  her  correspondence  with  her  husband,  any  abate- 
ment of  cheerful  submissiveness,  any  expression  of  peevish 
discontent. 

The  close  of  Mrs.  Reed's  life  was  marked  by  some  little 
public  interest.  In  the  spring  of  1780,  at  the  period  of  the 
greatest  distress  and  suffering,  the  ladies  of  Philadelphia  united 
for  the  purpose  of  collecting,  by  voluntary  subscription,  ad- 
ditional supplies  in  money  and  clothing  for  the  army,  then  at 
the  extreme  point  of  destitution.  It  would  seem  to  have  begun 
in  May,  or  perhaps  earlier,  and  the  following  graceful  letter 
from  Barbe  Marbois,  then  the  French  Secretary  of  Legation, 
shows  that  his  good  offices  had  been  invoked  in  its  aid.  The 
courteous  French  Diplomatist  seems  to  have  been  a  confi- 
dential counsellor  with  the  fair  ones  of  Philadelphia. 

TO  MRS.  REED. 

Madame, 

Je  ne  suis  pas  assez  heureux  pour  avoir  eu  moi-meme  I'idee  de  reinetlre 
entre  vos  mains  les  interets  des  soldats  Atnericains.  C'est  le  suffrage 
general  qui,  en  designant  la  meilleure  patriote,  la  plus  zelee  la  plus  active 
etla  plus  attachee  aux  interets  de  son  pays,  vous  a  nommee  pour  une  fonction 
respectable  independement  de  votre  rang.  Je  desire  infiniment,  Ma 'ame, 
que  votre  sante  se  raffirmisse,  et  que  les  soins  et  les  embarras  dont  vous 
voulez  bien  vous  vous  charger,  ne  portent  aucune  prejudice  a  votre 
retablissement. 

Je  suis  avec  le  phis  profond  respect, 

Madame,  votre  tres  humble  et 

Philadelphie,  Tres  obeissant  serviteur, 

le  10  Juin,  1780.  De  Marbois. 

Mrs.  Reed,  thus  placed  at  the  head  of  this  voluntary  associa- 
tion, though  much  of  an  invalid,  entered  upon  her  duties  with 
great  animation.  On  the  20th  of  June,  Mr.  Reed  writing  to 
Washington  said : 

"  The  ladies  have  caught  the  happy  contagion,  and  in  a  few 
days  Mrs.  Reed  will  have  the  honour  of  writing  to  you  on  the 
subject.  It  is  expected  she  will  have  a  sum  equal  to  £100,000, 
to  be  laid  out  according  to  your  Excellency's  direction  in  such 


LADIES    SUBSCRIPTIONS. 


261 


a  way  as  may  be  thought  most  honourable  and  gratifying  to 
the  brave  old  soldiers  who  have  borne  so  great  a  share  of  the 
burden  of  this  war.  I  thought  it  best  to  mention  it  in  this  way 
to  your  Excellency  for  your  consideration,  as  it  may  lend  to 
forward  the  benevolent  scheme  of  the  donors  with  despatch. 
I  must  observe  that  the  ladies  have  excepted  such  articles  of 
necessity  as  clothing  which  the  States  are  bound  to  provide. 
We  have  just  heard  that  Mrs.  Washington  is  on  the  road  to 
this  City,  so  that  we  shall  have  the  benefit  of  her  advice  and 
assistance  here,  and  if  necessary  refer  afterwards  to  your  Ex- 
cellency."* 

Washington,  in  a  letter  which  is  published  in  Mr.  Sparks' 
collection,  acknowledged  the  great  value  of  the  proposed  con- 
tributions, and  directed  the  attention  of  the  ladies  to  such  articles 
of  linen  clothing  as  the  soldiery  stood  most  in  need  of.f  The 
efforts  of  the  Philadelphia  women  were  eminently  successful. 
No  pains  were  spared.  The  City  and  Districts  were  appor- 
tioned among  committees,  and  the  result  was  that  in  Phila- 
delphia City  and  County  alone,  the  collections  amounted  to 
upwards  of  8300,000  paper  currency,  or  according  to  the 
existing  depreciation,  in  specie  about  87500.  Many  of  the 
contributions  were  made  in  gold,  and  all  parties  seem  to  have 
given  liberally.  It  is  a  curious  thing  that  the  fund  about  this 
time  subscribed  by  the  merchants  and  others  for  the  creation 
of  a  Bank,  amounted  to  £315,000,  or  but  about  four  hundred 
specie  dollars  more  than  was  contributed  for  mere  charity  by 
the  ladies  of  this  City.  Nor  were  their  efforts  confined  to  this 
neighbourhood;  circulars  were  addressed  to  adjoining  Counties 
and  States.  New  Jersey  and  Maryland  contributed  generously. 
The  following  letters  taken  from  my  papers  are  inserted  with- 
out further  comment  than  to  direct  attention  to  the  business-like 
intelligence,  and  practical  good  sense  which  distinguish  Mrs. 
Reed's  correspondence  on  a  subject  of  which  as  a  secluded 
female  she  could  have  had  no  previous  knowledge.  Washing- 
ton writes  as  judiciously  on  the  topic  of  "  soldiers'  shirts,"  as  on 
the  plan  of  a  campaign  or  the  subsistence  of  an  army. 

*  The  rest  of  this  letter  will  be  found  at  a  preceding  page  of  this  Volume. 
t  Vol.  vii.  p.  89. 


262  MRS.  reed's  letter,  to   WASHINGTON. 

ESTHER  REED  TO  WASHINGTON. 

Philadelphia,  July  4th,  1780. 
Sir, 

The  subscription  set  on  foot  by  the  ladies  of  tin's  City  for  the  use  of  the 
soldiery,  is  so  far  completed  as  to  induce  me  to  transmit  to  your  Excellency 
an  account  of  the  money  I  have  received,  and  which,  although  it  has 
answered  our  expectations,  it  does  not  equal  our  wishes,  but  I  am  persuaded 
will  be  received  as  a  proof  of  our  zeal  for  the  great  cause  of  America  and 
our  esteem  and  gratitude  for  those  who  so  bravely  defend  it. 

The  amount  of  the  subscription  is  200,580  dollars,  and  £62.5  6s.  8d.  in 
specie,  which  makes  in  the  whole  in  paper  money  300,634  dollars. 

The  ladies  are  anxious  for  the  soldiers  to  receive  the  benefit  of  it,  and 
wait  your  directions  how  it  can  best  be  disposed  of.  We  expect  some  con- 
siderable additions  from  the  country  and  have  also  wrote  to  the  other  States 
in  hopes  the  ladies  there  will  adopt  similar  plans,  to  render  it  more  general 
and  beneficial. 

With  the  utmost  pleasure  I  offer  any  farther  attention  and  care  in  my 
power  to  complete  the  execution  of  the  design,  and  shall  be  happy  to  ac- 
complish it  agreeable  to  the  intention  of  the  donors  and  your  wishes  on  the 
subject. 

The  ladies  of  my  family  join  me  in  their  respectful  compliments  and 
sincerest  prayer  for  your  health,  safety,  and  success. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

With  the  highest  respect. 

Your  obedient  humble  servant, 

E.  Reed. 

The  original  memoranda  and  accounts  of  these  contributions, 
with  the  names  of  each  committee  and  contributor,  are  in  my 
possession.*  Whilst  the  names  of  the  female  ancestors  of  many 
of  our  contemporaries  are  to  be  found  in  the  list,  several  Phila- 
delphia names  seem  to  have  become  entirely  extinct.  The  num- 
ber of  contributors  was  1645,  thus  apportioned  :  the  City  1099  ; 
Southwark  152;  Northern  Liberties  171;  Germantown  152; 
and  Bristol  13.  All  ranks  of  society  seem  to  have  united,  from 
Phillis,  the  coloured  woman,  with  her  humble  7s.  GcL,  to  the 
Marchioness  de  liafayette,  who  contributed  one  hundred 
guineas  in  specie,  and  the  Countess  de  Luzerne  86000  in  Con- 

*  Should  it  be  in  my  power,  some  portions  of  these  lists  will  be  hereafter  given 
in  the  Appendix. 


LAFAYETTE  S  LETTER. 


263 


tinental  paper,  8150  in  specie.     Lafayette's  gentlemanly  letter 
to  Mrs.  Reed  is  worth  preserving. 


THE  MARQUIS  DE  LAFAYETTE  TO  MRS.  REED. 

Head-Quarters,  June  the  25th,  1780. 
Madam, 

In  admiring  the  new  resolution,  in  which  the  fair  ones  of  Philadelphia 
have  taken  the  lead,  I  am  induced  to  feel  for  those  American  ladies  who 
being  out  of  the  Continent  cannot  participate  in  this  patriotic  measure.  I 
know  of  one  who,  heartily  wishing  for  a  personal  acquaintance  with  the 
ladies  of  America,  would  feel  particularly  happy  to  be  admitted  among 
them  on  the  present  occasion.  Without  presuming  to  break  in  upon  the 
rules  of  your  respected  association,  may  I  most  humbly  present  myself  as 
her  ambassador  to  the  confederate  ladies,  and  solicit  in  her  name  that  Mrs. 
President  be  pleased  to  accept  of  her  offering. 

With  the  highest  respect,  I  have  the  honour  to  be. 

Madam,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

Lafayette. 


WASHINGTON  TO  MRS.  REED. 

Head-Quarters,  20th  July,  1780. 

An  idea  has  occurred  to  me,  my  dear  madam,  which  if  perfectly  consistent 
with  the  views  of  the  female  patriots  may  perhaps  extend  the  utility  of  their 
subscriptions.  It  is  to  deposit  the  amount  in  the  Bank,  and  receive  Bank 
notes  in  lieu  of  it  to  purchase  the  articles  intended. 

This,  while  serviceable  to  the  Bank  and  advancing-  its  operations,  seems 
to  have  no  inconvenience  to  the  intentions  of  the  ladies.  By  uniting  the 
efforts  of  patriotism,  they  will  reciprocally  promote  each  other,  and  I  should 
imagine  the  ladies  will  have  no  objection  to  a  union  with  the  gentlemen. 

But  I  beg,  madam,  the  suggestion  I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  make,  may 
not  have  the  least  attention  paid  to  it,  if  the  sentiments  of  all  tiie  fair  asso- 
ciates do  not  perfectly  coincide. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be. 

With  perfect  respect  and  esteem,  Madam, 
Your  most  obedient  servant, 

George  Washington.* 

*  In  the  last  edition  of  the  Life  of  Washington,  Judge  Marshall  thus  refers  to 
these  contributors : — 

"Tliis  instance  of  patriotism  on  the  part  of  our  fair  and  amiable  countrywomen 
is  far  from  being  single.    Their  conduct  throughout  the  war  was  uniform.    They 


264  MRS.  reed's  letter  to  WASHINGTON. 

ESTHER  REED  TO  WASHINGTON. 

Banks  of  Schuylkill,  July  31st,  1780. 
Sir, 

Ever  since  I  received  your  Excellency's  favour  of  the  20th  of  this  month, 
I  have  been  endeavouring  to  procure  the  linen  for  the  use  of  the  soldiers, 
and  it  was  not  till  Saturday  last  I  have  been  able  to  meet  with  any  fit  for 
the  purpose,  it  being  unavoidably  delayed  so  long.  I  have  been  informed  of 
some  circumstances,  which  I  beg  leave  to  mention,  and  from  which  perhaps 
the  necessity  for  shirts  may  have  ceased  ;  one  is  the  supply  of  2000  sent 
from  this  State  to  their  line,  and  the  other,  that  a  considerable  number  is 
arrived  in  the  French  fleet,  for  the  use  of  the  army  in  general.  Together 
with  these,  an  idea  prevails  among  the  ladies,  that  the  soldiers  will  not  be 
so  much  gratified,  by  bestowing  an  article  to  which  they  are  entitled  from 
the  public,  as  in  some  other  method  which  will  convey  more  fully  the  idea 
of  a  reward  for  past  services,  and  an  incitement  to  future  duty.  Those  who 
are  of  this  opinion  propose  the  whole  of  the  money  to  be  changed  into  hard 
dollars,  and  giving  each  soldier  two,  to  be  entirely  at  his  own  disposal. 
This  method  I  hint  only,  but  would  not,  by  any  means  wish  to  adopt  it,  or 
any  other,  without  your  full  approbation.  If  it  should  meet  with  your  con- 
currence, the  State  of  Pennsylvania  will  take  the  linen  I  have  purchased, 
and,  as  far  as  respects  their  own  line,  will  make  up  any  deficiency  of  shirts 
to  them,  which  they  suppose  will  not  be  many  after  the  fresh  supplies  are 
received.  If,  after  all,  the  necessity  for  shirts,  which,  though  it  may  cease, 
as  to  the  Pennsylvania  Troops,  may  still  continue  toother  parts  of  tlie  army, 
the  ladies  will  immediately  make  up  the  linen  we  have,  which  I  think  can 
soon  be  effected,  and  forward  them  to  camp,  and  procure  more  as  soon  as 
possible,  having  kept  in  hand  the  hard  money  I  have  received,  until  I  re- 
ceive your  reply. 

shared,  with  cheerfulness  and  gaiety,  tlie  privations  and  sufferings  to  which  the 
distress  of  the  times  exposed  their  country.  In  every  stage  of  this  severe  trial,  they 
displayed  virtues  which  have  not  always  been  attributed  to  their  sex,  but  which  it 
is  believed  they  will,  on  every  occasion  calculated  to  unfold  them,  be  found  to  pos- 
sess. With  a  ready  acquiescence,  with  a  firmness  always  cheerful,  and  a  con- 
stancy  never  lamenting  the  sacrifices  which  were  made,  they  not  only  yielded  up 
all  the  elegancies,  delicacies,  and  even  conveniences  to  be  furnished  by  wealth  and 
commerce,  relying  on  their  farms,  and  on  domestic  industry,  for  every  article  of 
food  and  raiment,  but  consenting  to  share  the  produce  of  their  own  labour,  they 
gave  up  without  regret,  a  considerable  portion  of  the  covering,  designed  for  their 
own  families,  to  supply  the  wants  of  the  distressed  soldiers  ;  and  heroically  sup- 
pressed the  involuntary  sigh,  which  the  departure  of  their  brothers,  their  sons,  and 
their  husbands  for  the  camp,  rended  from  their  bosoms." — See  also  Chaslellux, 
vol.  i.  p.  165. 


Washington's  letter.  265 

The  circumstances  I  have  mentioned  will,  I  hope,  appear  a  sufficient  mo- 
tive for  the  ladies  postponing  the  execution  of  tlie  planyour  Excellency  pro- 
posed ;  I  will  not,  therefore,  take  up  your  time  in  apologizing  for  the  delay. 
I  have  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  a  letter  from  your  Excellency  of  the 
20th,  to  which  I  would  reply,  that  if  the  scheme  to  give  the  soldiers  hard 
money,  should  be  thought  proper,  of  course,  the  putting  the  money  I  have, 
into  the  Bank,  could  not  be  done,  and  I  find,  on  inquiry,  that  considerable 
advantage  may  be  had,  by  laying  out  hard  money  either  in  linen  or  any  other 
article.     I  have  the  honour  to  be,  dear  Sir, 

With  the  highest  er-teem, 

Your  obedient,  humble  servant, 

E.  Reed. 


WASHINGTON  TO  MRS.  REED. 

Head-Quarters,  Orange  Town,  August  10th,  1780. 
Madam, 

1  have  the  honour  to  thank  you  for  your  favour  of  the  31st  ult.  It  was 
not  my  intention  to  divert  the  benevolent  donation  of  the  ladies  from  the 
channel  they  wished  it  to  flow  in.  I  gave  my  opinion  in  consequence  of 
their  request,  but  I  shall  be  equally  ready  to  subscribe  to  theirs,  and  will  exe- 
cute their  commands  in  the  manner  most  agreeable  to  themselves.  At  the 
same  time  I  have  my  apprehensions  (from  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  our 
army)  that  a  taste  of  hard  money  may  be  productive  of  much  discontent,  as 
we  have  none  but  depreciated  paper  for  their  pay. 

A  few  provident  soldiers  will  probably  avail  themselves  of  the  advantages 
which  may  result  from  the  generous  bounty  of  two  hard  dollars  in  specie, 
but  it  is  equally  probable  that  it  will  be  the  means  of  bringing  punishment  on 
a  number  of  others  whose  propensity  to  drinking,  overcoming  all  other  con- 
siderations, too  frequently  leads  them  into  irregularities  and  disorder  which 
must  be  corrected. 

A  shirt  would  render  the  condition  of  the  soldiery  much  more  comfortable 
than  it  is  at  present,  and  no  prospect  of  public  supplies  (in  any  degree  ade- 
quate to  our  wants)  are  yet  opened  to  my  view.  The  provision  made  or 
making  for  the  troops  of  Pennsylvania,  and  the  late  importation  from  France, 
is  small,  in  comparison  of  our  aggregate  call,  and  affords  a  melancholy  pros- 
pect of  continued  sufferings. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be. 

Madam,  with  the  most  perfect  respect, 
Your  most  obedient  servant, 

George  Washington. 


266  MRS.  reed's  letter. 


ESTHER  REED  TO  WASHINGTON. 

Banks  of  Schuylkill,  August  10th,  1780. 
Sir, 

I  had  the  honour  of  receiving  yours  of  the  10th  instant,  to  which  I  would 
reply,  liiat  the  ladies  had  not  the  most  distant  wish  that  their  donation  should 
be  bestowed  in  any  manner,  that  did  not  perfectly  accord  with  your  opinion. 
I  shall,  therefore,  without  delay,  put  the  plan  in  execution,  and  I  am  in  hopes 
our  expedition  will  prove,  at  once,  our  industry,  our  earnest  desires  to  pro- 
mote the  comfort  of  the  soldiery,  and  our  cheerfulness  to  comply  with  your 
request. 

I  am,  with  the  sincerest  respect  and  esteem, 

Your  very  humble  servant, 

E.  Reed. 

On  the  20th  and  22d  of  August,  Mrs.  Reed  wrote  to  her  hus- 
band, then  in  command  of  the  Pennsylvania  troops  at  Trenton; 
letters  indicating,  that,  with  the  sure  instinct  of  female  sa- 
gacity, she  had  detected  something  like  formality  in  the  tone  of 
General  Washington's  correspondence.  She  seems  too  to  have 
suspected  a  transient  alienation  of  the  General  from  the  State 
authorities,  but  she  writes  cheerfully  and  intelligently. 

ESTHER  REED  TO  MR.  REED. 

Banks  of  Schuylkill,  August  20th,  1780. 

I  this  moment  received  yours,  my  dear  friend,  from  Bloomsbury.  I  am 
very  glad  to  hear  our  friends  there  are  well.  I  dare  say  you  were  welcome 
as  to  yourselves,  but  perhaps  not  so  with  respect  to  such  a  number  of  mili- 
tia. Mr.  Cox's  orchards  and  cornfields  may  suffer  a  little,  and  that  I  ima- 
gine, he  cannot  put  up  with  very  patiently,  but  perhaps  you  will  be  able  to 
keep  better  discipline  than  I  am  aware  of. 

I  have  not  heard  of  any  letters  from  the  General  or  any  other  quarter 
since  you  left  home.  I  left  directions  that  all  those  wrote  on  public  service 
should  be  sent  to  the  Council, — the  others  sent  up  here,  but  have  not  yet 
received  any. 

Shall  I  acknowledge,  my  dear  friend,  that  I  am  not  so  anxious  as  I  ought 
to  be,  perhaps,  for  the  second  division  of  the  fleet  1  I  judge  in  that  case 
something  of  consequence  would  be  attempted,  fatal  perhaps,  in  the  event, 
and  too  much  of  my  happiness  is  at  stake  not  to  make  me  dread  it.  If  you 
camiot  praise  my  patriotism,  I  am  sure  you  can  excuse  me,  at  least,  and 
place  to  the  accouut  of  my  love  what  is  wanting  to  the  cause  of  my  country. 


MRS.  REED  S  LETTERS. 


267 


I  congratulate  you  on  this  atrreeable  change  of  weather ;  it  will  make 
.yoi'ir  own  fatigues,  as  well  as  those  of  your  soldier?,  much  less.  This,  as 
well  as  other  circumstances,  make  one  think  of  Philadelphia — though  it  is 
pleasant  here,  yet  my  family  is  not  arranged  for  two  houses,  Rogers  is  our 
only  man-servant.  Our  tenant  is  very  obliging,  or  we  could  not  possibly 
stay;  he  does  everything  I  ask  of  him.  Mr.  Pettit  [illegible]  one  of 
his  horses  that  we  are  now  confined  here ;  but  these  difficulties  will  be  prin- 
cipally removed  in  town.     I  shall  therefore  return  there  as  soon  as  possible. 

I  shall  be  very  anxious  to  hear  from  you  what  your  views  and  expectations 
are,  and  how  far  you  move.  I  have  heard  it  hinted  that  you  will  yourself 
go  on  to  Head-Quarters,  if  the  troops  should  not  be  wanted  there.  Do  write 
me  as  often  as  you  cm  ;  nothing  can  so  much  reconcile  me  to  your  absence 
as  frequently  hearing  from  you.  I  must  in  very  great  haste  tell  you  that 
we  are  all  well,  and  that 

I  am,  with  unalterable  aifection, 

Ever  yours, 

E.  Reed. 


MRS.  REED  TO  MR.  REED. 

Banks  of  Schuylkill,  August  22d,  1780. 

T  thank  you,  my  dear  friend,  for  your  attention  to  me  in  writing  so  fre- 
quently. Nothing  can  give  greater  pleasure,  or  tend  so  much  to  make 
absence  tolerable.  Yours,  by  Mr.  Hunter,  of  the  19th,  I  received  this 
morning.  I  am  very  glad  to  hear  you  have  a  little  leisure;  it  will  be  a 
relief  to  your  mind,  and  add  also  to  your  health,  and  I  hope  while  you  have 
time  I  shall  still  hear  from  you  as  often  as  you  have  opportunity.  Though 
I  have  no  reason  to  say  a  word  to  urge  you  to  this,  yet  I  cannot  help  ex- 
pressing my  wishes  and  hopes,  and  the  pleasure  I  have  in  hearing  from  you. 
I  think  your  situation,  encamped  on  the  banks  of  the  Delaware,  must  be 
very  agreeable.  If  I  did  not  see  and  know  the  impropriety  of  it,  1  should 
.almost  wish  to  pay  you  a  visit,  as  you  know  I  have  ever  had  a  strong 
curiosity  to  see  an  army  in  the  field;  and  though  yours  is  small,  yet  it  would 
gratify  my  curiosity  as  much,  perhaps,  as  a  large  one.  But  1  believe  I  shall 
not  see  it  now  ;  I  must  wait,  at  least,  until  the  next  time.  The  gentlemen 
of  your  family  who  have  never  been  out  before,  1  suppose  think  this  a  very 
agreeable  specimen  of  the  campaign.  Dr.  Hutchinson,  I  imagine,  has 
joined  you  by  this  time, — to  him,  as  well  as  to  all  the  gentlemen  with  whom 
I  am  acquainted  in  your  family,  I  beg  my  compliments,  and  my  wish  that 
they  may  find  their  whole  tour  of  duty  as  pleasant  as  this  part  of  it. 

I  received  this  morning  a  letter  from  the  General,  and  he  still  continues 
his  opinion  that  the  money  in  my  hands  should  be  laid  out  in  linen ;  he  says 
no  supplies  he  has  at  present  or  has  a  prospect  of  are  any  way  adequate  to 
1|ie  wants  of  the  army;  his  letter  is,  I  think,  a  little  formal,  as  if  he  was 


268  FAMILY  AFFAIRS. 

hurt  by  our  asking  his  opinion  a  second  time,  and  our  not  following  his 
directions,  after  desiring  to  give  them.  The  letter  is  very  complaisant,  and 
I  shall  now  endeavour  to  get  the  shirts  made  as  soon  as  possible.  This  is 
another  circumstance  to  urge  my  return  to  town,  as  I  can  do  little  towards 
it  here.  The  masons  are  about  altering  the  chimney,  under  the  directions 
of  Mr.  Matlack  ;  I  hope  they  will  be  done  this  week.  When  we  move, 
I  believe  we  must  put  Mr.  Pettit's  horse  and  our  old  one  together;  they  will 
not  be  a  very  good  match,  but  they  must  do 

I  am  very  an.xious  to  know  if  you  have  heard  from  the  General  since  the 
Committee  left  Camp.  I  can't  help  thinking  you  will  find  an  alteration  when 
they  leave  him  to  his  opinion.  1  confess  1  felt  very  sensibly  his  doubting 
your  zeal  or  exertions  in  the  cause  of  your  country;  neither  of  these  nor 
your  friendship  for  him,  I  think,  can  at  this  day  be  called  in  question;  but  his 
ears  have  been  open  to  insinuations,  perhaps  of  designing  men,  or  at  least 
ignorant  ones,  who  have  themselves  hearkened  to  those  who  represent  this 
State  able  to  do  more  than  it  really  can,  and  thus  answers  two  purposes, —  it 
takes  from  tiie  merit  of  government,  and  magnifies  the  exertions  of  private 
subscriptions.  But  I  hope  you  will  suspend  any  decided  judgment  on  the 
General's  conduct  until  you  see  him;  he  may  probably  explain  it  to  your 
satisfaction ;  and  remember,  my  friend,  no  one  is  entirely  proof  against  the 
arts  of  misrepresentation,  or  can  always  act  right  when  those  in  whom  they 
place  confidence  make  it  a  point  to  deceive  us,  or  are  themselves  deceived. 

I  intend  answering  the  General's  letter  to-morrow,  which  I  shall  enclose 
to  you.     You  will  have  a  better  opportunity  of  forwarding  it  than  I  shall. 

Our  dear  little  children  are  pretty  well.  Dennis  has  been  most  terribly 
bit  with  mosquitoes,  which  he  scratched  till  they  are  very  sore  and  trouble- 
some, and  it  makes  him  fretful.  The  chief  reason  to  make  me  regret  leaving 
this  place  is  on  the  children's  account,  who  seem  to  enjoy  more  pleasure 
here  than  in  town.  However,  the  weather  is  now  so  moderate  I  think  it 
cannot  endanger  their  health.  Mamma  sends  her  love  and  best  wishes  for 
your  safety. 

Adieu,  my  dear  friend ;  think  of  me  often,  and  remember  with  what  sin- 
cere and  tender  affection 

I  am  unalterably  and  truly  yours, 

E.  Reed.* 

But  one  more  letter  was  written,  breathing  the  same  spirit, 
and  filled  with  details  of  the  condition  of  her  little  family,  and 
expressive  anew  of  her  desire  to  promote  the  exertions  for  the 
public  which  she  had  been  making.  "  I  can  do,"  she  repeats, "  but 
little  for  the  soldiers  here,  and  am  most  anxious  to  get  to  town." 

*  It  was  in  answer  to  this  that  Mr.  Reed  wrote  his  letter  of  26th  August — 
printed  in  the  order  of  its  date.  • 


MRS.  reed's  death.  269 

But  the  hand  of  death  was  upon  her.  The  feeble  health,  in  rela- 
tion to  which  M.  de  Marbois  had  expressed  so  reasonable 
solicitude,  further  enfeebled  by  her  recent  confinement,  was 
unequal  to  the  burden  of  care  which  had  devolved  on  her ;  and 
when  the  President  returned  from  Camp  in  the  early  part  of 
September,  he  found  her,  the  wife  of  his  early  affections,  the 
mother  of  his  little  children,  laid  upon  a  bed  of  fatal  illness. 
Her  death  occurred,  as  I  have  stated,  on  the  18th  of  September, 
1780.  AH  classes  of  society  seem  to  have  united  in  tribute  to 
her  memory.  The  Council  and  Assembly  adjourned,  and  at- 
tended her  funeral  in  a  body.  How  intensely  her  husband 
mourned  her  death,  was  apparent  to  those  who  watched,  with 
deep  solicitude,  the  now  rapid  progress  of  his  own  decline  of 
health  and  spirits.  It  was  the  crowning  blow  in  a  life  which 
had  its  full  share  of  trials  and  anxieties.* 

If  the  reader  will  pardon  me  for  extending  a  little  further  this 
episode  in  a  public  man's  history,  I  will  add  that,  on  the  death 
of  Mrs.  Reed,  the  duty  of  completing  the  collections  and  con- 
tributions for  the  soldiery  devolved  on  Mrs.  Sarah  Bache,  the 
daughter  of  Dr.  Franklin,  and  four  other  ladies,  as  a  sort  of 
Executive  Committee.  On  2Gth  of  December,  1780,  Mrs. 
Bnche  wrote  to  Washington-! 

*  On  Mrs.  Reed's  tomb  in  the  Presbyterian  burying  ground  in  Arch  Street,  her 
husband  inscribed  the  following  epitaph  : — 

In  memory  ot"  Esther,  the  beloved  wife  of  Joseph  Reed, 

President  of  this  State,  who  departed  this  life 

On  the  18th  of  September,  a.  d.  1780,  aged  34  years. 

Reader  !  If  the  possession  of  those  virtues  of  the  heart 

Which  make  life  valuable,  or  those  personal  endowments  which 

Command  esteem  and  love,  may  claim  respectful  and  affectionate 

Remembrance,  venerate  the  ashes  here  entombed. 

If  to  have  the  cup  of  temporal  blessings  dashed 

In  the  period  and  station  of  life  in  which  temporal  blessings 

May  be  best  enjoyed,  demands  our  sorrow,  drop  a  tear,  and 

Think  how  slender  is  that  thread  on  which  the  joys 

And  hopes  of  life  depend. 

t  It  was  my  wish  to  print  this  letter  at  length,  but  on  application  at  the 
Department  of  State  I  learn  that  it  has  been  abstracted  from  the  files.  It  was, 
it  is  said,  evidently  bound  up  in  the  volume  of  the  Washington  Papers,  as  the 
blank  leaf  belonging  to  it,  with  the  appropriate  endorsement,  is  there.  It  is  also 
referred  to   in   the  Index,  purchased  from  Mr.  Sparks.     The  following  extract 


270  ladies'  subscription. 

"  We  packed  up  the  shirts  in  three  boxes,  and  delivered 
them  to  Colonel  Miles,  with  a  request  that  he  would  send  them 
to  Trenton  immediately,  lest  the  river  should  close,  where  they 
now  wait  your  Excellency's  orders.  There  are  two  thousand 
and  five  in  number.  They  would  have  been  at  Camp  long  be- 
fore this  had  not  the  general  sickness  prevented.  We  wish 
them  to  be  worn  with  as  much  pleasure  as  they  were  made." 

In  the  early  part  of  1781,  the  following  letter  seems  to 
have  terminated  what  was  thus  so  worthily  begun  and  com- 
pleted. Though  this  letter  has  been  printed  before,  I  need 
make  no  apology  for  reinserting  it  here.* 


from  a  letter  of  Mrs.  Bache  to  her  father  has  been  kindly  furnished  to 
me  by  her  family.  "  I  have  been  busily  employed  in  cutting  out  shirts 
and  making  them,  and  getting  them  made  for  our  brave  soldiers.  There  has 
been  a  collection  amongst  the  good  women  as  a  reward  to  them,  and  the 
General  chooses  the  money  to  be  laid  out  in  an  additional  shirt,  and  the  ladies 
are  unwilling  to  lessen  the  money  by  paying  for  the  money,  and  are  deter- 
mined to  do  them  among  themselves.  I  hope  you  will  approve  of  what  we  have 
done,  as  much  of  my  time  before  I  went  out  of  town,  as  well  as  since  my  return, 
has  been  taken  in  forwarding  the  subscription." — MS.  Letter,  without  date. 

*  To  what  straits  the  clothing  department  of  the  army  was  about  this  time  re- 
duced, is  apparent  from  a  letter  of  25th  October  from  Wayne  to  Reed. 

Camp  at  Totowa,  25th  Oct.  '80. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  did  myself  the  honour  to  address  you  the  17th  instant,  and  took  the  liberty  to 
ask  for  a  quantity  of  thread  and  needles,  to  be  forwarded  by  Mr.  Little,  but  as  he 
came  away  without  them,  I  must  beg  leave  to  reiterate  my  request,  and  desire 
tiiat  they  may  be  sent  on  with  all  possible  despatch,  as  every  day  adds  to  our  dis- 
tress, and  renders  an  immediate  supply  of  these  articles  indispensably  necessary. 

I  believe  no  army  before  this  was  ever  put  to  such  shifts,  in  order  to  have  even 
the  appearance  of  uniformity.  When  the  charge  of  the  Pennsylvania  Division 
devolved  on  me  after  the  removal  of  General  St.  Clair  to  the  command  of  the  left 
wing,  I  thought  of  an  expedient  of  reducing  the  heterogeneous  of  new  and  old 
cocked  hats,  and  pieces  of  hats,  to  infantry  caps,  in  which  we  succeeded  very  well 
by  making  three  decent  caps  out  of  one  tolerable  and  two  very  ordinary  hats,  to 
which  we  added,  as  an  embellishment,  a  white  plume  and  a  comb  of  flowing  hair. 
We  now  shall  try  the  experiment  of  making  three  short  coats  out  of  three  old 
tattered  long  ones.  I  must  acknowledge  they  would  answer  much  better  for  the 
spring  than  fall,  but  without  something  done  in  this  way,  we  shall  be  naked  in 
the  course  of  two  or  three  weeks,  nor  will  even  this  expedient  answer  longer  than 
Christmas.  For  God's  sake  use  every  possible  means  to  procure  clothing  for  both 
officers  and  men  by  that  time  at  furthest. 

I  must  again  request  you  to  forward  a  quantity  of  hard  cash  for  the  purpose  of 


Washington's  letters.  271 


TO  MRS.  FRANCIS,  MRS.  HILLEGAS,  MRS.  CLARKSON,  MRS. 
BACHE,  AND  MRS.  BLAIR. 

New  Windsor,  13tli  February,  1781. 
Ladies, 

The  benevolent  office  which  added  lustre  to  the  qualities  that  ornamented 
vour  deceased  friend,  could  not  have  descended  to  more  zealous  or  more  de- 
serviniT  successors.  The  contributions  of  the  association  you  represent  have 
exceeded  what  could  have  been  expected,  and  the  spirit  that  animated  the 
members  of  it  entitles  them  to  an  equal  place  with  any  who  have  preceded 
them  on  the  walk  of  female  patriotism.  It  embellishes  the  American  cha- 
racter with  a  new  trait,  by  proving-  that  the  love  of  country  is  blended  with 
those  softer  domestic  virtues  which  have  always  been  allowed  to  be  more 
peculiarly  your  own. 

You  have  not  acquired  admiration  in  your  own  country  only  ;  it  is  paid  to 
you  abroad,  and,  you  will  learn  with  pleasure,  by  a  part  of  your  own  sex 
whose  female  accomplishments  have  attained  their  highest  [)erfection,  and 
who,  from  the  commencement,  have  been  the  patronesses  of  American 
liberty. 

The  army  ought  not  to  regret  their  sacrifices  or  sufferings,  when  they 
meet  with  so  flattering  a  reward  as  the  sympathy  of  your  sex  ;  nor  can  they 
fear  that  their  interests  will  he  neglected,  while  espoused  by  advocates  as 
powerful  as  they  are  amiable.  I  can  only  answer  to  the  sentiments,  which 
you  do  me  the  honour  to  express  for  me  personally,  that  they  would  more 
than  repay  a  life  devoted  to  the  service  of  the  public,  and  to  testimonies  of 
gratitude  to  yourselves.  Accept  the  assurances  of  the  perfect  respect  and 
esteem  with  which  I  am,  ladies. 

Your  most  obedient,  &c., 

George  Washington. 


recruiting ;  if  we  had  it  at  this  period,  we  could  enlist  a  considerable  number  of 
the  new  levies,  who  are  much  preferable  to  any  which  Colonel  Nicola  sends  us, 
nor  should  we  be  imposed  on  by  deserters.  I  have  already  mentioned  my  ideas 
very  fully  on  this  subject  the  17th  ultimo.  Captain  Finney,  the  bearer  of  this, 
waits  on  your  Excellency  in  behalf  of  tiie  captains  and  subalterns  of  the  line.  I 
am  confident  that  every  reasonable  requisition  will  be  attended  to,  and  I  believe 
the  gentleman  will  make  no  other.  I  could  not  deny  the  indulgence  of  permitting 
one  of  their  body  to  attend  the  Honourable  Council — it  is  not  a  time  to  tamper 
with  their  feelings.  You  will  have  the  goodness  to  pardon  the  freedom,  and  be- 
lieve me,  with  much  esteem. 

Your  Excellency's  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

Anthony  Wayne. 


272  Arnold's  treason. 

Whilst  Mr.  Reed's  mind  was  thus  engrossed  by  domestic 
affliction  in  its  severest  form,  the  community  was  startled  by 
the  intelHgence  of  Arnold's  desertion  to  the  enemy.  The  news 
reached  Philadelphia  on  the  30th  September,  and  produced  in- 
tense excitement.  His  effigy  was  dragged  through  the  streets 
by  the  populace,  and  burned.  The  Executive  Authorities 
acted  at  once  with  vigour,  proclaiming  him  a  traitor  to  the 
State,  and  directing  the  seizure  of  his  papers  by  the  Sheriff.* 
Dark  as  had  been  the  suspicions  entertained  and  expressed  by 
Mr.  Reed  and  his  friends  of  Arnold,  deeply  as  they  believed 
him  to  be  steeped  in  guilt  and  official  misconduct,  treacherous 
correspondence  with  the  enemy  had  never  been  imputed  ;  and 
the  lowest  point  on  the  scale  of  guilt  to  which  his  enemies  be- 
lieved him  degraded,  was  tyranny  and  personal  corruption. 
They  did  not  dream  he  was  a  traitor  too.  It  has  since  been 
proved  that  at  the  very  time  when  he  was,  as  a  military  com- 
mandant, oppressing  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia,  he  was  in 
treacherous  correspondence  with  agents  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton. 
There  is  a  wonderful  affinity  in  crime. 

Among  the  papers  seized  by  the  Council  were  several  now 
in  my  hands,  of  interest.  One,  a  letter  from  Arnold  to  Miss 
Shippen,  has  been  already  referred  to.f  The  others  were  the 
key  to  a  cipher,  with  Arnold's  superscription,  which,  at  this 
day,  it  is  impossible  to  interpret,  and  the  following  letter  from 
Major  Andre  to  Mrs.  Arnold. 

MAJOR  ANDRE  TO  MRS.  ARNOLD. 

Head-Quarters,  New  York,  the  16th  Aug.,  1779. 
Madame, 

Major  Giles  is  so  good  as  to  take  cliarge  of  this  letter,  which  is  meant  to 
solicit  your  remembrance,  and  to  assure  you  that  my  respect  for  you,  and  the 

*  The  minute  of  the  Executive  Council  is  as  follows  : 

In  Council,  Philadelphia,  Wednesday,  Sept.  27,  1780. 

The  Hon.  Thomas  McKean,  Chief  Justice,  attended  in  Council,  and  informed 
the  Board  that  certain  intelligence  had  been  received  of  General  Arnold's  having 
joined  the  enemy  at  New  York.  Whereupon  Resolved,  that  the  Sheriff  of  the 
city  and  county  of  Philadelphia  be  directed  to  make  diligent  search  for  General 
Arnold's  papers,  and  that  he  seize  and  bring  the  same  before  this  Board  for  exa- 
mination. 

t  Supra,  p.  53. 


Andre's  letter.  273 

fair  circle  in  which  I  had  the  honour  of  becoming  acquainted  with  you,  re- 
mains unimpaired  by  distance  or  political  broils.  It  would  make  me  very 
happy  to  become  useful  to  you  here.  You  know  the  Mesquianza-made  me 
a  complete  milliner.  Should  you  not  have  received  supplies  for  your  fullest 
equipment  from  that  department,  I  shall  be  glad  to  enter  into  the  whole  de- 
tail of  cap- wire,  needles,  gauze,  «fec.,  and,  to  the  best  of  my  abilities,  render 
you  in  these  trifles  services  from  which  I  hope  you  would  infer  a  zeal  to  be 
further  employed. 

I  beg  you  would  present  my  best  respects  to  your  sisters,  to  the  ]\Iiss 
Chews,  and  to  Mrs.  Shippen  and  Mrs.  Chew. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

With  the  greatest  regard, 

Madam,  your  most  obedient  and  most  humble  servant, 

John  Andre. 

The  autograph  of  this  letter  is  not  without  its  interest  in  re- 
lation to  a  vexed  question  in  our  history,  the  extent  of  Mrs. 
Arnold's  knowledge  of  her  husband's  designs.  Various  opinions 
have  been  expressed  on  this  point.  Colonel  Hamilton,  in  a  well- 
known  letter  written  at  the  time,  has  given  it  as  his  conviction, 
founded  on  observation  of  Mrs.  Arnold's  excessive  distress  on 
her  husband's  desertion,  that  she  was  innocent.  "  Everything,'* 
said  he  in  a  letter  to  Colonel  Laurens,  "  everything  affecting 
in  female  tears,  or  in  the  misfortunes  of  beauty ;  everything 
pathetic  in  the  wounded  tenderness  of  a  wife,  or  in  the  appre- 
hensive fondness  of  a  mother,  and,  till  I  have  reason  to  change 
the  opinion,  I  will  add,  everything  amiable  in  suffering  innocence 
conspired  to  make  her  an  object  of  sympathy  to  all  who 
were  present."*  Hamilton's  judgment  on  a  matter  where 
sympathy  with  afflicted  beauty  had  influence,  is  not  always  to 
be  relied  on,  but  in  this  instance  it  was  probably  correct,  and 
this  for  very  obvious  considerations.  Mrs.  Arnold  was  a  gay 
and  volatile  woman,  whom  so  deliberate  a  villain  as  Arnold 
would  not  be  apt  to  trust.  She  was  not  an  unscrupulous 
heroine  to  prompt  a  husband  to  gigantic  crime.  Her  verv 
loyalism,  her  constant  and  familiar  association  with  those  who 
were  disaffected  to  the  American  cause,  her  levity  of  character, 

*  Hawk's  Edition  of  Hamilton  Papers,  vol.  i.  p.  465.  In  Davis's  Life  of  Aaron 
Burr,  vol.  i.  p.  219,  a  different  theory  is  suggested,  but  on  very  inadequate  evi 
dence, 

VOL.  II.  .  18 


274  MRS.  ARNOLD. 

and  the  inconsiderate  exhilaration  which  such  a  triumph  as 
the  seduction  of  a  patriot  back  to  the  royal  cause  would  excite, 
were  circumstances  in  the  judgment  of  so  sagacious  a  man  as 
Arnold  to  disqualify  her  from  being  his  confidante.  There  are 
secrets  too  perilous  to  be  trusted  to  a  wife.  It  is  more  than 
probable  that  she  knew  nothing  about  it.  This  is  the  judgment 
of  Mr.  Sparks,  and  most  of  those  who  have  examined  this  sub- 
ject with  attention  and  without  prejudice.  But  it  is  equally 
reasonable  to  suppose  that  Mrs.  Arnold  was  an  unconscious 
instrument  in  the  hands  of  artful  men,  and  the  letter  which  was 
thus  detected  from  Andre  rather  corroborates  this  idea.  At 
the  time,  the  letter,  with  its  allusions  to  millinery,  cap-wire, 
needles,  gauze,  was  regarded  as  a  pretence,  hiding  deeper  and 
more  dangerous  meaning. 

In  a  very  interesting  letter  from  Charles  Thomson  to  Mr. 
Jay,  then  at  Madrid,  the  draft  of  which  is  before  me,  is  the 
following  passage  relating  to  this  very  matter : 

"  In  a  controversy  and  revolution  such  as  this,  where  former 
friendships  and  intimacies  subsisted  between  the  contending 
parties,  and  where  men  of  upright  intentions  took  different 
sides,  and  men  of  all  characters  were  engaged  in  the  contest, 
it  would  not  have  been  strange  or  uncommon,  if  conspiracies 
had  been  formed  before  this.     But  to  the  honour  of  the  Ame- 
rican army,  Arnold  is  the  first,  and  I  believe  the  only  American 
oflfiicer  who  has  during  the  War  entered  into  a  conspiracy  with 
the  enemy  to  betray  his  country.     You  know  the  character  of 
the  man.     He  was  brave  but  avaricious,  fond  of  parade,  and 
not  very  scrupulous  about  the  means  of  acquiring  money  to 
defray  the  expenses  of  it.     He  had  married  a  young  woman 
who  had  been  distinguished  at  General  Howe's  Meschianza. 
The  expensive  manner  in  which  Arnold  lived  in  Philadelphia 
reduced  his  finances,  and  the  accounts  he  exhibited  against  the 
public  underwent  scrutiny  at  the  Board  of  Treasury,  much  to 
the  disadvantage  of  his  honour  and  honesty.     This,  joined  to 
his  disappointment  in  the  case  of  the  Active,  and  the  result  of 
the  Court  Martial  instituted  on  the  complaint  of  the  Council  ot 
Pennsylvania,  drove  him  to  desperate  measures,  and  rendered 
him  a  fit  object  for  Clinton's  views.     By  letters  found  among 


Arnold's  letters  to  andre.  275 

his  private  papers,  it  appears  that  Major  Andre,  one  of  Sir 
Henry  Chnton's  Aids,  had  commenced  a  correspondence  with 
Mrs.  Arnold,  in  J 779,  under  pretence  of  supplying  her  with 
millinery.  Whether  it  was  continued  until  it  was  ripened  into 
the  plot  of  betraying  West  Point  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy, 
I  will  not  undertake  to  say."* 

The  same  view  of  this  correspondence  was  taken  by  the 
newspapers  and  contemporary  writers  generally,  and  violent 
suspicion  rested  on  Mrs.  Arnold,  who  having  returned  from 
West  Point  to  her  father's  house,  was  peremptorily  ordered 
by  the  Executive  Council  to  leave  the  State.f  Yet  the  more 
reasonable  theory  seems  to  be  that  the  letter  in  question, 
so  far  as  she  is  affected  by  it,  proves  no  guilty  knowledge.  In 
March  or  April,  1779,  Arnold  had  begun  his  correspondence 
under  a  feigned  name,  with  New  York.  He  used  the  name  of 
"  Gustavus."  The  answers,  which  were  numerous  and  signifi- 
cant, were  signed  "John  Anderson,"  but  as  is  now  known 
were  written  by  Andre.  May  not  the  letter  to  Mrs.  Arnold 
have  been  designed  to  let  Arnold  know  who  his  New  York 
correspondent  was,  and  that  from  his  rank  and  confidential  re- 
lation to  the  British  Commander-in-chief  he  was  entitled  to 
regard  ? 

There  is  something  in  the  tone  and  contents  of  the  letter 
which  gives- colour  to  this  idea.  Andre  had  parted  with  the 
"  fair  circle"  in  Philadelphia  in  June  of  the  preceding  year,  and 
his  gallantry  seems  to  have  slumbered  long  and  soundly,  for  it 
is  not  till  August  (1779),  that  he  writes  to  offer  his  services  and 
solicit  their  remembrance.  It  is  not  surprising  that  so  odd  a 
letter  should  have  given  rise  even  to   unjust  suspicion  at  the 

«  MS.  Letter,  12th  October,  1780. 

+  In  Council,  Philadelphia,  Friday,  October  27,  1780. 

The  Council,  taking  into  consideration  the  case  of  Mrs.  Margaret  Arnold  (the 
wife  of  Benedict  Arnold,  an  attainted  traitor  with  the  enemy  at  New  York), 
whose  residence  in  this  City  has  become  dangerous  to  the  public  safety ;  and 
this  Board  being  desirous  as  much  as  possible  to  prevent  any  correspondence  and 
intercourse  being  carried  on  with  persons  of  disnfTcctcd  character  in  this  State 
and  the  enemy  at  New  York,  and  especially  with  the  said  Benedict  Arnold  : 
Therefore,  Resolved,  that  the  said  Margaret  Arnold  depart  this  State  within  four- 
teen days  from  the  date  hereof,  and  that  she  do  not  return  again  during  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  present  war. 


276  SCHUYLER  S  LETTER. 

time  of  its  discovery,  nor  does  it  at  all  discredit  the  less  often- 
sive  theory  now  suggested.  It  is  right  that  I  should  add  that 
this  suggestion  is  very  diffidently  made,  as  not  having  access  to 
the  original  correspondence  between  "  Gustavus"  and  "  John 
Anderson,"  I  am  unable  to  make  a  comparison  of  autographs. 

Mr.  Reed  was  absent  from  the  City  when  Arnold's  treachery 
was  disclosed.  It  may  easily  be  imagined  widi  what  mingled 
feelinss  he  learned  this  dismal  verification  of  all  his  forebodings. 
It  is  one  of  his  highest  distinctions  that  he  first  detected,  and 
in  the  face  of  vehement  and  imposing  opposition  exposed  the 
traitor.  How  influential  Arnold's  wiles  had  been,  and  how 
completely  he  controlled  better  and  purer  men,  using  them  for 
his  own  base  purposes,  was  further  made  manifest  by  the  ex- 
posure of  his  private  correspondence.  Among  the  papers 
seized  by  the  Executive  Council  was  the  following,  written  at 
the  time  when  Arnold  was  maturing  his  plans  of  treason, 
and  soliciting  the  command  at  West  Point. 


GENERAL  SCHUYLER  TO  ARNOLD.* 

Morristown,  June  2,  1780. 
My  dear  Sir, 

The  letter  which  I  did  myself  the  pleasure  to  write  you  on  the  11th  of 
May,  you  iiad  not  received  when  yours  of  the  25th  was  written.  In  that  I 
advised  you  that  I  had  conversed  with  the  General  on  the  subject  which 
passed  between  us  before  I  left  Philadelphia;  that  he  appeared  undecided  on 
the  occasion,  I  believe  because  no  arrangement  was  made,  for  he  expressed 
himself  with  regard  to  you  in  terms  such  as  the  friends  who  love  you  could 
wish.  When  I  received  yours  of  the  25th  May,  I  read  it  to  him  ;  he  was 
much  engaged;  next  day  he  requested  to  know  the  contents  again.  I  put 
it  into  his  hands  ;  he  expressed  a  desire  to  do  whatever  was  agreeable  to 
you,  dwelt  on  your  abilities,  your  merits,  your  sufferings,  and  on  the  well- 

*  The  letter  from  Arnold  to  which  this  is  a  reply,  will  be  found  in  Sparks' 
Washington,  vol.  vii.  p.  95. 

MS.  Colonel  Moijlan  to  Mr.  Reed:  "At  Camp,  October  1st,  1780.  Major 
Andr6  is  to  be  executed  this  evening  at  5  o'clock.  What  a  pity  it  is  not  Arnold 
that  is  to  suffer  in  his  room.  His  conduct  through  the  examination  has  been 
open,  candid,  manly,  and  has  gained  him  the  esteem  of  every  one.  He  has  been 
led  into  the  scrape  against  his  judgment,  and  fortunately  for  America,  by  the  bad 
conduct  of  Arnold  in  sending  him  back,  was  catched." 


Washington's  letter.  277 

earned  claims  you  have  on  your  country,  and  intimated  that  as  soon  as  his 
arrangements  for  the  campaign  should  take  place,  that  he  would  properly 
consider  you.  I  believe  you  will  have  an  alternative  proposed  either  to 
take  charge  of  an  important  post,  with  an  honourable  command,  or  your 
station  in  the  field.  Your  reputation,  my  dear  sir,  so  established,  your 
honourable  scars  put  it  decidedly  in  your  power  to  take  either.  A  State 
which  has  full  confidence  in  you  will  wish  to  see  its  banner  entrusted  to 
you.  If  the  command  at  West  Point  is  offered,  it  will  be  honourable, — if 
a  division  in  the  field,  you  must  judge  whether  you  can  support  the  fatigues, 
circumstanced  as  you  are.  Mrs.  Schuyler  proposes  a  jaunt  to  Philadelphia ; 
if  she  goes  I  sliall  accompany  her,  and  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you. 
She  joins  me  in  every  friendly  wish  ;  please  to  make  my  respects  to  your  lady 
and  her  amiable  sisters. 

Believe  me,  with  the  most  affectionate  regard  and  esteem, 
Yours,  most  sincerely,  &c.,  &c. 

Philip  Schuyler. 


This  was  certainly  strong  language  of  praise  addressed  to  a 
man  then  under  sentence  for  public  delinquency.  Well  might 
Mr.  Reed  be  amazed  to  learn  that  Washington,  who  had  ordered 
Arnold's  Court  Martial,  and  approved  its  judgment,  in  confi- 
dential intercourse  dwelt  upon  his  abilities,  his  merits,  and  his 
sufferings,  and  "  spoke  of  him  in  terms  such  as  those  who  loved 
him  could  wish."  He  at  once  wrote  to  Washington  on  the 
subject,  and  received  the  following  reply. 


WASHINGTON  TO  REED. 

Head.Quarters,  Passaic  Falls,  October  18th,  1780. 
Dear  Sir, 

By  your  favour  of  the  3d  from  Bethlehem,  I  perceive  my  letter  of  the  1st 
had  not  got  to  your  hands;  but  I  have  the  pleasure  to  find  that  the  business 
you  were  upon  anticipated  the  purpose  of  it,  and  was  in  a  fair  way  to  answer 
the  end. 

Arnold's  conduct  is  so  villanously  perfidious  that  there  are  no  terms  that 
can  describe  the  baseness  of  his  heart.  That  overruling  Providence  which 
has  so  often  and  so  remarkably  interposed  in  our  favour,  never  manifested 
itself  more  conspicuously  than  in  the  timely  discovery  of  his  horrid  intention 
to  surrender  the  post  and  garrison  of  West  Point  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy.  I  confine  my  remarks  to  this  single  act  of  perfidy,  for  I  am  far  from 
thinking  he  intended  to  hazard  a  defeat  of  this  important  object  by  combining 
another  with  it,  although  there  were  circumstances  which  led  to  a  contrary 


278  Arnold's  treason. 

belief.  Tlie  confidence  and  fully  which  have  marked  the  subsequent  conduct 
of  this  man  are  of  a  piece  with  his  villany,  and  all  three  are  perfect  in  their 
kind. 

The  interest  you  take  in  my  supposed  escape,  and  the  manner  in  which 
you  speak  of  it,  claim  my  thanks  as  much  as  if  he  really  had  intended  to  in- 
volve my  fate  with  that  of  the  garrison,  and  I  consider  it  as  a  fresh  instance 
of  your  affectionate  regard  for  me. 

As  I  do  not  recollect  ever  to  have  held  any  very  particular  conversation 
with  General  Schuyler  respecting  Arnold,  I  should  be  glad  to  obtain  a  copy 
of  the  letter  in  which  you  say  "  my  opinion  and  confidence  in  him  (Arnold) 
is  conveyed  in  terms  of  affection  and  approbation." 

Some  time  before  or  after  Arnold's  return  from  Connecticut,  (the  con- 
versation made  so  little  impression  on  me  that  I  know  not  which,)  General 
Schuyler  informed  me  he  had  received  a  letter  from  Arnold,  intimating  his 
intention  of  joining  the  army,  and  rendering  such  services  as  his  leg  would 
permit, — adding  that  he  was  incapable  of  active  service,  but  could  discharge 
the  duties  of  a  stationary  command  without  much  inconvenience  or  uneasi- 
ness to  his  leg.  I  answered  that,  as  we  had  a  prospect  of  an  active  and 
vigorous  campaign,  I  should  be  glad  of  General  Arnold's  aid  and  assistance, 
but  saw  little  prospect  of  his  obtaining  such  a  command  as  appeared  to  be 
the  object  of  his  wishes,  because  it  was  my  intention  to  draw  my  whole  force 
into  the  field  when  we  were  in  circumstances  to  commence  our  operations 
against  New  York,  leaving  even  West  Point  to  the  care  of  invalids  and  a 
small  garrison  of  militia  ;  but  if,  after  this  previous  declaration,  the  command 
of  that  post,  for  the  reasons  he  assigned,  would  be  more  convenient  and 
agreeable  to  him  than  a  command  in  the  field,  I  should  readily  indulge  him  ; 
having  had  it  hinted  to  me  by  a  very  respectable  character,  a  member  of 
Congress,  (not  General  Schuyler,)  that  a  measure  of  this  kind  would  not  be 
unacceptable  to  the  State  most  immediately  interested  in  the  welfare  and 
safety  of  the  post. 

This,  to  the  best  of  my  knowledge  and  recollection,  is  every  syllable  that 
ever  passed  between  General  Schuyler  and  me  respecting  Arnold  or  any  of 
his  concerns.  The  manner  and  the  matter  appeared  perfectly  uninteresting 
to  both  of  us  at  the  time.  He  seemed  to  have  no  other  view  in  communi- 
cating the  thing  than  because  he  was  requested  to  do  it,  and  my  answer 
dictated  by  circumstances  you  already  have — but  how  it  was  communicated 
the  letter  will  show. 

That  this  gentleman  (General  Schuyler)  possesses  a  share  of  my  regard 
and  confidence,  I  shall  readily  acknowledge.  A  pretty  long  acquaintance 
with  him,  an  opinion  of  his  abilities,  his  intimate  knowledge  of  our  circum- 
stances, his  candour,  as  far  as  1  have  had  opportunities  of  forming  a  judgment 
of  it,  added  to  personal  civilities  and  proofs  of  a  warm  friendship,  which  I 
never  had  a  doubt  of,  would  leave  me  without  excuse,  were  I  to  withhold 
these  from  him. 

What  ascendency  he  may  have  over  the  army,  is  more  than  I  can  tell ; 


GENERAL   SCHUYLER.  279 

but  I  should  not  be  surprised  if  he  stands  in  a  favourable  point  of  view  with 
respect  to  their  esteem.  The  means  he  took  to  acquire  a  true  knowledge 
of  their  distresses  while  he  was  with  it,  the  representations  he  made  to  pro- 
cure relief,  and  his  evident  endeavours  to  promote  the  objects  for  which  he 
was  appointed,  seem  to  have  made  this  a  natural  consequence. 

That  part  of  your  letter  which  respects  the  exchange  of  prisoners  will  be 
made  the  subject  of  a  particular  letter,  and  shall  accompany  this. 
With  great  respect  and  regard, 

I  am,  dear  sir, 
Your  most  obedient  and  affectionate, 
Humble  servant, 

George  Washington. 


M 


CHAPTER   XII I. 
1780—81. 

Elections  in  fall  of  1780 — Mr.  Reed  chosen  President  the  third  time — Message  of 
Council — Commission  on  Revenue  System — Reed,  Bayard,  and  Rittenhouse — 
Their  Report — Letter  to  Mr.  Bryan — Wayne's  Letter — Mr.  Searle's  Mission 
to  Europe — Financial  Affairs — Tender  Laws — Letter  to  Mr.  Henry — Protest 
in  Assembly — Mr.  Reed's  Letter  to  James  Searle — Dissolution  of  the  Paper 
Money — Message  to  the  Assembly — Repeal  of  Tender  Laws — President  Reed's 
Letters  to  Armstrong  and  Washington — Vindication  of  Pennsylvania — French 
Travellers  in  America — Chastelluxandthe  Abbe  Robin — Review  of  the  French 
Army — Chastellux's  Visit  to  Mr.  Reed — Philosophical  Society. 

The  elections  in  the  fall  of  1780  terminated  adversely  to  the 
Constitutionalists,  and  a  majority  of  the  opposite  party  was  re- 
turned to  the  Assembly.  The  exertions  of  the  Executive,  and 
the  stern  necessity  it  was  called  from  time  to  time  to  enforce,  no 
doubt  led  to  this  result.  Mr.  Reed  was,  however,  for  the  third 
time  elected  President  without  opposition,  and  in  November 
sent  his  Message  to  the  Legislature. 

"  We  esteem  ourselves  happy,"  he  said,  "  in  meeting  the  re- 
newed choice  of  the  people  in  legislation,  at  a  period  •so  pecu- 
liarly critical  and  interesting.  If  wisdom,  firmness,  and  mu- 
tual confidence,  were  ever  necessary  in  this  great  contest,  they 
are  so  at  this  time,  when  our  enemies,  forsaking,  in  no  small  de- 
gree, the  efforts  of  open  and  manly  force,  build  their  hopes  of 
success  on  the  arts  of  disaffection  and  corruption,  and  presume 
that,  wearied  with  the  contest,  or  engrossed  with  selfish  and 
gainful  views,  we  shall  yet  relinquish  the  glorious  object  of  so 
many  toils,  and  so  much  blood.  It  is  not  only  our  duty  but  our 
immediate  interest,  to  convince  them  that  their  hopes  are  equally 
fallacious,  whether  founded  on  arms  or  seduction,  on  our  defi- 
ciencies in  civil  or  military  virtue.  And  if  ever  any  people  had 
reason  to  presume  their  cause  was  approved  of  heaven,  we 


M 


PENNSYLVANIA  FINANCES.  281 

surely  may,  when  we  see  not  only  signal  interpositions  of  Provi- 
dence, but  behold  the  labours  of  the  husbandman,  and  cares  of 
the  merchant,  crowned  with  growing  plenty,  and  increasing 
success.  It  must  be  truly  animating  to  see  that  our  enemies 
draw  not  a  ray  of  comfort  from  our  inability  or  poverty,  but 
our  supposed  debasement  of  spirit  and  exhausted  patriotism. 
If,  therefore,  as  we  are  bound  together  in  one  common  interest, 
we  are  equally  united  in  adopting  and  enforcing  a  permanent 
effective  system  of  defence,  we  may  soon  hope  that  despair  will 
succeed  disappointment,  and  even  British  pride  do  homage  to 
American  virtue." 

He  also  added,  "  We  would  particularly  lay  before  you  a  mea- 
sure framed  by  the  former  House  of  Assembly,  for  the  present  re- 
lief of  their  constituents,  and  executed  by  this  Board,  under  their 
instructions,  on  which  an  eventual  engagement  is  founded,  invol- 
vincT  in  it  the  honour  and  jrood  faith  of  the  State,  as  well  as  the 
ease  of  the  people,  under  the  burden  of  the  war.  The  minutes 
of  the  Council,  which  will  be  laid  before  you,  will  give  you 
such  full  acquaintance  with  the  transaction,  the  success  of 
which  we  may  every  day  expect  to  hear,  that  we  hope  you  will 
make  the  necessary  provision  for  an  honourable  compliance 
W'ith  the  stipulations,  which  may  be  entered  into  in  behalf  of  the 
State." 

This  refers  to  a  financial  measure  to  which  great  importance 
was  attached,  and  which,  if  it  did  not  entirely  fail,  was,  in 
great  measure,  embarrassed  by  the  fierce  political  animosities  of 
the  times — the  attempt  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  to  nego- 
tiate a  loan  in  Europe.  The  last  Legislature  had  endeavoured 
to  invigorate  the  finances  of  the  State.  The  currency  was 
fast  reaching  its  lowest  point  of  depression,  and  it  was  mani- 
fest that  something  beside  the  framing  of  new  modes  of  taxa- 
tion was  required  to  bring  things  right.  A  funded  loan  was 
the  natural  remedy.  A  commission  w^as  appointed,  composed 
of   Mr.   Reed,  Mr.  John    Bayard,  and   Dr.  Rittenhouse*  in 


*  John  Bayard,  during'  the  predominance  of  the  Constitutional  party  in  Penn- 
sylvania, was  Speaker  of  the  General  Assembly,  and,  in  1785,  a  member  of  the 
Continental  Congress.  He  died  in  the  year  1807.  He  was  the  father  of  the 
late  Andrew  Bayard  of  Philadelphia,  and  uncle  of  James  A.  Bayard,  of  Dela- 
ware,  one  of  the  Negotiators  of  the  Treaty  of  Ghent. 

Of  David  Rittenhouse,  the  other  Commissioner  named  in  the  text,  it  is  unne- 


282  FINANCIAL  MEASURES. 

September,  1780,  whose  duty  it  was  to  visit  the  several  Coun- 
ties, and  ascertain  what  were  the  causes  of  the  failure  of  reve- 
nue, and  report  such  further  legislation  as  was  required  to  re- 
medy the  defects.*      Their  report,  which  is  very  voluminous, 

cessary  to  say  anything'  here.  His  distinguished  career  is  well  known.  He  was 
for  twelve  years,  many  of  them  years  of  war,  Treasurer  of  Pennsylvania. 

*  The  extent  and  variety  of  their  duties  were  remarkable. 

Resolved,  unanimously,  That  three  Commissioners  be  appointed,  whose  duty 
it  shall  be  to  inquire  into  the  general  police  of  each  county,  and  more  especially 
to  inform  themselves  on  the  following  points  : 

First.  What  deficiencies  there  are  in  the  payment  of  the  public  taxes  in  each 
county ;  what  townships  are  delinquent,  and  the  several  causes  of  such  delin- 
quency. 

Secondly.  To  inquire  into  the  product  of  the  excise  and  other  public  dues  ; 
whether  due  attention  is  paid  to  the  collection  by  the  magistrates,  and  excise  offi- 
cers ;  due  returns  made  of  all  public  houses,  and  the  penalties  of  laws  inflicted 
upon  such  as  keep  taverns  or  public  houses,  not  complying  with  the  requisitions  of 
law  in  this  respect. 

Thirdly.  Whether  forfeitures  of  recognizances,  fines  and  penalties  imposed  on 
delinquents  in  courts  of  justice,  are  duly  collected,  and  paid  to  the  proper  officers, 
in  ease  of  the  public  burdens. 

Fourthly.  To  inquire  into  the  progress  of  the  several  Commissioners  appointed 
to  procure  specific  suppUes  in  this  State  for  the  Federal  army  ;  what  are  their 
difficulties,  and  the  obstructions  they  meet  with  in  answering  the  public  expecta- 
tions and  demands. 

Fifthly.  To  inquire  into  the  nature  and  amount  of  the  debts  due  to  the  people 
of  this  State,  on  certificates  from  the  Quartermaster,  and  Commissary-General's 
departments  ;  in  order  that  some  plan  may  be  devised  by  the  next  Assembly  for 
redressing  and  reforming  any  abuses  and  irregularities  with  respect  to  those  cer- 
tificates ;  and  that  the  payment  of  taxes  may  be  reduced  as  soon  as  possible,  to  the 
simple  and  regular  mode  of  payment  of  money. 

Sixt]}ly.  To  inquire,  pursuant  to  sundry  resolutions  made  by  the  Honourable 
Congress,  into  tlie  number  of  posts  and  hospitals  established  under  the  quarter- 
master generals',  commissaries,  and  medical  departments  in  this  State,  the  rations 
drawn,  and  persons  actually  employed  therein,  so  as  to  retrench,  as  far  as  can 
conveniently  be  done,  any  unnecessary  expenses  of  the  Continent  in  general,  or 
this  State  in  particular. 

Seventhly.  To  hear  all  reasonable  complaints  against  public  officers  for  any 
abuse  or  mismanagement  of  office  in  the  administration  of  justice,  collection  of 
taxes,  and  all  other  grievances  of  a  public  nature,  if  any  subsist,  which  from  the 
extent  of  the  State,  distance  from  the  capital,  or  other  causes,  the  good  people  of 
the  State  may  not  have  opportunity  to  lay  before  those  whose  duty  it  is  to  in- 
quire into,  and  redress  them. 

Eighthly.  To  inquire  into  the  state  of  the  militia,  the  numbers  actually  bear- 
ing arms,  their  equipments  and  condition  for  actual  service,  and  such  other  parti- 


REVENUE  COMMISSIONERS. 


283 


and  which  was  prepared  by  Mr.  Reed,  was  laid  before  the  Le- 
gislature, in  March,  1781.  It  is  a  curious  and  interesting  docu- 
ment, and  throws  much  light  on  the  perplexed  questions  of  cur- 
rency and  finance  which  the  Statesmen  of  the  Revolution  had 
to  determine.  The  embarrassments  of  the  times  are  apparent, 
from  the  following  hurried  letter  written  during  the  journey  of 
the  Commissioners. 

PRESIDENT  REED  TO  GEORGE  BRYAN. 

Bethlehem,  October  5th,  1780. 

I  received  your  obliging  favour  of  the  2d  inst.,  and  am  much  obliged  to 
you  for  the  intelligence  it  contains.  At  this  distance  from  the  great  scene, 
and  no  other  information  than  a  stale  newspaper,  your  letters  give  us  much 
pleasure. 

The  newspapers  will  have  informed  you  of  the  objects  of  our  present  jour- 
ney, and  indeed  we  find  much  to  rectify.  What  with  the  ignorance  of  the 
laws,  the  unskilfulness  and  sloth  in  the  execution,  the  inattention  of  the 
magistrates  and  other  public  officers,  our  affairs  are  getting  into  great  con- 
fusion. There  is  a  great  deficiency  of  taxes  in  the  two  Counties  we  have 
examined,  not  arising  from  a  defect  of  laws  either  in  number  or  goodness, 
but  real  neglect  in  the  execution  of  Commissioners,  Collectors,  &c.  The 
incidental  duties  arising  from  excise,  fines,  license,  moneys,  &c.,  would,  in 
a  few  years,  have  been  lost  to  the  public;  not  one-third  of  the  taverns  take 
out  any  license,  in  short  we  seem  to  be  all  going  wrong,  and  our  manners 
as  much  depreciated  as  our  money.     The  abuses  of  the  Quartermaster's 


culars  as  may  be  necessary  to  render  that  establishment  most  useful  and  efficacious 
for  the  public  defence. 

Resolved.  That  to  this  end  the  said  Commissioners  be  authorized  to  call  upon 
the  Commissioners  of  the  taxes,  the  county  treasurer,  and  all  other  persons  con- 
cerned in  the  collection  of  public  taxes,  upon  all  justices  of  the  peace,  lieutenants 
of  counties,  and  such  other  persons  in  office,  as  they  shall  think  necessary,  in 
order  to  obtaining  full  information  of  the  state  of  this  Commonwealth ;  and  that 
their  reasonable  and  necessary  expenses  on  this  service  be  defrayed. 

Resolved.  That  the  said  Commissioners  do  make  report  on  these  points  seve- 
rally, to  the  next  Assembly,  in  order  to  apply  suitable  remedies,  if  necessary,  to 
any  griveances,  irregularities,  or  abuses,  which  may  subsist,  and  that  further,  or 
other  measures  may  be  taken  for  the  general  good  and  happiness  of  this  State. 

The  House  then  proceeded  to  appoint  three  Commissioners  for  the  purposes 
above  mentioned,  when  His  Excellency,  Joseph  Reed,  Esq.,  President  of  the  State, 
the  Honourable  John  Bayard,  Esq.,  Speaker  of  the  General  Assembly,  and  David 
Rittenhouse,  Esq.,  Treasurer  of  the  State,  were  unanimously  appointed. — Jour- 
nals of  Assembly,  p.  576. 


284  Wayne's  letter. 

department  are  great  and  many.  A  practice  has  obtained  here  to  sell  Con- 
tinental property  by  appraisement,  and  it  has  proved  a  very  convenient 
mode  to  gratify  a  friend  with  a  good  team  or  horse,  at  one-third  the 
value.  Here  is  a  Commissary,  on  pay,  rations,  and  forage,  with  a  waiter, 
to  supply  six  Hessians,  who  work  about  the  town,  but  I  should  rather  say 
was,  as  I  have  sent  to  Easton  to-day  to  cashier  about  eight  or  ten  of  them. 
A  mulatto  in  the  County  has  acquired  a  very  handsome  fortune  under  Mr. 
Hooper,  as  Deputy  Commissary,  some  say  £10,000  specie.  Now  the  in- 
fluence is  removed,  the  people  speak  out,  and  pretty  loudly  too,  but  I  fear  it 
is  almost  too  late.  There  have  been  at  one  time  twelve  Deputy  Quarter- 
masters in  this  County  only,  on  pay,  rations,  and  with  clerks,  &c.,  &c.,  &c. 
Had  a  suitable  inspection  taken  place  twelve  months  ago,  I  am  sure  we 
should  have  saved  many  thousands,  if  not  millions.  There  appears  no 
opposition  to  the  Government  either  in  Bucks  or  this  County,  but  the  people 
seem  much  puzzled  to  find  suitable  persons  to  send  to  Council  and  Assembly. 
I  hope  they  will  find  good  Whigs  at  least. 

I  have  wrote  to  Mr.  Moore,  hoping  the  Council  will  take  this  opportunity 
to  send  off  some  of  these  families  and  cliaracters  which  have  given  us  so 
much  trouble.  If  it  agrees  with  your  sentiments,  I  wish  you  would  second 
me,  and  let  us  rid  ourselves  of  them  while  opinions  are  warm  and  decided. 

But  a  more  thorough  remedy  than  mere  imposition  of  taxes 
was  needed  to  set  things  right.  A  foreign  loan  or  subsidy  was 
necessary.*  Every  considerate  mind  looked  for  this  as  the 
only  sure  resource.  The  following  letter,  eminently  charac- 
teristic of  its  true-hearted,  right-minded  writer,  was  received 
from  Camp  about  this  time. 

WAYNE  TO  PRESIDENT  REED. 

Camp,  September  17th,  1780. 
Dear  Sir, 

At  the  commencement  of  this  campaign,  we  had  the  most  flattering  ex- 
pectations from  the  promised  succours  by  his  Most  Chrisiian  Majesty,  as 
well  as  from  the  exertions  of  these  States,  but  the  intervention  of  a  superior 
fleet  to  that  of  our  allies  in  these  seas,  the  blockade  of  Brest, — in  which  port 
the  second  division,  intended  for  America,  are  shut  up, — and  the  tedious  delay, 
and  at  length  total  prevention  of  operation  in  the  West  Indies,  together 
with  the  recent  military  check  we  have  experienced  in  South  Carolina,  and 
the  difficulty  of  promised  aid  and  supplies  in  the  United  States,  have  mate- 
rially altered  the  complexion  of  affairs. 

*  In  Hawk's  edition  of  Hamilton's  works,  vol.  i.  p.  3Sb,  will  be  found  an  ad- 
mirable letter  to  this  effect,  written  in  ]  780,  by  Hamilton  to  Robert  Morris. 


MILITARY  OPERATIONS. 


285 


In  this  situation  I  have  been  called  upon  to  give  my  opinion  in  writing- 
of  what  I  think  the  most  advisable  mode  of  conduct  or  feasible  point  of 
operation. 

The  actual  arrival  of  Sir  George  Rodney  with  ten  sail  of  the  line  at 
Sandy  Hook,  will,  when  joined  by  Admiral  Arbuthnot,  be  equal  to  twenty 
or  twenty-four  sail.  The  Count  de  Guichen  is  said  to  be  off  the  coast  with 
eighteen,  and  the  Count  De  Ternay  with  seven  or  eight  at  Rhode  Island, 
in  all  twenty-five  or  twenty-six  sail,  so  that  the  force  will  be  nearly  upon 
an  equality,  hence  we  have  little  ground  to  expect  anything  capital  taking 
place  by  water. 

Could  any  period  be  fixed  for  the  arrival  of  the  second  division  from  Brest, 
so  as  to  place  our  allies  in  the  sovereignty  of  these  seas,  I  should  not  be  at 
a  loss  on  the  occasion  ;  but  as  this  is  only  problematical,  or  at  most  eventual, 
I  must  acknowledge  that  I  see  nothing  but  a  choice  of  difficulties  left  to 
determine  upon.  Among  others,  that  of  experiencing  every  extreme  of  dis- 
tress at  this  stage  of  the  campaign;  for  want  of  provisions  is  of  the  most 
alarming  nature,  and  would,  without  any  other,  be  sufficient  to  defeat  the 
best  plan  in  the  power  of  a  General  to  design. 

When  I  look  forward  to  a  period  fast  approaching,  I  discover  the  most 
gloomy  and  distressing  prospects  presenting  themselves ;  and  when  I  con- 
sider that  the  mass  of  people  who  now  compose  this  army  will  dissolve  by 
the  1st  of  January,  except  a  little  corps  enlisted  for  the  war,  badly  paid, 
and  worse  appointed  and  fed,  I  really  dread  the  consequence;  for  these  dis- 
couraging facts  may  have  a  fatal  influence  on  their  minds,  when  opposed  to 
a  well-appointed,  puissant,  and  desolating  army.  Should  Sir  Henry  Clinton 
profit  by  former  errors,  and  commence  the  General,  should  he  wait  that 
season,  and  then  pour  like  a  deluge  upon  a  naked  country  and  once  more 
possess  your  Capita],  I  have  but  too  much  ground  to  dread,  that  by  an  intro- 
duction of  Civil  Government,  he  would  find  many,  very  many  adherents, 
and  perhaps  great  numbers  of  converts  we  at  present  least  suspect. 

I  know  that  you  are  not  to  learn  that  the  fidelity  of  some  of  the  Southern 
States  is  much  shaken,  and  that  a  great  proportion  of  the  landed  interest  in 
your  State  would  have  very  little  objection  to  submit  to  the  former  govern- 
ment; and  I  can,  from  my  own  knowledge,  assure  you  that  the  farmers  in 
this  State  appear  to  wish  for  peace  on  any  terms,  owing  to  the  mode  in 
which  we  have  been  necessitated  to  ration  our  troops,  and  forage  our  horse ; 
a  mode  truly  distressing  to  thein,  and  affords  but  a  very  partial  relief  to  us, 
yet  little  as  it  is,  it  has  hitherto  prevented  a  dissolution  of  this  army. 

I  know  that  a  true  picture  of  our  situation  must  be  very  distressing  to  the 
benevolent  mind,  and  hurtful  to  the  eye  of  a  gentleman,  who  from  principle, 
as  well  as  his  exalted  station,  mutt  be  interested — deeply  interested  in  the 
if  America.  Yet  it  is  a  duty  which,  as  a  citizen  and  a  soldier,  I  owe  to 
you,  to  rriyeelf,  and  to  my  country,  to  show  it  in  its  true  colours,  and  also  to 
assure  you  that  I  am  not  influenced  by  any  apprehension  for  my  own  liberty 
or  safety.     I  have  fully  and  deliberately  considered  every  possible  vicissitude 


286  .TAMES   SEARLE. 

of  fortune,  and  know  that  it  is  not  in  the  power  of  man  to  subjugate  a  mind 
determined  to  be  free.  Whilst  I  am  master  of  my  own  sword,  I  am  gover- 
nor of  my  own  fate.  I  therefore  only  fear  (but  greatly  fear)  for  this  of  my 
country,  and  would  wish  to  warn  her  of  her  danger,  and  point  out  the  only 
mode  that  can  possibly  save  her  from  impending  ruin. 

We  have  it  yet  in  oar  power  to  remedy  or  correct  former  mistakes,  and 
to  rise  superior  to  every  difficulty  or  danger.  This  can  only  be  done  by  a 
foreign  loan,  and  by  a  completion  of  our  regiments.  The  Eastern  States 
seem  fully  convinced  of  their  error,  and  from  the  best  intelligence  will 
exert  every  power  to  complete  their  quota  of  troops  for  the  War.  Pennsyl- 
vania, in  this,  will  have  greatly  the  advantage;  the  levies  now  in  camp  are 
enlisting  upon  trust;  whilst  this  spirit  continues,  I  wish  we  could  be  fur- 
nished with  some  hard  cash.  This  is  the  time  to  take  them  ;  if  we  wait 
much  longer,  the  termination  of  their  service  will  be  so  near  that  nothing 
will  induce  them  to  remain.  Add  to  this,  that  those  men  are  now  on  the 
spot — that  there  is  no  danger  of  being  imposed  on  by  deserters — that  every 
man  who  may  enlist,  we  are  sure  of,  and  that  they  have  acquired  some  dis- 
cipline, and  an  adroitness  in  exercise  and  manoeuvring,  by  the  close  atten- 
tion and  indefatigable  industry  of  our  officers,  which  they  slill  continue  to 
improve  with  unwearied  zeal. 

I  would  beg  leave  further  to  suggest  whether  good  policy  don't  point  out 
the  expediency  of  making  a  true  representation  of  our  situation  to  the  Court 
of  France,  and  to  tell  her  we  are  no  longer  able  to  continue  this  unequal 
contest  without  the  aid  of  hard  money,  which,  if  they  will  furnish  us  with, 
we  will  engage  to  secure  our  Independence,  and  repay  them,  when  able, 
otherwise. 

Adieu,  my  dear  sir,  and  believe  me,  in  every  vicissitude  of  fortune. 
Your  Excellency's  most  obedient 

And  very  humble  servant, 

Anthony  Wayne. 

On  this  subject,  the  Council  had,  however,  acted  by  sending 
Mr.  James  Searle,  formerly  a  Representative  in  Congress  from 
Pennsylvania,  to  Paris  and  Amsterdam,  to  endeavour  to  pro- 
cure a  loan,  and  supplies  of  clothing.  He  spent  the  winter  of 
1780  and  1781  in  Europe,  but,  from  the  fragments  of  his  cor- 
respondence which  have  survived,  it  seems  his  efforts  were 
wholly  unavailing.*  Had  he  been  successful,  it  is  fair  to  sup- 
pose that  the  financial  catastrophe  which  occurred,  and  which, 
in  spite  of  his  exertions  to  avert  it,  darkened  and  perplexed  the 
last  years  of  Mr.  Reed's  administration,  might  have  been  pre- 

*  Appendix  No.  II. 


FINANCES  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  287 

vented.  As  it  was,  it  was  a  ghastly  scene  of  frustrated  expedi- 
ents and  wretched  economical  mismanagement,  aggravated  by 
the  most  intense  party  animosity.  In  vain  were  the  remon- 
strances and  solicitations  of  the  Executive,  in  vain  the  reason- 
ing of  all  unprejudiced  men  against  the  folly  and  iniquity  of 
compulsory  laws  to  force  credit  on  worthless  and  inconvertible 
paper. 

It  may  not  be  inopportune  here  to  trace  briefly  the  course  of 
financial  legislation  from  this  time  to  the  close  of  Mr.  Reed's 
administration,  illustrating  it  hereafter  by  the  correspondence 
presently  to  be  resumed.  A  writer  of  the  times  thus  describes 
it: 

"  It  must  be  known  to  those  who  are  conversant  in  the  past 
transactions  of  Pennsylvania,  that  bills  of  credit,  from  their 
first  introduction  in  1722,  were  always  declared  a  legal  tender, 
as  money,  for  all  debts  and  demands  till  the  year  1780,  when 
£100,000  of  paper  money,  funded  on  land,  were  emitted,  for 
the  first  time,  without  this  sanction.  It  is  true  the  tender  for- 
merly went  no  further  than  to  deprive  the  creditor  of  interest 
and  costs ;  he  might,  notwithstanding,  recover  the  principal 
afterwards. 

"  On  the  commencement  of  hostilities  with  Britain  in  the  pre- 
sent glorious  contest,  the  practices  of  the  enemy  ivilhout,  and 
the  artifices  of  the  disafiected  within,  were  combined  to  destroy 
our  money,  the  principal  sinew  of  our  force,  and  to  render  us 
incapable  of  resisting  the  powerful  armies  employed  to  subju- 
gate us  ;  in  this  exigency  nothing  carried  us  through  our  diffi- 
culties but  the  determined  spirit,  the  enthusiasm  of  the  Whigs. 
Resolved  to  risk  their  all  in  the  cause  in  which  they  had 
embarked,  in  every  part  of  the  United  States  they  called  for 
tender  laws  with  heightened  penalties  on  the  refuser  of  paper 
money.  Congress  recommended  such  laws,  and  they  were 
established  with  the  approbation  of  every  man  who  wished  to 
be  considered  as  devoted  to  independence  and  liberty ;  and 
whatever  may  now  be  said  against  the  enforced  tender  of  this 
sort  of  money,  yet  to  these  tender  law^s,  under  God,  must  the 
political  salvation  of  this  country  in  the  years  1776,  1777,  and 
1778,  be  ascribed. 

"  It  is  now  pretty  evident  that  these  laws  were  suffered  to 


288  TENDER  LAWS. 

continue  loo  long,  and  that  before  the  depreciation  of  the  Con- 
tinental bills  of  credit  was  risen  to  twenty-five  or  thirty  for 
one,  the  tender  should  have  been  repealed.  It  is,  however, 
scarcely  fair  to  decide  upon  the  public  conduct  after  the  event, 
and  we  should  consider  that,  in  1779,  there  was  no  other 
medium  to  recur  to,  and  hardly  any  specie  in  the  country.  It 
was  not  until  1781,  that  the  Spanish  silver,  in  any  quantity,  was 
imported.  But  if  the  repeal  of  these  acts  was  so  proper  in 
1779,  why  was  it  not  attempted?  The  Assembly  was,  at  that 
time,  composed  of  different  parties :  yet  we  find  not  a  word  on 
their  journals  tending  to  this  point.  The  fact  is,  the  idea  of 
discontinuing  the  tender  of  Continental  money  as  specie,  first 
rose  in  the  Honourable  Congress,  and  seems  to  be  a  part  of  the 
famous  Resolves  of  the  18th  of  March,  1780. 

"On  March  20th,  1780,  a  Resolve  of  Congress  is  entered  on 
the  minutes  of  the  Assembly,  dated  that  day,  recommending 
'  the  revisal  of  the  tender  laws  in  such  a  manner  as  shall  be 
judged  most  conducive  to  justice  in  the  present  state  of  the 
paper  money.'  Upon  this  the  House,  on  the  21st,  in  the  fore- 
noon, resolved,  by  a  majority,  attained  .by  the  vote  of  the 
Speaker,  that  a  clause  be  brought  in,  to  be  added  to  the  money 
bill,  then  depending,  '  for  suspending  the  operation  of  the  tender 
laws,  as  far  as  they  relate  to  making  Continental  currency  a 
tender  equal  to  gold  and  silver,  for  debts  and  contracts.'  It  is 
true,  that  on  the  23d,  two  days  after,  this  clause  was  thrown 
out  by  a  majority  of  thirty-one  against  twenty-four. 

"  This  attempt  was  not  wholly  ineffectual ;  for  in  May 
following  a  bill  was  brought  in  and  passed  into  a  law^  whereby 
the  further  tender  of  Continental  money  as  gold  and  silver,  was 
stopped. 

"  There  is  another  transaction  upon  record,  of  equal  date, 
which  displays  the  good  sense  of  this  Assembly  very  remark- 
ably. They  passed  an  act  for  striking  £100,000  of  paper 
money,  funded  on  land  as  aforesaid,  without  any  mention  of 
tender,  every  one  being  left  at  liberty  to  receive  the  new  bills 
of  credit  or  not.  If  these  undoubted  facts  are  not  demonstra- 
tive of  the  Mdsdom  of  the  Assembly  of  1780,  a  body  almost 
wholly  made  up  of  constitutional  Whigs,  another  striking  one 
may  be  recollected.     In  their  act  for  funding  and  redeeming 


THE  TENDER  LAWS.  289 

the  old  paper  of  Congress,  passed  June  1st,  1780,  it  is  declared, 
'that  from  that  time  all  contracts  should  be  made  good, 
according  to  the  special  nature  of  each.' 

"  Thus  did  this  House  leave  matters  in  October  following, 
when  their  term  expired.  They  had  put  an  end  to  the  mis- 
chiefs and  iniquities  arising  from  the  tender  of  Continental  bills 
for  specie  debts,  and  left  the  adjustment  of  contracts  made 
during  its  existence,  to  their  successors,  to  be  taken  up  as  soon 
as  the  minds  of  the  people  should  recover  from  the  shocks  pro- 
duced by  these  important  changes  on  the  most  delicate  of  sub- 
jects. It  is  remarkable  that  the  scale  of  depreciation,  and  other 
regulations  in  this  business,  was  not  finished  by  their  successors 
before  June,  1781. 

"  Let  us  next  inquire  into  the  conduct  of  the  succeeding 
Assembly,  which  met  in  October,  1780.  They  enforced  the 
tender  of  the  bills  of  credit  for  £100,000,  funded  on  land  by  an 
act  expressly  for  that  purpose.  They  did  the  like  by  the  new 
bills  of  Congress,  and,  imagining  that  the  former  tender  laws 
had  proved  insufficient,  because  the  penalties  were  too  small, 
they  heightened  the  forfeitures  in  their  acts  ;  thus  impliedly 
condemning  their  predecessors,  who  had  emitted  paper  money 
without  enforcing  it  upon  any,  and  openly  violating  the  decla- 
ration of  the  1st  of  June  before,  '  that  all  contracts  should  be 
performed  according  to  the  special  nature  of  each ;'  for  they 
extended  the  new  tenders  to  specie  contracts,  which  had  been 
made  in  reliance  on  the  faith  of  the  public,  thus  solemnly 
pledged. 

"  In  April,  1781,  they  emitted  the  extravagant  sum  of  500,000/. 
in  bills  of  credit,  with  similar  penalties.  It  is  true,  indeed,  that 
several  of  the  members  entered  a  protest  against  the  tender 
clauses,  though  many  of  them,  during  the  preceding  winter, 
had  concurred  in  and  promoted  those  before  mentioned.  In 
June  following,  this  same  Assembly,  convinced  by  experience, 
after  eight  months'  blundering,  brought  matters  back  to  the 
state  wherein  the  former  house  had  left  them.  In  short,  they 
repealed  their  own  tender  laws."* 

*  Freeman's  Journal,  Feb.  15th,  1 782. 
VOL.  II.  19 


290  LETTER,  TO  WILLIAM  HENRY. 

The  Journals  and  manuscript  papers  confirm  these  state- 
ments fully.  The  legislation  of  1780-1,  controlled  by  the 
Anti-Constitutional  party,  seems  if  possible  more  pernicious 
than  ever.  On  this  question  of  tender  laws  and  currency, 
parties  were  divided,  the  result  being,  that  while  enlightened 
men,  like  Mr.  Reed  and  Mr.  Morris,  though  differing  on  other 
points,  united  in  denouncing  them,  larger  fragments  of  masses 
that  quarrelled  in  regard  to  everything  else,  united  in  their 
support.  In  December,  1780,  the  President  wrote  to  a  friend 
in  Lancaster. 


PRESIDENT  REED  TO  WILLIAM  HENRY. 

Philadelphia,  December  2,  1780. 

Our  Assembly  affairs  go  on  very  badly  and  slowly.  I  send  you  the 
enclosed  paper,  which  will  show  you  how  they  propose  to  fund  the  new 
money.  Can  any  man  on  earth  suppose  that  while  we  have  such  deficiency 
of  the  old  taxes,  and  such  reluctance  to  lay  new  ones,  that  such  paper  thus 
funded  can  issue  but  at  a  depreciation  1  This  will  be  a  second  and  I  fear  a 
concluding  impoverishment  of  the  poor  Whigs,  who  will  have  it  forced  upon 
them  in  all  payments,  while  the  Tories  will  be  exempted  as  usual.  Nothing 
done  to  support  the  State  money,  to  support  the  credit  of  Mr.  Searle,  who 
is  gone  to  Europe  to  borrow  some  hard  money,  and  we  believe  is  likely  to 
succeed,  as  he  is  safe  arrived  and  other  letters  give  good  prospects.  Nothing 
done  for  supply  to  the  army,  payment  of  old  debts,  &c.  The  system  seems 
to  be  to  neglect  or  overturn  everything  that  has  been  done  for  these  two 
years  past,  and  must  end  in  confusion.  The  change  in  your  County  is  very 
unfortunate. 

I  write  confidentially,  of  which  you  will  make  a  prudent  use.  Be  pleased 
to  tell  Mr.  Hall  that  we  expect  he  will  ascertain  the  number  of  horses 
quartered  in  Lancaster,  and  see  they  are  proportioned  to  the  number  of  men 
and  officers  as  arranged  by  Congress  on  the  new  plan  of  the  Quartermaster's 
Department.  No  more  fatting  poor  horses  on  the  public  grain  for  a  spring 
sale. 

The  rest  of  the  history  of  the  tender  laws  may  be  easily 
told.  In  February,  1781,  they  were  suspended.*  In  March, 
the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  reported  a  bill  authorizing 
a  new  emission  of  paper  to  the  amount  of  £200,000  of  equiva- 

*  Journals,  514,  572,  595. 


THE  TENDER  LAWS.  291 

lent  value  to  Spanish  dollars,  pledging  public  lands  for  its  re- 
demption. In  April,  the  amount  was  increased  to  £500,000, 
and  the  tender  laws  with  regard  to  this  emission  were  re- 
enacted  in  the  most  stringent  form.  The  following  protest, 
signed  by  Mr.  Morris  and  seventeen  others,  is  deserving  of 
a  place  here  as  embodying  in  the  most  forcible  and  precise 
terms  the  unanswerable  objections  to  all  such  pernicious  le- 
gislation. 

''First.  Because  the  value  of  money,  and  particularly  of 
paper  money,  depends  upon  the  public  confidence,  and  where 
that  is  wanting,  laws  cannot  support  it,  and  much  less  penal 
laws. 

"  Secondly.  Because  penalties  on  not  receiving  paper  money 
must  from  the  nature  of  the  thing,  be  either  unnecessary  or 
unjust.  If  the  paper  is  of  full  value,  it  will  pass  current  with- 
out such  penalties,  and  if  it  is  not  of  full  value,  compelling  the 
acceptance  of  it  as  equivalent  to  specie  is  iniquitous. 

"  Thirdly.  Because  such  penalties  im}>air  the  pubHc  credit; 
they  show  a  diffidence  of  the  paper  in  those  who  emit  it,  and 
thereby  raise  a  like  difficulty  in  those  who  are  to  receive  it ; 
their  tendency  therefore  is  to  injure  instead  of  benefitincr  what 
they  are  intended  to  support. 

"  Fourthly.  Because  it  is  inconsistent  with  the  principles  of 
liberty  to  prevent  a  man  from  the  free  disposal  of  his  property 
on  such  terms  and  for  such  considerations  as  he  may  think  fit. 

"  Fifthly.  Because  restrictions  on  the  use  or  sale  of  those 
things  which  are  the  produce  of  human  labour  or  ingenuity 
relax  the  spirit  of  honest  industry,  and  promote  idleness,  fraud, 
and  dissipation,  from  whence  must  necessarily  follow  public 
poverty  and  distress. 

"  Sixthly.  Because  a  sacred  regard  to  promises  and  engage- 
ments is  the  basis  of  social  duty  and  social  virtue ;  wherefore, 
every  legislature  ought  to  enforce  it  by  its  precepts,  and  every 
magistrate  by  his  example  ;  but  measures  like  the  present  will 
have  a  contrary  efiect,  and  render  our  courts  of  justice  the 
ministers  of  iniquity.  Instead  of  compelling  the  performance 
of  contracts,  they  not  only  permit  and  countenance,  but  aid 
and  assist  the  violation  of  them.     Hence  it  must  follow  that  the 


292  PROTEST  AGAINST  TENDER  LAWS. 

magistrates  will  be  disrespected,  the  laws  contemned,  and  the 
morals  of  the  people  polluted. 

"Seventhly.  Because  every  measure  to  enforce  the  acceptance 
of  money,  renders  it  the  interest  of  debtors  to  depreciate  it ; 
fraudulent  debtors  will  pursue  that  interest,  and  violate  the 
spirit  of  the  law  by  compelling  a  compliance  with  the  letter 
of  it. 

"  Eighthly.  Because  experience  has  demonstrated,  that  such 
measures  have  not  prevented  depreciation ;  but  have  enabled 
bad  men  to  take  advantage  of  it  to  the  injury  of  the  honest, 
and  the  absolute  ruin  of  many  who  were  once  in  easy  and 
affluent  circumstances. 

"  JVinthly.  Because,  from  the  manner  in  which  it  is  proposed 
to  issue  our  paper,  the  circulating  medium  will  be  diminished 
instead  of  being  increased,  and  a  faithful  collection  of  the  taxes 
will  make  the  remainder  necessary.  Wherefore  there  is  very 
little  reason  to  apprehend  a  refusal  of  it ;  and  still  less  for 
adopting  such  violent  remedies. 

"  Tenthly.  Because,  we  conceive  the  funds  on  which  our 
paper  is  to  be  emitted,  are  so  amply  sufficient,  that  they  give 
us  and  must  give  all  others  who  consider  them,  the  fullest  con- 
fidence in  it.  We  cannot  therefore  consent  to  any  one  act 
which  may  show  the  least  want  of  that  confidence  ;  being  con- 
vinced, that  if  the  paper  should  depreciate,  it  can  only  be 
attributed  to  that  cause. 

"  Eleventhly.  Because  those  penalties  are  directly  contrary 
to  the  Resolutions  of  Congress  lately  communicated  to  us.  We 
humbly  conceive  that  great  attention  and  respect  should  be 
paid  to  every  recommendation  of  that  honourable  body.  And 
we  are  of  opinion  that  nothing  will  sooner  terminate  the  pre- 
sent war  than  harmony  and  thorough  confidence  between  the 
Congress  and  the  several  Legislatures. 

"In  Assembly,  April  6,  1781." 

Thus  was  the  system  which,  as  has  been  shown,  the  previous 
Legislature  had  endeavoured  to  abrogate,  again  fastened  on 
the  community.  Had  countenance  and  assistance  been  given 
to  Mr.  Searle  abroad,  and  the  further  emission  of  paper  been 


FINANCIAL  PLANS.  293 

arrested  at  home — had  the  improvement  of  the  domestic  revenue 
suggested  by  the  Commissioners  been  adopted,  a  different  result 
would  have  ensued.  The  following,  without  date,  though  evi- 
dently written  in  the  spring  of  1781,  from  the  President,  has 
peculiar  interest  in  relation  to  these  questions  of  currency  and 
finances.  His  description  of  the  quiet  death  of  the  revolutionary 
paper  money  is  extremely  curious.  It  is  a  letter  written  evi- 
dently under  strong  political  feeling. 


PRESIDENT  REED  TO  JAMES  SEARLE. 

Dear  Sir, 

After  long  expectation  and  some  anxiety,  your  letter  of  the  14th  Feb- 
ruary, via  Boston,  reached  us,  which  is  the  first  account  we  have  had  since 
your  letter  of  2d  September,  1780,  from  Brest.  Captain  Kollock  came  to 
see  me  about  five  weeks  ago,  having  been  cast  away  upon  one  of  the  Bahama 
Keys ;  he  had  lost  everything,  so  that  the  chain  of  your  correspondence  is 
yet  to  be  filled  up.  I  think  I  mentioned  in  a  former  letter  that  an  attempt 
had  been  made  in  the  House  of  Assembly  to  recall  you,  under  such  circum- 
stances as  would  have  been  a  sensible  mortification  to  yourself  and  friends. 
You  will  be  at  no  loss  to  guess  the  quarter  from  whence  it  originated,  when 
you  recollect  who  are  not  your  friends  here. 

You  may  be  assured  your  friends  were  not  idle,  and  the  stroke  was  parried 
without  much  difficulty.  Inclosed  are  copies  of  the  papers  which  passed  on 
this  occasion.  However,  on  mature  deliberation  of  the  subject,  and  espe- 
cially on  your  letter  of  the  14th  February,  we  are  unanimously  of  opinion  it 
will  be  best  for  you  to  return  as  soon  as  possible.  By  this  time,  it  is  to  be  pre- 
sumed, everything  is  done  that  can  be  done,  and  as  the  times  are  the  most 
jealous  that  can  be  imagined,  it  will  be  prudent  to  afford  as  little  cause  as 
possible.  I  confess  I  was  sanguine  in  the  measure,  and  still  think,  had 
European  politics  borne  the  same  aspect  as  when  you  embarked,  you  would 
have  succeeded.  If  it  had  been  possible  to  have  procured  clothing  and 
military  stores,  it  would  have  relieved  us  greatly,  and  given  your  mission  a 
favourable  appearance  in  the  public  eye.  The  fund  provided  for  payment 
of  principal  and  interest  of  your  loan,  if  it  had  succeeded,  has  proved  very 
productive,  so  as  to  leave  no  possibility  of  risk.  I  write  upon  supposition, 
tliat  one  at  least  of  three  or  four  laws  sent  you,  imposing  certain  duties  on 
the  imports  of  this  place,  has  got  to  hand.  By  the  last  accounts  from  the 
Naval  Office,  it  had  produced  £4000,  though  only  of  a  few  months'  standing, 
and  that,  in  a  great  part,  the  mpst  unfavourable  season  of  the  year.  We 
have  hitherto  kept  it  sacred,  not  knowing  what  engagements  you  have 
entered  into.     I  am  very  clear,  from  the  experience  we  have  had,  and  a 


294 


LETTER  TO  MR.  SEARLE. 


reasonable  prospect  of  a  great  increase  of  the  trade  of  this  city,  that  in  a 
few  years  it  will  not  only  pay  the  interest,  but  sink  a  part  of  the  principal; 
so  that  at  present  it  is  indisputably  the  best  fund  this  country  possesses  to 
engage  confidence  either  at  home  or  abroad.'"' 

We  were  always  apprehensive  that  Mr.  C.  would  traverse  you  openly  or 
secretly.f  What  a  misfortune  to  any  country  when  private  interest,  in- 
dolence, or  selfishness  occupy  the  breasts  of  those  who,  from  their  stations 
and  abilities,  might  be  the  fathers  and  saviours  of  their  country.  Are  we 
never  to  see  a  period  to  the  fatal  influence  of  G.  and  his  associates,  who 
have  done  so  much  to  destroy  the  real  interestsof  this  country?  I  am  really 
at  a  loss  to  know  what  methods  can  be  taken  from  hence  to  counteract  that 
to  which  you  refer.  The  treatment  of  G.  would,  I  should  think,  show  every 
one  in  what  estimation  he  is  held  here;  though,  upon  recollection,  it  must 
be  admitted  the  ways  of  A.  Z.  are  like  those  of  Heaven,  dark  and  intricate, 
"puzzled  with  mazes  and  perplexed  with  errors,"  as  equal  measure  is  meted 
to  the  accuser  and  the  accused,  and  reversing  the  usual  rules  of  judgment 
which  acquit  all  where  guilt  is  doubtful,  lest  innocence  should  suffer,  they 
seem  to  condemn  all,  lest  guilt  should  escape.  In  every  dispute  there  is  a 
right  and  a  wrong;  and  the  indolence  that  will  not  examine,  the  timidity 
that  dare  not,  or  the  policy  that  for  party  purposes  opposes  it,  are  equally 
prejudicial  to  the  cause  of  honesty  and  virtue  and  the  public  good.  G.  is 
certainly  the  most  fortunate  villain  in  the  world;  I  believe  there  is  but  one 
opinion  of  him  among  all  the  honest  part  of  mankind,  yet  he  has  found  a 
surprising  support — but  what  will  not  confederacies  in  iniquity  do?  Common 
danger  and  interest  unite  them,  while  men  of  worth,  having  no  such  bond 
of  union,  and  averse  to  the  unpleasing  task  of  detecting  and  punishing  de- 
linquencies, turn  from  the  object  with  horror,  and  quit  a  pursuit  which  the 
arts  of  bad  men  always  endeavour  to  ascribe  to  personal  motives,  and  where 
even  success  draws  no  public  gratitude.  The  frequent  interposition  of  M. 
and  N.  in  favour  of  that  party,  of  which  there  has  been  recent  instances,  is 
not  less  wonderful ;  so  that  we  may  adopt  the  language  of  Scripture  with  a 
little  variation,  and  say,  it  is  [illegible]  and  it  is  marvellous  in  our  eyes.  A 
peculiar  curse  seems  to  have  attended  all  the  intercourse  we  have  had 
through  this  unhappy  channel.  I  do  not  believe  we  shall  ever  count  pence 
in  value  for  the  pound  we  have  paid  or  are  to  pay  on  this  ill-fated  concern. 

The   last   ship   expected,  called    the  Marquis  de  Fayette,  laden   with 

*  By  act  of  Assembly,  23d  December,  1780,  an  impost  on  certain  imported 
articles,  (sugar,  molasses,  spirits,  wine,  tea,  coffee,  &c.,)  was  laid,  payable  in 
specie.  In  April,  178],  Congress  was  invested,  so  far  as  Pennsylvania  was  con- 
cerned, with  a  limited  right  to  impose  duties  on  foreign  commerce.  {Journals,  608.) 
Letters  from  Mr.  Morris,  on  the  subject  of  Mr.  Searle's  mission,  will  be  found  in 
Sparks''  Diplomatic  Correspondence,  xi.  408,  415, 

t  Some  of  the  allusions  in  this  letter  are  rendered  obscure  by  the  lapse  of  time. 
G.  is  probably  Silas  Deane,  and  A,  Z.  Congress. 


LETTER.  TO  MK.  SEARLE.  295 

clothing,  &c.,  has  now  been  out  near  five  months,  and  is  generally  given 
up  as  lost.  If  there  is  any  foundation  for  the  reflections  thrown  upon  16,  it 
must  be  a  want  of  firmness  to  do  what  was  proper,  rather  than  temporizing 
and  yielding  from  supposed  political  expediency.  We  have  never  received 
any  tiling  from  Mr.  Pinet,  except  one  letter  of  apology,  so  that  we  deem  that 
commission  as  extinct.  Commodore  Gillam  is  not  yet  arrived;  there  is 
great  anxiety  about  him,  as  he  has  been  so  long  expected.  It  is  to  be  wished 
we  could  have  been  possessed  of  such  a  vessel  as  you  describe;  as  the  British 
fleet  does  not  venture  to  separate,  there  is  a  great  opportunity  to  cruise  on 
the  British  trade.  The  successes  of  this  place  in  smaller  vessels  have  been 
very  considerable.  The  universal  dissatisfaction  which  prevailed  with  re- 
spect to  our  affairs  in  France  occasioned  sending  Mr.  Laurens  over.  We 
are,  in  short,  strangely  bewildered  here  on  the  business. 

At  present,  let  our  affairs  be  in  what  condition  they  may,  there  will  be 
no  alteration  on  this  side  of  the  water,  unless  Death,  the  great  changer  of 
all  things,  shall  force  it.  The  good  will  of  France  seems  of  such  indispen- 
sable importance  that  no  considerations  can  be  put  in  competition  with  it. 

Having  thus  answered  very  fully  your  letter,  I  proceed  to  give  you  some 
account  of  our  public  affairs.  The  paper  money  has  at  length  found  its  ne 
plus  ultra;  a  total  loss  of  confidence  and  credit,  arising  from  a  variety  of 
causes,  to  some  of  which  you  cannot  be  a  stranger,  gave  it  an  honourable, 
and,  what  you  will,  perhaps,  think  more  extraordinary,  a  peaceful  exit 
about  three  months  ago.  I  believe  the  history  of  the  world  affords  no  in- 
stance of  such  a  transition.  At  this  time  all  dealings,  and  commerce  of 
every  kind,  are  carried  on  in  gold  and  silver;  paper  having,  in  its  turn,  be- 
come a  merchandise,  and  kept  for  some  time  at  an  exchange  of  four  or  five 
for  one.  You  will  naturally  ask  how  has  this  been  effected,  and  where 
have  you  found  a  sufficient  and  ready  substitute.  I  answer,  it  was  effected 
really  and  truly  by  the  people  themselves  gradually  depreciating  the  money 
till  the  exchange  rose  to  two  hundred  and  fifty  and  three  hundred  for  one. 
Ostensibly  it  was  occasioned  by  a  declaration  of  the  Supreme  Executive 
Council  that  it  should  be  received  in  public  payments  at  a  ratio  of  one 
hundred  and  seventy-five  for  one.  At  once,  as  if  by  that  force  which,  in 
days  of  ignorance,  would  be  ascribed  to  enchantment,  all  dealings  in  paper 
ceased.  Necessity  forced  out  the  gold  and  silver — a  fortunate  trade  opened 
at  the  same  time  to  the  Havanna  for  flour,  all  restrictions  were  taken  off", 
and  the  Mexican  dollars  flowed  in  by  thousands;  this  supported  the  sinking 
spirits  of  those  who  would  have  been  discontented  and  uneasy,  and  in  a  few 
days,  specie  became  the  universal  medium,  and  so  continues.  Every  one  is 
surprised  at  the  change.  Our  enemies,  both  external  and  internal,  who 
promised  themselves  tumults,  insurrections  and  revolt,  hang  their  heads  in 
despondency  and  despair.  A  general  system  of  economy  and  frugality  will 
be  a  natural  consequence  of  the  money  finding  a  settled  value,  and  we  may 
with   reason  hope  soon  to  find  ourselves  on  the  same  principles  as  other 


296  MILITARY  MOVEMENTS. 

nations.  Congress  have,  after  much  experience  and  debate,  resolved  to 
simplify  their  system  of  government  by  a  dissolution  of  Boards,  and  consti- 
tuting a  Minister  for  each  Department  of  Finance,  War,  Marine,  and 
Foreign  Affairs.  The  first  is  already  appointed,  viz.  Mr.  Robert  Morris, 
who  is  now  exercising  the  office  on  terms  of  the  most  unlimited  confidence, 
having  a  liberty  to  trade,  and  a  general  control  of  the  expenditures  of 
every  kind,  and  of  the  conduct  of  most  officers  who  have  the  disposal  of 
money.  The  task  of  restoring  the  finances  of  this  country  must  be  a  very 
arduous  one.* 

A  Sully  should  have  a  Henry  to  support  him,  but  it  may  be  doubted 
whether  Sullys  or  Henrys  are  the  growth  of  the  present  age.  At  present 
neither  principal  nor  interest  on  former  loans  are  paid.  The  number  and 
amount  of  public  debts  in  other  departments  exceed  belief;  and  yet  the 
patience  of  the  creditors  is  inexhaustible.  Let  ignorance  and  malice  depre- 
ciate us  as  they  may,  the  Whigs  of  America  do  honour  to  human  nature. 

General  Washington's  army,  including  all  the  troops  in  the  field  under 
Greene,  Fayette  and  others,  is,  I  believe,  equal  to  what  it  has  ever  been. 
Great  bounties  are  given,  and  men  are  procured,  so  that,  upon  the  whole,  our 
affairs  on  a  general  scale  are  as  promising  as  at  any  period  during  the  war. 
Trade  is  certainly  very  flourishing  in  this  port,  and  in  New  England  ;  the 
number  of  vessels  greatly  increasing,  and  the  success  of  our  privateers  very 
considerable. 

Disappointment  and  defeat  seem  to  be  the  eventual  portion  of  the  British 
troops  in  every  part  of  America.  Cornwailis  opened  the  campaign  last  year 
with  brilliant  prospects — had  he  remained  in  South  Carolina  until  he  had 
established  order  in  that  Slate  and  Georgia,  it  is  highly  probable  the  British 
Government  would,  by  this  time,  have  had  some  real  energy,  but  he  was 
induced  to  push  his  fortune  first  in  North  Carolina,  then  in  Virginia,  where, 
like  a  desolating  meteor,  he  has  passed,  carrying  destruction  and  distress 
to  individuals — his  army  has  walked  through  the  country,  daily  adding  to 
the  number  of  its  enemies,  and  leaving  their  few  friends  exposed  to  every 
punishment  for  their  ill-timed  and  ill-placed  confidence.  Our  last  accounts 
from  General  Greene  are,  the  reduction  of  every  post  in  Carolina  and 
Georgia,  the  capitals  and  one  country  post  excepted,  which  had  been  some 
time  invested  with  every  prospect  of  final  success.  Cornwailis,  after  tra- 
versing great  part  of  Virginia,  has  moved  down  to  the  seacoast,  and  we 
daily  expect  to  hear  of  a  partial  embarkation  to  reinforce  Clinton  at  New 
York,  now  threatened  by  General  Washington  and  Count  Rochambeau,  who 
have  formed  their  troops,  and,  perhaps,  send  the  residue  to  Charlestown  to 
support  Rawdon." 

Such  became  the  exigency  of  the  times  that  the  President 

*  Mr.  Morris  was  appointed  Superintendent  of  Finance  20th  February,  1781, 


MESSAGE  TO  ASSEMBLY.  297 

convoked  the  Assembly  in  extraordinary  session  in  May,  1781. 
He  then  addressed  them  : 

"  The  exigencies  of  the  State,  the  requisitions  of  Congress, 
and  the  representations  of  the  Commander-in-chief  of  the 
federal  army,  have  made  it  indispensably  necessary  to  convene 

you  before  the  time  of  your  adjournment. 

*  *  «  * 

"  And  we  most  earnestly  entreat  you,  gentlemen,  in  this 
session  to  lay  aside  all  other  considerations  which  do  not  tend 
to  the  establishment  of  public  credit,  the  supply  of  the  army,  the 
relief  of  the  frontiers,  and  the  maintenance  of  civil  government, 
all  which  now  depend  upon  the  issue  of  your  deliberations. 
The  eyes  of  the  people  of  this  State,  and  of  all  America,  are 
upon  you,  and  we  trust  they  will  not  be  disappointed  in  the 
hopes  they  have  formed  of  the  wisdom,  firmness,  and  integrity 
of  your  measures." 

The  message  was  at  once  referred,  and  a  Committee 
appointed  to  report  a  repeal  of  the  tender  laws  of  every  kind, 
and  on  the  sam'e  day  the  Assembly  ordered  that  no  more  bills 
of  credit  should  be  emitted  except  at  a  value  equal  to  gold  and 
silver.  Various  measures  of  taxation  were  suggested,  but  all 
seemed  to  involve  some  objection  which  prevented  their  enact- 
ment. Message  after  message  was  communicated  by  the 
Council.  The  Assembly  seemed  unable  to  conquer  its  scruples 
as  to  the  medium  in  which  revenue  was  to  be  paid,  or  to 
yield  the  lingering  attachment  to  attempt  the  compulsory  appre- 
ciation of  currency.  On  19th  June,  1781,  a  message  was  sent 
by  the  President  to  the  Assembly,  which  was  most  urgent  and 
peremptory  in  its  tone. 


TO  THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY. 

Gentlemen, 

The  public  necessities  compel  us  to  address  you  in  a  language  more 
serious  and  decisive  than  any  we  have  ever  yet  adopted.  Our  respective 
powers  are  by  the  Constitution  mutually  defined  and  limited;  it  is  vvitii  you 
to  provide  the  means  of  supporting  the  just  and  necessary  war  in  which  we 
are  engaged,  of  procuring  the  supplies,  and  relieving  the  public  distresses. 
It  is  with  us  to  execute  the  laws,  and  apply  those  means  to  public  purposes  ; 


298  MESSAGE  TO  ASSEMBLY. 

and  WG  are  ready  to  abide  the  judgment  of  our  country  on  the  faithful  per- 
formance of  our  duty.  But  we  cannot  consent  that  the  public  burdens 
should  be  devolved  on  us  by  hasty  Resolves  formed  at  the  close  of  your 
sessions,  or  be  left  by  you  in  a  state  of  helpless  responsibility  for  the  great 
and  important  demands  upon  this  State,  which  we  have  communicated  to 
you,  and  which  have  been  now  before  you  a  considerable  time. 

You  must  be  sensible.  Gentlemen,  that  the  operation  of  any  tax  law,  will, 
with  all  possible  expedition,  be  too  slow  for  our  immediate  necessities,  that 
the  support  of  the  federal  army,  the  subsistence  of  a  great  number  of  pri- 
soners, the  relief  of  the  frontiers,  and  other  daily  wants  of  various  kinds, 
require  instant  provision  of  the  means  of  purchase,  or  that  you  should  devise 
some  olher  mode.  While  the  tranquillity  of  the  State  admits  the  full  opera- 
tion of  the  Legislature,  we  neither  can  nor  will  exercise  any  other  powers 
than  such  as  will  bear  the  full  test  of  future  inquiry ;  and  should  events, 
fatal  and  injurious  to  the  State,  follow  in  consequence  of  our  being  left  in  a 
state  of  inability  to  furnish  our  contingent  in  the  public  cause,  or  to  guard 
against  the  practices  of  its  deadly  enemies,  we  shall  hold  ourselves  justly 
acquitted  before  all  the  world.  We  have  laid  the  state  of  the  public  wants 
fully  before  you;  it  was  the  hope  of  immediate  relief  that  induced  us  to  call 
you  together,  and  though  near  three  weeks  have  now  elapsed,  we  are  in 
the  same  state  of  imbecility  and  distress  as  when  the  session  began.  We 
had  flattered  ourselves  that  in  this  important  crisis,  When  the  greatest 
events,  both  in  Europe  and  America,  are  depending,  you  would  have 
adopted  immediate  and  decisive  modes  to  supply  the  army  with  provisions, 
support  the  frontiers,  to  recruit  the  line,  strengthen  the  militia,  and  animate 
the  well-affected  by  just  and  reasonable  distinctions  between  them  and  per- 
sons of  a  different  character ;  the  bills  depending  before  the  House,  and  its 
proceedings,  do  not  appear  to  us  calculated  to  effect  these  important  pur- 
poses, but  rather  to  diminish  the  little  strength  and  energy  we  retain.  If 
the  House,  as  it  is  to  be  presumed,  is  in  possession  of  the  confidence  of  the 
people,  surely  some  immediate  assistance  might  be  drawn  from  those  under 
whose  choice  your  representation  is  so  lately  derived.  We  do  most 
earnestly  call  upon  you  for  this  assistance,  because  without  it  we  see  no 
prospects  of  supplying  the  interval  between  this  and  the  effective  operation 
of  the  laws  you  may  pass,  to  furnish  the  treasury  with  such  money  as  the 
people  will  receive  in  payment.  Your  own  experience  and  observation 
make  it  unnecessary  to  inform  you,  that  neither  the  produce  of  the  country 
nor  of  commerce  are  to  be  obtained  for  paper  money,  consistent  with  your 
late  resolutions  on  that  subject,  which  appear  to  us  very  proper.  We  there- 
fore depend  upon  your  providing  us  with  other  means  before  your  adjourn- 
ment, or  relieve  us  from  the  responsibility  in  which  we  stand.  The  alarm- 
ing consequences  which  in  our  present  situation  must  ensue,  if  we  are  not 
supported,  are  too  obvious  to  need  enumeration,  and  will  not  easily  admit  of 
exaggeration  ;  but  we  shall  stand  justified,  as  we  have  faithfully  and  re- 


LETTER  TO  ARMSTRONG.  299 

peatedly,  from  session  to  session,  stated   the  approaching  difficulties  with 
clearness  and  precision. 

Joseph  Reed,  President. 

This  had  its  immediate  effect:  on  the  next  day  the  tender 
laws  were  unanimously  repealed ;  and  after  a  conference  be- 
tween the  Council,  the  Delegates  in  Congress,  and  the  Superin- 
tendent of  Finance,  a  measure  of  adequate  revenue,  such  at 
least  as  was  satisfactory  at  the  time,  was  agreed  on. 

This  sketch  of  the  financial  difficulties  of  this  portion  of  Mr. 
Reed's  administration,  though  rather  in  advance  of  the  regular 
order  of  biographical  narrative,  will  render  intelligible  many 
allusions  in  the  correspondence,  when  it  is  resumed.  It  con- 
veys some  idea  of  the  embarrassments  by  which  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  public  affairs  of  the  times  of  the  Revolution  was 
overwhelmed.  Nor,  as  will  now  be  seen,  were  financial  mis- 
fortunes the  only  ones. 

PRESIDENT  REED  TO  GENERAL  JOHN  ARMSTRONG. 

Philadelphia,  April  11th,  1781. 

General  Wayne  having  communicated  to  me  your  letter  to  him,  wanting 
money  to  pay  off  the  bounties  of  recruiting,  we  should  have  willingly  for- 
warded a  sum  from  hence,  if  in  our  power,  in  addition  to  what  we  lately 
sent.  But  it  is  out  of  our  power.  The  Assembly  broke  up  last  evening, 
and  their  expenses  have  so  exhausted  the  Treasury  that  it  could  not  answer 
a  draught  for  £10  this  morning.  To  remedy  the  defect  as  far  as  possible, 
we  have  sent  Mr. an  order  for  JEIOOO,  which  we  hope  will  be  suffi- 
cient for  the  present,  and  that  it  will  be  money  to  be  raised  on  the  delin- 
quent classes  which be  a  proper  mode  of  laying  out  that  money. 

We  have  had  no  account  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Commissioners  beyond 
Susquehanna,  or  the  law  for  raising  recruits  by  classes,  but  it  is  the  deter- 
mination of  the  Council,  strictly  to  execute  it  on  such  Commissioners  as  fail 
in  their  duty,  to  what  purpose,  you  will  see,  in  the  newspaper  herewith,  a 
resolve  of  the  Council,  which  I  request  you  will  send  to  the  Commissioners 
of  Cumberland  after  you  have  done  with  it. 


300  COUNCIL  LETTER  TO  WASHINGTON. 


PRESIDENT  REED  IN  COUNCIL  TO  WASHINGTON. 

May  17th,  1781. 

Surrounded  as  your  Excellency  is  with  military  cares,  it  is  not  pre- 
sumable you  can  have  lime  to  inquire  into  the  concerns  of  particular  States, 
but  we  are  persuaded  you  will  pardon  our  engrossing  a  small  part  of  it, 
while  we  offer  a  few  observations,  palliative  at  least,  if  not  justifying  the 
seeming  delinquencies  of  this  State,  whose  government  not  standing  in  the 
same  harmonious  and  respectable  point  of  view  as  most  of  its  neighbours,  is 
under  the  necessity  of  appealing  to  private  as  well  as  public  candour.  This 
State  has  not  only  been  the  residence  of  Congress,  with  all  their  train  of 
attendants  and  officers,  but  also  of  all  the  military  mechanism,  if  we  may  so 
express  ourselves,  of  the  Continent.  From  hence  the  Quartermaster  prin- 
cipally drew  his  wagons,  his  horses,  his  camp  equipage  of  all  kinds,  besides  a 
great  number  of  wagoners  and  artificers,  never  carried  into  any  public  account, 
though  supported  with  the  real  substance  of  the  State  for  depreciated  paper. 
Prisoners  of  war  and  prisoners  of  state  have  ever  been,  in  a  very  great  pro- 
portion, the  inheritance  of  Pennsylvania.  Our  line  until  the  mutiny*  was 
deemed  the  flower  of  the  army,  not  from  its  numbers  so  much  as  the  ap- 
pointments of  the  State,  which  exceeded  any  other.  But  your  Excellency 
cannot  suppose  all  this  was  done  without  great  expense,  and  accumulating 
a  heavy  load  of  debt.  We  have  indeed  a  painful  pre-eminence  in  this  par- 
ticular, as  your  Excellency  will  see  by  the  enclosed  estimate,  taken  from 
that  in  which  Congress  framed  a  late  circular  address  to  the  States.  Under 
these  circumstances  our  people,  surcharged  with  Continental  certificates, 
of  the  staff',  a  proportion  of  twenty  millions,  and  fifty  lent  to  the  Continent, 
for  which  the  lender  can  get  neither  principal  nor  interest,  public  credit 
exhausted,  and  private  patriotism  sinking  under  its  partial  and  oppressive 
burdens,  Congress  adopted  the  system  of  State  supplies.  The  first  demands 
did  not  much  exceed  those  bounds  which  the  State  might  approach,  though 
with  difficulty  attain.  It  was  impossible  for  any  State  to  be  more  anxious 
to  compass  them  than  this  was.  We  framed  a  system  upon  principles 
which  experience  has  approved.  A  sum  of  money  Vv'as  emitted  upon  funds 
which  disaffection  could  not  depreciate  nor  avarice  speculate  upon,  but 
what  neither  disaffection  nor  avarice  could  do,  party  did.  Lest  the  govern- 
ment should  gain  credit  and  any  stability,  every  art  was  used  to  lessen  the 
credit  of  the  money  and  prevent  its  circulation ;  an  agreement  to  pass  the 
money  at  par  was  violated  almost  as  soon  as  made.  But  to  avoid  the  odium 
so  obvious  upon  a  failure  of  supplies,  the  scheme  of  the  bank  was  adopted, 
by  which  the  world  was  to  see  that  individuals  could  do  more  than  the 
Government ;  every  decent  overture  was  made  by  Government  to  effect  a 

*  The  mutiny  of  January,  1781,  described  in  the  next  chapter. 


FINANCIAL  PLANS.  301 

union  of  strength,  but  in  vain ;  elated  by  the  countenance  it  received,  and 
disdaining  all  aid  underived  from  party  views,  it  proceeded  for  a  little  time. 
But  its  notes  would  not  circulate,  it  soon  declined  in  credit,  but  it  gave  the 
paper  money  of  the  State  an  irreparable  wound,  and  widened  all  the  breaches 
which  public  virtue  could  wish  to  have  closed. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  Committee  at  Camp  prepared  those  extraordinary 
requisitions,  which  surprised  every  considerate  man — the  demands  by  far 
exceeding  all  the  current  cash  within  this  State  of  every  species  and  kind. 
Other  nations  have  expended  their  whole  income,  they  have  broke  in  upon 
the  capital,  have  anticipated  future  taxes,  but  to  take  double  the  money  of 
a  country  at  an  instant  for  public  use,  was  reserved  to  this  occasion.  How- 
ever, that  we  might  not  be  wanting  to  reasonable  exertions,  especially  with 
a  prospect  of  the  French  fleet  arriving,  and  the  hope  of  terminating  the  war, 
we  strained  every  nerve.  At  your  Excellency's  call,  we  turned  out  the 
militia  at  a  very  great  State  expense,  we  purchased  great  numbers  of 
horses,  we  procured  wagons,  and,  in  the  articles  of  provisions,  perseverance, 
and  influence,  supported  by  force,  supplied  the  languid  credit  of  the  money. 
But  we  found  ourselves  so  much  exhausted,  and  the  exertions,  however  in- 
efficient (they  might  be  represented),  proved  so  burdensome  to  the  people, 
that  they  sought  relief  in  a  change  of  rulers ;  tiie  Assembly,  which  had 
passed  laws  for  curbing  the  disaffected,  for  drawing  forth  the  resources  of 
the  State,  became  odious,  and  even  the  calling  forth  of  the  militia,  agreeable 
to  your  Excellency's  requisition,  proved  no  small  source  of  obloquy  and  dis- 
content, being  represented  by  some  as  rather  an  idle  parade  to  gratify  par- 
ticular vanity  than  resulting  from  real  necessity.  When  the  new  Assembly 
met,  being  resolved  to  do  everything  in  our  power  for  the  support  and 
supply  of  the  army,  we  laid  before  them  all  the  requisitions,  your  Excel- 
lency's letters,  &c.,  and  added  every  inducement,  as  you  will  see  by  the 
enclosed  messages.  Besides  which,  in  letters  which  prudence  would  not 
allow  to  be  put  on  their  minutes,  we  urged  them,  by  every  motive,  to  make 
an  early  provision  for  the  army  and  frontiers,  to  avail  themselves  of  the  time 
which  the  winter  would  afford  for  these  important  preparations,  but  without 
effect ;  and,  after  sitting  several  weeks,  they  broke  up,  without  entering 
into  the  subject  further  than  to  require  every  shipper  of  flour  to  deliver  one- 
third  of  his  purchases  for  the  use  of  the  army,  and  classing  the  inhabitants 
for  men,  in  a  mode  which  has  proved  very  insufficient. 

At  the  succeeding  sessions,  we  again  pressed  them,  as  far  as  decency  would 
admit;  we  represented  the  exhausted  state  of  the  Treasury,  the  decline  of 
public  credit,  and  other  circumstances,  which  required  the  most  vigorous 
and  decisive  measures.  We  began  plainly  to  perceive  that,  by  the  impor- 
tation of  specie,  in  return  for  the  flour  shipped  to  the  Havanna,  and  declin- 
ing confidence  in  paper,  we  should  soon  find  difficulties  in  purchasing  with 
it.  We  promised  ourselves  that  some  system  would  have  been  framed  for 
supplies,  an  estimate  of  which  we  laid  before  them  ;  they  were  afterwards 


302  STATE  AFFAIRS. 

informed  the  laws,  which  enabled  the  Commissioners  to  seize,  in  case  of 
emergence,  had  expired.  In  the  month  of  April  the  business  of  supplies 
was  taken  up,  and  so  far  effected  as  to  direct  an  emission  of  five  hundred 
thousand  pounds  in  bills  of  credit,  for  these  and  other  purposes.  We  were, 
from  the  first,  obliged  to  purchase  at  a  great  depreciation,  which  increased 
to  three  and  four  for  one,  but  on  the  last  arrivals  from  the  Havanna,  and 
before  any  declaration  of  exchange  by  public  authority,  the  purchases  imme- 
diately stopped ;  no  flour  could  be  had  but  for  hard  money,  and  so  it  has  con- 
tinued ever  since,  the  late  supplies  having  been  procured  chiefly  on  an 
exchange  for  salt.  We  then  had  recourse  to  the  law  directing  one-third 
to  be  delivered  to  the  State,  but  here,  again,  we  were  disappointed  ;  the 
merchants  would  not  deliver  the  one-third  for  paper  money,  but  at  a  depre- 
ciation destructive  of  the  money,  and  many  wholly  declining  it.  When  the 
penalty  was  to  be  enforced,  we  were  informed  they  would  unlade  it,  send  it 
over  to  New  Jersey  or  the  Delaware  State,  in  small  craft,  and  reship  it 
from  thence.  Your  Excellency  advises  to  compulsory  means,  all  others 
failing;  every  other  State  has  laws  enabling  its  Executive,  on  emergencies, 
to  use  such  measures ;  these  laws  heretofore  subsisted  in  this  State,  but 
being  temporary,  and  now  expired,  the  present  Assembly  have  not  thought 
it  advisable  to  renew  them,  or  repose  any  such  confidence  in  their  Execu- 
tive. It  may  seem  strange  to  your  Excellency,  but  it  is  not  less  true,  that 
we  have  not  legal  power  to  impress  a  single  horse  or  wagon,  let  the  emer- 
gency be  what  it  will,  nor  have  we  any  legal  power  whatever  over  property 
in  any  instance  of  public  distress,  or  to  apprehend  the  most  notorious  emis- 
sary from  the  enemy  on  any  other  than  strict  legal  proof. 

The  persons  described  in  your  Excellency's  letter  last  fall,  as  enlisting 
men  for  the  enemy,  which  was  laid  before  the  Assembly,  are  now  at  large 
entitled  to  all  the  benefit  of  a  Habeas  Corpus.  In  this  state  of  imbecility, 
with  no  other  money  but  what  is  universally  refused,  even  by  those  who 
had  the  principal  share  in  emitting  it;  without  powers  to  seize,  under  any 
circumstances,  we  regret  our  inability  to  answer  the  public  expectation, 
with  the  keenest  sensibility.  We  have  communicated  our  situation  to  Con- 
gress;  v;e  have  requested  them  to  co-operate  with  us,  and  give  private  inte- 
rest some  check  in  the  public  favour  until  the  Magazines  could  get  a  sup- 
ply ;  we  requested  them  to  recommend  an  embargo,  for  unless  that  measure 
comprehended  New  Jersey  and  Delaware,  it  would  not  avail  here;  we  even 
requested  them  to  seize  the  outward-bound  vessels,  laden  with  flour, 
assuring  them  of  our  concurring  in  such  a  case  of  necessity ;  for  we  must 
frankly  acknowledge  there  is  no  scarcity  in  the  country.  This  city  has  now 
an  abundance  for  exportation,  though  we  cannot  obtain  a  barrel  with  our 
money;  this  commodity  being  only  attainable  for  specie.  We  have  again 
called  the  Assembly,  with  the  last  hope  of  receiving  some  relief  under  our 
complicated  burdens  and  distresses,  which  are  almost  insupportable  to 
minds  anxious  to  discharge  their  duty  to  the  public,  and  support  the  contest 


SUPPLIES  FOR  THE  ARMY.  303 

to  an  honourable  issue.  The  sufferings  of  the  army  receive,  at  least,  the 
sympathy  and  praise  of  their  country  ;  we  have  not  even  this  consolation. 
We  would  ever  avoid  comparisons  as  invidious,  but  we  believe,  when  our 
supplies  are  compared  with  those  of  other  States,  we  shall  in  all  respects 
have  been  found  equal  to  our  neighbours.  No  other  State  making  regular 
returns,  their  deficiencies  cannot  be  easily  ascertained  as  ours,  but  we  have 
good  authority  to  say  that,  for  two  years  past,  Pennsylvania  has  borne  one- 
fourth  of  the  whole  expense  of  the  war.  It  is  true  our  exertions  have  not 
been  of  that  brilliant  nature  as  to  draw  public  acknowledgments,  though  we 
are  not  entirely  without  them. 

Your  Excellency  observes  we  are  short  of  our  quota.  We  frankly  ac- 
knowledge that,  in  our  opinion,  the  abilities  of  the  Slate  are  not  equal  to 
the  quota  assigned  ;  but  we  have  done  all  in  our  power  to  attain  it.  We  do 
not  find  that  any  State  has  supplied  its  quota;  and  we  submit  to  your  Ex- 
cellency whether  such  constant  deficiencies  do  not  prove  that  the  estimates 
are  on  too  large  a  scale,  or  that  there  is  a  general  reluctance  on  the  part  of 
the  people.  The  quotas  are  the  only  rule  by  which  your  Excellency  can 
go;  but  when  members  of  Congress  are  addressed  on  this  point,  they  answer 
that  the  estimates  are  prepared  in  the  army,  and  they  can  only  adopt  them 
as  framed  by  the  hands  of  the  several  Departments.  The  supplies  demanded 
this  year,  at  the  rates  Congress  have  reckoned,  which  are  much  below 
market  prices,  are  equal  to  eleven  years  taxes  and  all  other  income  of  the 
Stale  in  its  most  prosperous  days ;  besides  which-,  all  the  expenses  of  the 
frontiers,  satisfaction  to  the  army,  support  of  the  government,  and  the  vast 
variety  of  other  charges  are  to  be  provided  for.  All  these  to  be  defrayed 
by  money  not  half  equal  to  the  service  nominally,  and  which  even  the  best 
Whigs  will  not  take  but  for  five  or  six  times  below  its  legal  value,  and 
many  refusing  it  altogether.  In  this  view  of  our  situation,  we  must  submit 
to  your  Excellency's  candour  and  to  that  of  the  world,  being  well  assured 
that,  all  circumstances  known  and  considered,  be  the  consequences  what 
they  may,  we  shall  stand  justly  acquitted  of  them  before  God  and  man. 
That  your  Excellency  should  make  the  most  particular  representations  of 
the  state  of  supplies  to  Congress,  and  urge  the  Stales  to  proper  exertions, 
perfectly  accords  with  our  idea  of  that  propriety  which  has  ever  distino-uished 
your  public  conduct ;  but  if  unfavourable  inferences  are  thence  drawn,  and 
delinquencies  imputed  to  a  particular  body  of  men  which  are  justly  charge- 
able to  another  or  to  the  community  at  large,  we  submit  to  your  Excellency's 
good  judgment  whether  it  is  not  as  natural  and  just  to  state  freely  and  justly 
the  true  and  real  causes  of  our  misfortunes,  and  whether  it  is  not  the  justice 
which  innocence  and  a  faithful  discharge  of  public  duty  reasonably  demand. 
We  acknowledge  and  lament  the  decline  of  public  spirit,  the  rapacity  of 
private  gain,  the  prevalence  of  disaffection,  the  malevolence  of  faction,  and 
many  other  causes  which  seem  to  have  corrupted  all  the  springs  of  govern- 
ment.    But  we  disdain  every  practice  of  this  kind  ourselves,  and  havino- 


304  RECRUITING  SERVICE. 

endeavoured  by  precept,  by  example,  and  exertion  of  public  authority,  to 
check  these  evils,  so  pregnant  with  ruin,  we  cannot  but  claim  an  exemption 
also  from  having  any  share  of  censure  for  the  consequences  they  may  pro- 
duce. And  though  the  army  may  justly  boast  many  splendid  instances  of 
public  virtue  and  disinterested  regard  to  the  public  interests,  we  cannot 
admit  their  claim  to  an  exclusive  one;  at  least  we  think  civil  characters 
may  with  propriety  ask  a  candid  construction  of  their  conduct,  and  kind  for- 
bearance with  each  other  under  mutual  difficulties.  If  the  service  of  the 
public  was  not  a  sufficient  inducement,  the  grateful  respect  we  bear  your 
Excellency  for  your  great  and  signal  services  would  operate  powerfully  on 
us,  as  we  are  not  ignorant  or  inattentive  to  the  laborious,  the  glorious  task 
which  Providence  has  assigned  to  you,  the  burdens  of  which  we  rejoice  to 
alleviate  whenever  it  is  in  our  power. 

But  we  shall  trespass  too  much  on  your  Excellency's  patience,  and  there- 
fore hasten  to  conclude  a  letter  which  has  already  exceeded  all  reasonable 
bounds.  In  doing  this,  we  apprehend  it  our  duty  to  mention  some  other 
particulars  of  a  public  nature.  In  the  last  page  of  the  enclosed  paper  your 
Excellency  will  find  a  report  of  the  Assembly  on  the  causes  of  the  mutiny. 
It  might  have  been  expected  that  gentlemen  possessed  of  facts,  as  they  must 
have  been  in  order  to  make  such  a  report,  would  have  pointed  out  the  persons 
and  transactions  to  which  they  allude,  when  they  say  "certain  offences,  in- 
quirable  by  Court-Martial  and  military  proceedings,  were  among  the  causes." 
One  instance  occurring  to  us,  we  thought  proper  to  lay  it  before  a  Court-Martial. 
We,  last  summer,  sent  forty-six  thousand  dollars  to  Camp,  to  pay  an  arrearage 
of  bounty  due  to  certain  recruits.  When  General  Potter  went  to  Camp  in 
the  winter,  he  was  waited  upon  by  these  recruits,  complaining  of  being  de- 
frauded by  the  State  of  their  bounty.  Upon  inquiry,  the  receipts  were 
found,  and  among  others  a  Lieutenant  Bigham  appeared  to  have  been  en- 
trusted as  the  bearer  of  a  considerable  part  of  it.  On  being  called  to  answer, 
he  acknowledged  his  having  spent  it;  and  among  the  frivolous  excuses, 
alleged  his  necessities  on  the  road,  though  upon  examining  our  minutes  we 
found  he  had  been  furnished  with  money  for  his  expenses.  We  desired 
General  St.  Clair  to  inquire  into  it  by  a  Court-Martial,  which  was  readily 
o-ranted,  but  reluctantly  attended,  and  as  abruptly  dissolved,  before  they 
made  any  report.  They  were  called  together  again,  reproved  for  this  un- 
military  procedure,  and  the  fact  proved  as  above;  but  we  do  not  know  what 
is  become  of  it,  the  officers  being  dispersed  without  any  satisfaction  given 
to  us.  We  cannot  but  expect  mutinies,  if  injustice  is  thus  done  the  soldiery 
with  impunity.  The  greatest  part  of  these  men,  though  enlisted  for  the 
war,  are  now  gone,  in  consequence  of  the  disappointment  of  their  bounty. 
The  march  of  the  Pennsylvania  Line  to  the  Southward  has  been  an  object 
of  wreat  anxiety  to  us;  but  really  the  demands  increased  upon  us  in  such  a 
manner  that  we  began  to  doubt  whether  they  would  ever  march.  A  settle- 
ment was  first  necessary;  then  an  advance  of  money:  both  these  being  rea- 


PENNSYLVANIA  AFFAIRS.  305 

sonable,  were  complied  with.  Then  a  new  law  was  requested  to  pay  down 
one-third  of  the  depreciation,  and  a  new  settlement  to  be  made;  then  interest 
to  be  included,  all  which  took  up  much  time,  the  articles  of  clothing,  &c., 
having  been  provided  long  ago.  These  demands  were  all  satisfied,  as  soon  as 
money  could  be  emitted.  The  auditors  were  sent  back  to  go  round  the  State 
the  second  time.  We  made  an  arrangement  by  which  every  officer  was  to 
be  settled  with  at  his  proper  post,  and  suitable  portions  of  money  sent  to  each 
place;  but  as  soon  as  it  was  known  that  a  payment  was  begun  at  Newtown, 
the  officers  came  together  in  all  directions,  money  designed  for  one  place  was 
broken  into  at  another,  our  plan  subverted,  and  much  time  was  lost.  To 
apologise  for  the  delay,  the  Auditor  was  accused  by  some  of  the  officers  of 
drunkenness  and  incapacity,  though  he  has  long  served  the  Continent,  with 
reputation  in  matters  of  account.  Expresses  came  to  us  for  more  certificates, 
for  more  money,  and,  in  short,  confusion  and  delay  took  place.  General  Wayne 
having  intimated  to  us  his  intention  of  writing  to  your  Excellency  on  this 
subject,  we  hope  he  has  fully  explained  it.  We  can  assure  your  Excellency 
the  above  statement  is  strictly  just.  We  complied  with  his  requisitions  in  every 
particular,  except  the  appointment  of  two  auditors,  who  on  the  first  settle- 
ment had  made  the  most  inexcusable  mistakes.  If  any  other  delay  has 
happened  than  we  have  stated  above,  it  arose  from  unavoidable  necessity, 
and  was  the  immediate  consequence  of  the  requisitions  of  the  officers.them- 
selves,  and  the  laws  passed  thereupon. 

Conscious  of  having  faithfully  and  diligently  applied  to  the  public  service, 
denying  ourselves  not  only  a  common  attention  to  our  private  affairs,  but 
even  the  smallest  amusements,  and  having,  to  the  best  of  our  under- 
standings, transacted  the  public  business  entrusted  to  our  charge,  next  to  the 
approbation  of  our  own  minds,  we  would  wish  to  give  satisfaction  to  the 
country,  and  in  a  more  particular  manner  to  your  Excellency.  But,  as  in 
the  beginning  of  this  contest,  when  want  of  discipline,  of  courage,  and  other 
military  virtues  brought  on  losses  and  defeats,  too  many  sought  to  ascribe 
them  to  their  Generals,  so  now  finding  the  public  credit  sunk,  taxes  demanded, 
and  the  spirit  which  animated  them  in  the  beginning  of  the  contest  absorbed  by 
private  considerations,  there  are  too  many  who  seek  to  exonerate  themselves 
by  the  most  unfair  and  even  cruel  imputations  on  their  rulers.  For  our  parts,  in 
particular,  we  find  our  burdens  so  great,  and  our  offices  so  unthankful,  that  we 
shall  most  cheerfully  give  place  to  men  of  better  abilities,  and  to  whom  more 
confidence  may  be  given — in  fidelity  and  diligence  we  cannot  yield  to  any 
and  whenever  our  country  shall  think  proper  to  dismiss  us  either  with  praise 
or  censure,  we  shall  retire  with  the  consciousness  of  having,  with  sincerity 
and  diligence,  endeavoured  to  do  our  duty.  While  we  remain  in  office,  we 
shall,  as  we  may  be  supported  and  enabled,  exert  ourselves  for  the  public 
welfare,  and  ever  pay  a  scrupulous  regard  to  the  requisitions  of  Congress, 
and  the  representations  your  Excellency  may  think  proper  to  make. 

With  these  sentiments,  and  entreatingyour  Excellency  to  excuse  the  length 
of  this  statement,  we  hasten  to  add  our  sincerest  wishes  for  the  continuance 

VOL.  II.  20 


30G  FRENCH  TRAVELLERS. 

of  your  health  and  honour,  and  that  the  future  happiness  of  your  life  may 
compensate  the  cares  and  anxieties  which  now  attend  it. 

Your  Excellency's  most  obedient  and 
Very  humble  servant, 

Joseph  Reed,  President. 

This  letter  developes  a  distressing  state  of  things,  and  there 
is  every  reason  to  believe  it  is  no  degree  exaggerated.  It  is 
worthy  of  observation  that  in  the  later  periods  of  the  v^'ar, 
when  the  result  was  certain,  and  no  one  supposed  it  possible, 
that  in  any  contingency,  the  supremacy  of  Great  Britain  could 
be  restored,  many  men  came  forward,  who,  at  an  earlier  day, 
had  been  content  with  safer  seclusion  and  obscurity.  The 
ranks  of  the  opposition  of  1781,  were  largely  filled  with  re- 
cruits from  the  Toi^ies  and  passive  men  of  1776,  and  it  is  not 
to  be  wondered  at  that  the  old-fashioned  Whigs  of  the  times 
of  actual  trial  should  have  become  irritable  and  resentful. 

It.was  in  the  same  year  when  this  correspondence  occurred 
and  these  animosities  existed,  that  we  have  from  two  foreign  tra- 
vellers, in  America,  of  widely  diflering  tastes  and  opportunities, 
some  views  of  the  state  of  society  and  manners  in  Philadelphia, 
to  which  I  am  tempted  incidentally  to  refer,  if  it  be  only  for  the 
purpose  of  breaking  the  monotony  of  the  narrative  of  grave  and 
painful  public  afl'airs.  The  Marquis  de  Chastellux,*  a  young  mi- 
litary noble  of  the  Court  of  Louis  XVI.,  and  grandson  of  the 
great  d'Aguesseau,  and  the  Abbe  Robin,  a  French  priest,  at- 
tached as  a  chaplain  to  Rochambeau's  army,  and  evidently 
a  man  of  education,  refinement,  and  what  too  rarely  adorns  his 
function,  of  liberality.  For  though  the  French  priest  concludes 
his  Book  of  Travels  with  an  ingenious  disquisition  on  the  advan- 
tage of  a  single  and  exclusive  form  of  faith,  he  speaks  with 
kindly  and  gentlemanly  approval  of  religious  services  diflfering 
from  his  own,  and  sees  in  Puritan  Connecticut,  and  its  simple 
and  austere  devotion,  much  to  admire  and  approve. 

*  Voyage  de  M.  le  Marquis  de  Chastellux  dans  I'Amerique  Septentrionale,  dans 
les  annees,  1780,  1781,  et  1782.     A  Paris,  1786,  2  tomes. 

Nouveau  Voyage  dans  I'Amerique  Septentrionale,  en  I'annee,  1 781,  et  campagne 
de  I'arm^e  de  M.  le  Comte  de  Rochambeau.     Par  M.  I'Abbe  Robin.    Paris,  1782. 


THE  ABBE  ROBIN.  307 

"  Scattered  through  the  woods,"  says  he,  "  they  have  Httle  in- 
tercourse with  each  other,  except  on  the  days  when  they  go  to 
church.  Their  houses  are  spacious  and  airy,  built  generally  of 
wood,  at  least  one  story  high ;  they  have  every  convenience,  and 
I  have  everywhere  found  marks  of  industry  and  inventive 
genius.  They  all  know  how  to  read ;  all  take  the  newspaper 
published  in  the  neighbouring  village  (often  dignified  with  the 
name  of  *  City').  I  have  never  been  in  a  single  house,  without 
finding  a  Bible  there,  which  they  read  every  evening  and  on 
Sundays  in  their  families."*  On  arriving  at  Philadelphia,  M. 
Robin  describes  his  impressions  very  grotesquely,  especiallv 
that  of  Mr.  Thomson,  the  Secretary  of  Congress,  and  a  re- 
view of  the  French  troops  before  the  President,  when  the  Phila- 
delphia crowd,  unused  to  the  pageantry  of  war,  mistook  a 
courier  for  the  commander-in-chief. 

"  Tompson,  le  Secretaire  du  Congres,  I'ame  de  ce  corps  politique  vient  re- 
cevoir  et  donner  des  complimens,  Sa  figure  maigre,  sillonneux,  ses  yeux 
caves  et  etincelans,  ses  cheveux  blancs,  droits,  ne  descendant  pas  a  ses  oreilles, 
fixerent  et  surprirent  tous  nos  regards. 

"  Le  President  du  Congresf  honora  de  sa  presence,  en  gros  habits  de  ve- 
lours noir  ce  spectacle  (the  Review).  Les  bons  Pensilvaniens  sont  bien  loin 
de  nous  pour  I'etiquette,  comme  nous  bien  loin  d'eux  pour  la  legislation. 
Nous  nous  amusames  beancoup  de  I'erreur  du  peuple,  qui  prit  pour  un  Ge- 
neral un  de  ces  hommes  qui  nos  grands  Seigneurs  ont  souvenl  a  leur  suite 
pour  les  devancer  ou  porter  leurs  missives.  Son  court  just  au  corps,  sa  riche 
cotte  a  frange  d'argent,  ses  souliers  couleur  de  rose,  son  bonnet  arraoirie, 
sa  canne  a  pomme  enorme  leur  parurent  autant  de  Marquis  d'une  eminente 
dignite :  toutes  les  fois  qu'il  s'approchoit  du  Colonel  Commandant  son  maitre, 
pour  recevoir  ses  ordres,  on  croyoit  qu'il  les  lui  donnoit." 

The  Marquis  de  Chastellux  visited  Philadelphia  in  the  month 
of  November,  1780,  and  spent  some  time  in  the  capital  of  the 

*  In  Philadelphia,  speaking  of  theological  polemics,  he  says  :  "  Deji  m^me  les 
ecrits,  les  discours  des  ministres  y  ont  autant  pour  objet  d'attaquer,  de  ridiculiser 
leurs  rivaux,  que  d'^difier  Icurs  sectaires ;  et  Philadelphie,  le  centre  du  tolerantisme 
a  vu  des  sects  soutenir  leurs  droits  par  des  injures  et  des  coups.  D'autres  terns 
rendrontces  combats  dangereux."  (p.  214.)  The  prophecy  of  1781  was  realized  in 
1844. 

t  Mr.  M'Kean  was  then  President  of  Congress. 


308  VISIT   TO  MR.  REED. 

Colonies,  enjoying  its  society  apparently  with  as  much  zest  as 
if  it  had  been  a  much  more  pretending  Metropolis,  and  adapt- 
ing himself  to  the  usages  of  the  primitive  community,  with  the  fa- 
cility which  distinguishes  his  nation.  His  pleasant  description  of 
society  and  manners,  of  the  men  of  wealth  and  fashion,  of  the 
ladies  of  attraction  and  accomplishment, — the  beauties  of  that 
day, — one  of  whom,  though  nearly  seventy  years  have  since 
rolled  by,  still  lives  amongst  us  honoured  and  esteemed, — is 
very  interesting,  and  is  disfigured  by  as  few  errors  as  might 
be  expected  from  the  observation  of  a  stranger  who  did  not 
speak  the  language.*  His  opinions  of  political  matters 
are  tinged  with  the  party  feelings  which  then  were  preva- 
lent,— his  associations  being  generally  with  those  who,  as 
leaders  of  fashionable  society,  were  least  cordially  affected  to 
the  Whig  cause — but  on  the  whole  his  judgment  is  fair  and  im- 
partial. His  reference  to  Mr.  Reed,  for  which  alone,  and  thus 
incidentally  the  Travels  have  been  alluded  to,  is  as  follows : 

"  Apres  ce  diner,  que  j'ai  peut-etre  prolonge  trop  long-temps  a  la  maniere 
de  ce  pays-ci,  le  Chevalier  de  la  Luzerne  me  mena  faire  des  visiles.  La 
premiere  fut  chez  M.  Reed,  president  de  I'Etat.  Celte  place  repond  a 
celle  de  Gouverneur  dans  les  autres  provinces,  sans  avoir  pourtant  la  meme 
autorite  ;  car  le  gouvernement  de  la  Pensylvanie  est  tout-a-fait  democra- 
tique,  et  consiste  uniquen)ent  dans  I'assemblee  generale,  ou,  si  I'on  veut, 
dans  la  Chambre  des  Communes.  Celle-ci  nomme  un  Conseil  executif, 
compose  de  douze  Membres  qui  ont  un  pouvoir  tres  limite,  et  qui  sont 
obliges  de  rendre  compte  a  I'assemblee,  dans  laquelle  ils  n'ont  pas  de  voix. 
M.  Reed  a  ete  Officier  general  dans  I'armee  Americaine  ;  il  y  a  montre  du 
courage,  et  il  a  eu  un  cheval  lue  sous  lui  dans  une  escarmouche  pres  de 
White-marsh.  Cest  lui  que  le  Gouverneur  Johnstone  essaya  de  corrompre 
en  1778,  lorsque  I'Angleterre  envoya  des  Commissaires  pour  trailer  avec  le 
Congres;  mais  celle  demarche  s'etoit  bornee  a  quelques  insinuations,  dont 
on  avoit  charge  une  Madame  Ferguson.  M.  Reed  qui  est  homme  d'esprit, 
un  peu  intriguant,  et  sur-toul  avide  de  la  faveur  populaire,  fit  beaucoup 
d'eclat,  publia  et  exagera  les  offres  qu'on  lui  avoit  faites.  Comme  il  etoit 
lie  intimement  avec  le  General  Washington,  il  lui  etoit  aise  de  justifier 
I'importance  qu'il  cherchoit  a  se  donner.  Les  plaintes  de  Madame  Fergu- 
son, qui  avoit  ete  compromise,  une  declaration  publique  du  Gouverneur 
Johnstone,  dont  I'objet  etoit  de  nier  les  fails,  mais  qui  ne  servoit  qu'a  les 
prouver ;  diverses  accusations  et  refutations  imprimees  et  rendues  publiques, 

*  Chastellux,  vol.  i.  p.  264,  describes  an  Assembly  in  Philadelphia. 


FREE  CONFERENCE. 


309 


n'eurent  d'autre  effet  que  de  seconder  les  vues  de  M.  Reed,  et  de  le  faire 
parvenir  a  son  but,  qui  etoit  de  jouer  un  premier  role  dans  sa  patrie.  Mal- 
heureusement  ses  pretentions  ou  son  interet.  Ton  conduit  a  se  declarer 
I'ennemi  de  M.  Franklin.  Lorsque  j'etois  a  Philadelphie,  il  n'etoit  question 
de  rien  moins  que  de  rappeller  cet  homme  respectable;  mais  le  parti  fran- 
9ois,  ou  celui  du  General  Washington,  ou  pour  mieux  dire  encore,  le  parti 
vraiment  patriote,  a  pr^valu,  et  on  s'est  contente  d'envoyer  en  France  un 
Officier  charge  de  representer  le  mauvais  etat  de  I'armee,  et  de  demander 
des  habillemens,  des  tentes,  et  de  I'argent  dont  elle  avoit  grand  besoin.  Le 
choix  tomba  fur  le  Colonel  Lawrens. 

"  M.  Reed  habite  une  belle  maison,  arrangee  et  meublee  a  I'angloise.*  Je 
trouvai  chez  lui  Madame  Washington,  qui  arrivoit  de  Virginie,  et  qui  alloit 
joindre  son  mari,  comme  elle  a  coutume  de  le  faire  a  la  fin  de  chaque  cam- 
pagne.  C'est  une  femme  de  quarante  a  quarante-cinq  ans,  un  peu  grasse, 
mais  fraiche  et  d'une  figure  agreable.  Apres  avoir  passe  un  quart  d'heure 
chez  M.  Reed,  nous  allames  voir  M.  Huntington,  President  du  Congres :  nous 
le  trouv^mes  dans  son  cabinet,  eclaire  par  une  seule  chandelle.  Cette  sim- 
plicite  rappelloit  celle  des  Fabricius  et  des  Philopemenes.  M.  Huntington 
est  un  homme  droit,  qui  n'epouse  aucun  parti,  et  sur  lequel  on  peut  comp- 
ter. II  est  ne  dans  le  Connecticut,  et  il  etoit  delegue  pour  cet  Etat,  lorsqu'il 
fut  elu  President."! 

The  allusion  to  Mr.  Reed's  opposition  to  Franklin  at  this 
time  I  am  unable  further  to  explain  than  by  attributing  it  to  the 
political  misrepresentations  then  so  current  in  Philadelphia,  the 
evidence  derived  from  Franklin's  letters  and  Arthur  Lee's 
conduct  leading  to  a  different  conclusion.^ 

A  few  days  later,  he  thus  describes  a  Free  Conference  be- 
tween the  Executive  Council  and  the  Assembly,  and  all  who 
are  acquainted  with  the  fame  of  one  of  the  actors  in  the  scene — 
I  refer  to  General  Mifflin,  who  was  always  distinguished  as  a 
popular  and  declamatory  orator,  and  who  was  especially  hostile 
to  President  Reed — will  recognise  the  truthfulness  of  this  part 
of  the  description. 

"  Le5,  j'allai  encore  a  THotel-de-Ville,  mais  c'etoit  pour  assister  a  I'assera- 
blee  de  I'Etat  de  Pensylvanie;  car  la  salle  ou  cette  espece  de  parlement 
s'assemble,  est  dans  le  meme  edifice  que  celle  du  Congres.    J'etois  avec  M. 

*  Mr.  Reed,  as  President,  occupied  the  house  still  standing  at  the  southeast 
corner  of  Market  and  Sixth  Streets,  used  lately  as  tlie  Schuylkill  Bank, 
t  Vol.  i.  Chastellux,  p.  161.  t  Supra,  Vol.  i.  p.  396. 


310  PHILOSOPHICAL  SOCIETY. 

de  la  Fayette,  le  Vicomte  de  Noailles,  le  Comte  de  Damas,  M.  de  Gimat, 
el  tout  ce  qu'il  y  avoit  de  Fran9ois  ou  de  Gallo-Americains  a  Philadelphie. 
Nous  nous  pla^ames  sur  un  banc  vis-a-vis  la  chaire  de  TOrateur:  il  avoit 
a  sa  droite  le  President  de  I'Etat ;  la  place  des  Clercs  ou  des  Greffiers  etoit 
le  long  d'une  grande  table  qui  est  devant  I'Orateur.  Les  debats  rouloient 
sur  quelques  transgressions,  dont  on  accusoit  la  commission  de  la  tresorerie. 
Le  Conseil  executif  fut  mande  et  entendu.  II  n'y  eut  gueres  que  le  Gene- 
ral Mifflin  qui  parla ;  il  le  fit  avec  esprit  et  avec  grace,  mais  avec  une  in- 
tention marquee  de  contredire  le  President  de  I'Etat,  qui  n'est  pas  de  ses 
amis.  Sa  maniere  de  s'exprimer,  ses  gestes,  son  maintien,  I'air  d'aisance 
et  de  superiorite  qu'il  conservoit  toujours,  me  retra^oient  parfaitement  ces 
membres  de  la  Chambre  des  Communes,  qui  sont  accoutumes  a  donner  le 
ton  aux  autres,  et  a  faire  tout  plier  sous  leur  opinion.  L'aftaire  n'ayant  pu 
etre  terminee  dans  la  matinee,  TOrateur  quitta  la  chaire;  la  Chambre  se 
forma  en  comite,  et  s'ajourna."* 

A  description  of  a  meeting  of  the  American  Philosophical 
Society,  which  he  attended  in  company  with  Mr.  Reed,  is  the 
last  extract  I  shall  make  from  these  agreeable  volumes.f 

"  J'avois  compte  partir  de  Philadelphie  le  15,  mais  le  President  de  I'Etat, 
qui  est  aussi  celui  de  I'Academie,  avoit  eu  la  bonte  de  m'inviter  a  une 
assemblee  que  cette  compagnie  devoit  tenir  ce  jour-la.  li  m'etoit  d'autant 
plus  difficile  de  me  refuser  a  son  invitation,  qu'on  avoit  deja  propose  de 
m'elire  comme  membre  etranger.  Les  assemblees  ne  se  tiennent  que  tous 
les  quinze  jours,  et  les  elections  ne  se  font  que  tous  les  ans:  chaque  candidal 
doit  etre  presente  et  recommande  par  un  membre  de  I'academie;  apres 
cette  recommandation,  son  nom  est  affiche  pendant  trois  seances  consecu- 
tives,  dans  la  salle  ou  I'academie  s'assemble  ;  enfin  on  precede  a  I'election 
par  voie  de  ballotes.  Ce  n'est  que  depuis  trois  jours  que  j'ai  appris  la 
mienne.  Elle  a  ete  unanime,  ce  qui  arrive  tres  rarement.  M.  de  la 
Fayette  lui-meme,  qui  a  ete  elu  en  meme  temps  que  moi,  a  eu  une  boule 
centre  lui,  mais  on  croit  que  c'est  par  meprise.  On  rn'a  mande  que  nous 
etions  vingt-un  candidats,  dont  sept  seulement  ont  ete  elus,  quoique  les 
autres  eussenl  ete  vivement  recommandes,  el  qu'il  y  eut  beaucoup  de  places 
vacantes. 

"Comme  la  seance  de  I'academie  ne  commence  qu'a  sept  heures  du  soir, 
j'employai  la  matinee  a  faire  quelque  visiles,  apres  lesquelles  je  dinai  chez 
M.  Holker  avec  le  Chevalier  de  la  Luzerne,  M.  de  la  Fayette  et  tous  les 
Officiers  francois ;  ensuite  je  me  rendis  a  I'academie,  conduit  par  M.  de 

*  Chastellux,  vol.  i.  p.  186.  President  Reed's  eldest  son,  the  late  Joseph  Reed, 
Esq.,  was  General  Mifflin's  Aid,  on  the  Western  Insurrection,  and  the  sole 
executor  of  his  Will.     Political  animosities  are  happily  not  long  lived, 

t  Id.  p.  186. 


PHILOSOPHICAL  SOCIETY.  311 

Marbois,  qui  appartienl  a  ce  corps  ainsi  que  le  Chevalier  de  la  Luzerne. 
Celui-ci  ayant  des  affaires  d'un  autre  genre,  se  dispensa  de  m'accoaipagner, 
mais  il  m'avoit  remis  en  bonnes  mains.  M.  de  Marbois,  joint  a  toutes  les 
qualites  poiitiques  et  sociales  beaucoup  de  litterature  et  une  parfaile  con- 
noissance  de  la  langue  angloise.  L'assemblee  etoit  composee  de  quatorze 
ou  quinzepersonnesseuleinent ;  le  President  du  college  faisoit  les  fonctions 
de  Secretaire.  On  y  lut  un  mecnoire  sur  une  plante  singuliere  et  indigene; 
ensuite  le  secretaire  rendit  compte  de  la  correspondance  et  lut  une  lettre, 
dont  I'objet  etoit  d'associer,  ou  pour  mieux  dire  d'affilier  a  Tacademie  de 
Philadelphie,  plusieurs  societes  savantes  qui  se  forment  dans  chaque  Etat. 
Ce  projet  tendoit  a  faire  de  celte  academie  une  espece  de  congres  litteraire, 
auquel  correspondroient  les  Ze^isZa^wres  particulieres.  On  ne  jugea  pas  a 
propos  de  suivre  cette  idee;  il  parut  qu'on  craignoit  I'embarras  inseparable 
de  toutes  ces  adoptions,  et  que  Tacademie  ne  vouloit  pas  qu'on  put  lui  ap- 
pliquer  ces  vers  d''Athalie : 

D'oti  lui  viennent  de  tous  cotes 
Ces  enfans  qu'en  son  sein  elle  n'a  pas  port6s  ! 

Je  retournai,  le  plutot  qu'il  me  fut  possible,  &c."* 

*  Francois  Jean  Marquis  de  Chastellux  was  born  at  Paris,  1734,  and  served 
with  distinction  in  the  wars  of  Germany.  On  his  return  from  America,  he  was 
appointed  Governor  of  Longwi,  and  died  28th  October,  1788, 


CHAPTER  XIV. 
1781. 

Revolt  of  the  Pennsylvania  Line — Its  causes — Wayne's  Letters  describing  the 
Progress  of  Discontent — Washington's  Letter  to  Gouverneur  Morris — Destitu- 
tion at  Camp — President  Reed  and  Committee  of  Congress  visit  the  Camp 
— Wayne,  Stewart  and  Butler — Mr.  Reed's  Letters  on  the  Revolt  and  its  Sup- 
pression— Sir  Henry  Clinton's  Spies  executed — Refusal  of  Troops  to  receive 
Reward — Washington's  Letter  to  President  Weare — Embargo  on  Port  of 
Philadelphia — Armstrong's  Letter — Arnold's  invasion  of  Virginia — Action  of 
the  Assembly  on  the  Revolt — Plan  to  assassinate  Washington,  Reed,  Clinton, 
and  Livingston — Character  of  Governor  Livingston  of  New  Jersey. 

In  the  midst  of  the  difficulties  which  have  been  narrated,  a 
new  and  most  alarming  incident  occurred.  On  the  night  of 
New  Year's  day,  1781,  the  Pennsylvania  Line,  stationed  at 
Morristown,  broke  into  open  mutiny,  and,  after  a  struggle  with 
such  of  the  officers  as  attempted  resistance,  in  which  several 
were  wounded  and  one  killed,  began  a  tumultuous  march 
towards  the  Delaware.  It  was  one  of  the  most  harassing 
events  of  the  War.  It  had  its  real  and  its  imaginary  dangers. 
Among  the  latter  was  the  suspicion  to  which  it  gave  rise  that 
Arnold's  example  had  been,  to  some  extent,  seductive,  and  that 
the  regular  line  of  the  army  was  infected  by  disaffection  and  an 
amount  of  insubordination  that  was  only  looked  for  in  militia. 
This  proved  illusory,  for  the  instant  that  Sir  Henry  Clinton 
sent  his  emissaries  to  mix  with  the  mutineers,  and  foment  the 
excitement,  they  were  secured,  and  surrendered  to  immediate 
and  ignominious  punishment.  The  real  danger  was  the  ex- 
ample of  the  mutiny  itself  on  other  parts  of  the  service,  and  the 
consequence  of  a  disregard  of  discipline  in  the  devastation  of 
the  country  through  which  their  line  of  march  lay.     The  muti- 


DISTRESS  AT  CAMP.  313 

neers,  armed  with  a  considerable  train  of  artillery,  were  strong 
enough  to  have  put  Philadelphia,  whither  their  course  seemed 
to  be  directed,  under  contribution.  The  history  of  the  revolt 
and  its  suppression,  is  assumed  to  be  familiar,  and  need  be  no 
further  referred  to  than  as  it  illustrates  a  purely  personal  nar- 
rative. Mr.  Reed's  services,  as  all  contemporary  testimony 
shows,  were  very  great,  and  his  correspondence  contains  the 
most  intelligible  narrative  of  the  affair  that  is  extant. 

The  main  source  of  difficulty,  as  stated  by  the  soldiery,  was 
the  uncertain  tyof  the  terms  of  enlistment.  But  beside  this, 
there  were  causes  of  exasperation  scarcely  less  influential — the 
want  of  food,  of  pay,  and  clothing.  It  is  a  great  mistake  to 
suppose  that  the  mutiny  was,  or  ought  to  be  considered,  an  un- 
locked for  and  unaccountable  explosion,  which  might  have 
been  averted.  The  following  extracts  from  letters  written  from 
Camp  during  the  fall  of  1780,  show  a  state  of  suffering  and  des- 
titution which  accounts  for  all  the  discontent  that  was  mani- 
fested.    On  17th  October,  Wayne  had  written: 

"  I  am  induced  to  call  on  the  Honourable  Council  to  adopt 
some  mode  to  procure  a  fresh  supply  of  blankets  and  winter 
clothing  for  the  officers  and  privates  belonging  to  the  State  of 
Pennsylvania.  The  weather  begins  to  pinch.  Hard  necessity 
obliges  us  to  be  economical.  Our  soldiers'  uniforms  are  much 
worn  and  out  of  repair.  We  have  adopted  the  idea  of  curtail- 
ing the  coats  to  repair  the  elbows  and  other  defective  parts,  for 
which  we  shall  immediately  want  needles  and  thread.  Will 
your  Excellency  be  so  obliging  as  to  direct  them  to  be  pro- 
cured and  sent  to  Camp  with  the  other  stores  with  all  possible 
despatch." 


WAYNE  TO  PRESIDENT  REED. 

•Camp  at  Totowa,  7th  November,  1780. 

I  was  honoured  with  yours  of  the  31st  ultimo,  and  sincerely  lament  that 
gold,  the  common  pest  of  human  felicity,  should  so  absorb  the  minds  of 
gentlemen  of  the  first  influence  and  abilities  as  to  prevent  them  from  exert- 
ing every  power  to  rescue  their  country  from  impending  ruin,  for  however 
they  may  think  of  public  aSairs,  we  never  stood  upon  such  perilous  ground 


314  PENNSYLVANIA  LINE. 

as  the  present.  Tlie  period  is  fast  approaching  when  America  will  have 
only  the  skeleton  of  an  army  to  oppose  the  British,  and  even  that  destitute 
of  almost  every  comfort  and  necessary  of  life,  whilst  that  of  the  enemy  are 
in  high  expectation,  well  appointed,  and  fully  prepared,  and  instructed  to 
improve  the  favourable  crisis  in  which  we  are  most  vulnerable,  in  order  to 
obtain  territory  to  go  to  the  European  market  with.  Is  it  not  very  probable 
that  Russia  and  the  other  Northern  States  will  not  only  call  upon,  but  de- 
mand the  Belligerent  Powers  to  meet  in  Convention  this  winter,  in  order 
to  restore  peace  to  the  European  and  American  world?  Will  they  not  offer 
themselves  as  mediators  ]  Overtures  must  necessarily  follow.  France  is 
bound  in  honour  to  insist  upon  the  independence  of  America  as  a  prelimi- 
nary, to  which  Britain  will  certainly  object,  but  to  evince  her  moderation 
and  pacific  disposition,  may  as  an  ultimatum  propose,  that  all  such  States  as 
at  the  time  of  the  ratification  are  in  the  full  powers  and  peaceable  possession 
of  Government  and  Independence  shall  remain  so,  and  that  all  those  whose 
capitals  and  seaport  towns  are  garrisoned  by,  and  under  the  influence  of 
the  British  Government,  to  be  and  continue  subject  to  her,  agreeably  to  the 
Charters  and  Laws  antecedent  to  1763. 

I  don't  know  what  weight  such  plausible  overtures  may  have  with  a 
general  convention,  but  have  my  apprehensions,  and  sincerely  wish  that  we 
may  not  be  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  fighting  our  own  battles.  I  suppose, 
for  a  moment,  the  possibility  of  their  being  adopted  ;  let  us  examine  the  map 
of  America,  and  see  how  it  will  then  stand. 

Canada,  Nova  Scotia,  New  York,  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  and  the  Flo- 
ridas — can  I  stop  here,  or  must  I  have  the  painful  idea  of  annexing  another 
State  to  the  British  dominions?  Is  there  an  American  in  either  the  civil  or 
military  line  base  enough  to  submit  to  such  conditions?  "Forbid  it,  honour, 
and  forbid  it,  virtue."  Permit  me  to  draw  a  veil  over  the  horrid  picture, 
and  to  impress  every  gentleman  with  the  absolute  expediency  of  doing 
away  all  party  prejudice.  With  regard  to  the  Constitution,  it  will  be  time 
enough  to  take  that  up  when  we  have  fully  determined  whether  we  shall 
have  any  left  to  contend  for ;  at  present  every  power  ought  to  be  exerted  in 
establishing  magazines,  replenishing  an  exhausted  Treasury,  and  a  comple- 
tion of  the  quota  of  troops,  which  may  once  more  place  us  in  a  situation  not 
only  to  defend  this  country  from  depredation,  but,  by  one  of  those  fortuitous 
events  which  sometimes  happens,  to  reclaim  the  ground  we  have  lost.*  I 
know  the  character  of  those  we  are  to  contend  with — they  will  certainly 
commit  themselves,  in  the  course  of  the  winter,  from  a  presumption  that 
we  shall  not  be  in  force  to  meet  them  in  the  field.  You  may  rest  assured 
that  they  have  changed  their  mode  of  operation,  and,  if  we  improve  the  pre- 
sent moment,  we  shall  effectually  frustrate  them.     I  must  beg  leave  once 

*  These  patriotic  counsels  of  Wayne,  like  those  of  Edward  Biddle,  two  years 
before,  (supra,  p.  47,)  were,  unhappily,  inoperative.  Hostility  to  the  State  Consti- 
tution trampled  down  all  higher  and  purer  considerations. 


Wayne's  letter.  315 

more  to  refer  you  to  my  letter  of  the  17th  Sept.  on  the  subject  of  recruiting, 
&c.,  and  also  to  suggest,  that  in  place  of  raising  a  corps  of  four  hundred  and 
eighty  artificers,  you  agree  to  enlist  a  due  proportion  with  the  other  States, 
as,  from  the  nature  of  the  service,  they  will  necessarily  be  detached  to  every 
point  of  operation,  from  Canada  to  Georgia,  which  will  add  to  the  difficulty 
of  sending  them  the  usual  supplies — beside  the  almost  impracticability  of 
procuring  so  many  in  the  State,  and  in  place  of  the  whole  you  agree  to  a 
seventh  regiment  of  infantry  for  the  defence  of  the  Western  frontier,  which 
will  leave  us  six  regiments,  or  two  complete  brigades,  in  the  field.  General 
Irvine  will  have  it  more  in  his  power  to  explain  this  matter  viva  voce,  than 
I  can  attempt  to  do  on  paper.  I  therefore  must  beg  leave  to  refer  you  to 
him  on  that  subject  as  well  as  other  matters. 

Interim  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  much  esteem. 

Your  Excellency's  most  obedient  and  very  humble  servant, 

Anthony  Wayne. 

The  next  letter,  written  little  more  than  a  fortnight  before 
the  mutiny,  puts  the  actual  grievances  of  the  otiicers  and 
men  in  a  strong  light.     It  is  very  curious. 


WAYNE  TO  PRESIDENT  REED. 

Mount  Kerable,  16th  December,  1780. 

Your  favour,  (without  date,)  inclosing  Captain  Zeigler's  appointment  as 
State  Clothier  and  Issuing  Commissary  of  State  Stores,  I  had  the  honour  to 
receive  a  few  days  since. 

You  very  justly  observed  to  Mr.  Little  that,  had  I  been  made  acquainted 
with  your  instructions  to  him,  I  would  not  have  attempted  to  contravene 
them,  unless  justified  by  pressintj  circumstances;  but  not  being  informed  of 
your  orders,  and  finding  that  there  was  a  very  great  deficiency  of  supplies 
upon  comparing  the  issues  with  the  letter  of  the  law,  together  with  the 
good  policy  (I  might  have  said  absolute  expediency)  of  a  liberal  donation  of 
these  comforts  at  an  approaching  crisis,  induced  me  to  order  him  to  Phila- 
delphia. The  last  reason  operates  rather  in  fuller  force  at  this  period.  I 
have  therefore  directed  Captain  Zeigler  to  wait  on  your  Excellency  with 
the  enclosed  returns  and  estimate  of  clothing,  on  the  presumption  that  the 
most  effectual  means  will  be  adopted  to  procure  a  full  supply  of  that  essential 
article,  and  that  every  exertion  will  be  used  for  the  immediate  completion 
of  our  quota  of  troops. 

You'll  please  to  observe,  that  the  return  of  officers,  non-commissioned 
officers,  and  privates  entitled  to  receive  State  stores,  are  only  those  of  the 
ten  regiments  of  infantry  and  seven  companies  of  Proctor's  artillery  now 
under  my  command.     What  number  of  troops  there  may  be  in  the  German 


316  DISTRESS  AT  CAMP. 

and  Hazen's  regiments,  and  Col.  Moylnn's  horse,  belonging  to  the  State  of 
Pennsylvania,  enlisted  for  the  war,  I  am  yet  to  learn;  but  should  conclude, 
if  they  drew  the  supplies  from  Mr.  Little,  the  total  rations,  officers  included, 
after  making  due  allowances  for  rank,  would  not  be  far  short  of  3500.  How- 
ever, I  iiave  directed  Mr.  Little  to  make  out  and  settle  his  accounts  with 
the  Honourable  Council  immediately,  and  in  the  interim  have  called  upon 
him  for  the  return  of  State  stores  issued  from  the  27th  January  until  this 
date,  being  forty-six  weeks,  by  which  you'll  find  that  the  troops  have  not 
been  served  one-third  part  of  the  time. 

When  I  mention  these  facts,  I  beg  to  be  perfectly  understood.  I  don't 
mean  to  cast  any  reflection  upon  the  conduct  of  your  E.xcellency  or  the 
Honourable  Council ;  on  the  contrary,  I  am  but  loo  well  convinced  that 
nothing  on  your  part  was  omitted  to  render  the  situation  of  the  officers  and 
soldiers  as  comfortable  as  the  exhausted  state  of  the  treasury  and  other 
circumstances  would  admit  of;  and  although  they  were  not  equal  to  your 
wishes  or  their  merits  and  expectations,  yet  they  have  been  such  as  afforded 
great  relief  to  both  officers  and  soldiers.  But  those  comforts  being  for  some 
time  totally  consumed,  we  are  reduced  to  dry  bread  and  beef  for  our  food, 
and  to  cold  water  for  our  drink.  Neither  officers  or  soldiers  have  received 
a  single  drop  of  spirituous  liquors  from  the  public  magazines  since  the  10th 
of  October  last,  except  one  gill  per  man  some  time  in  November;  this,  to- 
gether with  the  old  worn  out  coats  and  tattered  linen  overalls,  and  what 
was  once  a  poor  substitute  for  a  blanket,  (now  divided  among  three  soldiers,) 
is  but  very  wretched  living  and  shelter  against  the  winter's  piercing  cold, 
drifting  snows,  and  chilling  sleets. 

Our  soldiery  are  not  devoid  of  reasoning  faculties,  nor  are  they  callous  to 
the  first  feelings  of  nature;  they  have  now  served  their  country  with  fidelity 
for  near  five  years,  poorly  clothed,  badly  fed,  and  worse  paid;  of  the  last 
article,  trifling  as  it  is,  they  have  not  seen  a  paper  dollar  in  the  way  of  pay 
for  near  twelve  months. 

In  this  situation  the  enemy  begin  to  work  upon  their  passions,  and  have 
found  means  to  circulate  some  proclamations  among  them.  Capt.  Zeigler 
will  be  able  to  inform  your  Excellency  of  matters  vvhich  I  don't  choose  to 
commit  to  paper.  However,  I  don't  despair  of  being  able  to  restore  har- 
mony and  content,  and  to  defeat  every  machination  of  the  public  foe,  and 
the  more  dangerous  lurking  incendiary,  if  aided  by  your  Excellency  in  a 
timely  supply  of  stores  and  clothing.  But  what  will  insure  success,  is  the 
immediate  passing  of  the  act  for  making  good  the  depreciation.  Give  your 
soldiery  a  landed  property,  make  their  interest  and  the  interest  of  America 
reciprocal,  and  I  will  answer  for  their  bleeding  to  death,  drop  by  drop,  to 
establish  the  independency  of  this  country.  On  the  contrary,  should  we 
neglect  rewarding  their  past  services,  and  not  do  justice  to  their  more  than 
Roman  virtue,  have  we  nothing  to  apprehend  from  their  defection?  Believe 
me,  my  dear  sir,  that  if  something  is  not  immediately  done  to  give  them  a 


Washington's  letter.  '  317 

local  attachment  to  this  country,  and  to  quiet  their  minds,  we  have  not  yet 
seen  the  worst  side  of  the  picture. 

The  officers  in  general,  as  well  as  myself,  find  it  necessary  to  stand  for 
hours  every  day,  exposed  to  wind  and  weather,  among  the  poor  naked  fel- 
lows, while  they  are  working  at  their  huts  and  redoubts,  often  assisting  with 
our  own  hands,  in  order  to  produce  a  conviction  to  their  minds  that  we  share 
and  more  than  share  every  vicissitude  in  common  with  them,  sometimes 
asking  to  participate  of  their  bread  or  water.  The  good  effect  this  conduct 
has  is  very  conspicuous,  and  prevents  them  murmuring  in  public;  but  the 
delicate  mind  and  eye  of  humanity  are  hurt,  very  much  hurl,  at  their  visible 
distress  and  private  complainings.  Be  assured,  sir,  that  we  depend  much 
upon  your  interest,  (and  we  flatter  ourselves  that  that  dependence  is  well 
founded,)  to  remove  those  difficulties  and  alleviate  the  distresses  they  now 
experience.  An  immediate  supply  of  hard  cash  to  pay  the  bounty  to  the 
recruits  we  have  enlisted  for  the  war  out  of  the  seven  months'  men  is  abso- 
lutely necessary  ;  I  think  the  number  is  already  about  one  hundred.  We 
could  have  retained  every  man  we  wished,  had  we  been  furnished  with 
specie  in  time.  I  fear  it  is  now  too  late;  the  mode  of  recruiting  will  pro- 
bably be  by  classing  the  inhabitants,  and  obliging  those  classes  to  furnish  a 
given  number  of  men  for  the  war  by  a  certain  day,  which  I  wish  the  earliest 
possible,  to  the  end  that  we  may  have  it  m  our  power  to  reduce  them  to 
some  degree  of  discipline  before  the  opening  of  the  campaign,  as  we  shall 
probably  take  the  field  in  conjunction  with  the  first  corps  of  France. 

That  our  operations  may  be  productive  of  a  speedy  and  honourable  peace, 
and  that  you  may  still  continue  to  hold  a  conspicuous  place  in  the  councils 
of  your  country,  is  the  sincere  wish  of 

Your  Excellency's  most  obedient 

And  very  humble  servant, 

Anthony  Wayne.* 


*  The  following  letter  from  Washington  to  Gouverneur  Morris  has  never  before 
been  printed.  It  was  found  among  the  papers  of  Mr.  Jay,  and  was  furnished  to 
me  by  L.  Rutherford,  Esq.,  of  New  York. 

New  Windsor,  10th  December,  1780. 
Dear  Sir, 

Your  letter  of  the  28th  ult.  I  met  with  on  my  way  to  these  quarters,  where  I 
arrived  on  the  6th  inst.  The  suggestions  contained  in  it  required  no  apology,  as 
it  gives  me  pleasure  at  all  times  to  know  the  sentiments  of  others  upon  matters  of 
public  utility.  Those,  however,  which  you  have  delivered  relative  to  an  enter- 
prise against  the  enemy  in  New  York,  exhibit  strong  evidence  how  little  the 
world  is  acquainted  with  the  circumstances  and  strength  of  our  army.  A  small 
second  embarkation  took  place  about  the  middle  of  last  month ;  if  another  is  in 
contemplation,  to  take  effect  at  the  reduction  of  our  force,  (which  I  think  exceed- 
ingly probable,)  it  is  too  much  in  embryo  to  form  more  than  conjectural  opinions 


318  DISTRESS  AT  CAMP. 

With  such  developements  of  actual  and  torturing  destitution, 
is  ii  to  be  wondered  at  that  the  powers  of  endurance  of  the 
common  soldier  were  exhausted  1  Is  it  not  rather  a  mat- 
ter of  surprise  that  their  fidelity  should,  at  such  moments 
of  necessity,  have  resisted  the  wiles  which  the  British  au- 
thorities spread  for  them.     Sir  Henry  Clinton  offered  the  re- 

of  it  at  this  time.  But  I  will  suppose  it  large,  and  that  not  more  than  6000  regular 
troops  will  be  left  behind.  Where  are  the  men  ?  Where  are  the  provisions  ? 
Where  the  clothes,  the  everything  necessary  to  warrant  the  attempt  you  propose 
in  an  inclement  season  ?  Our  numbers,  never  equal  to  those  of  the  enemy  in 
New  York, — our  State  lines,  never  half  complete  in  men,  but  perfectly  so  in  every 
species  of  want,  were  diminished  in  the  field  so  soon  as  the  weather  began  to  grow 
cold ;  near  2000  men  on  account  of  clothes,  which  I  had  not  to  give,  nor  ought  to 
have  given,  (supposing  a  surplusage,)  to  the  levies  whose  dismission  was  near  at 
hand.  And  now,  to  prevent  the  man  who  is  a  permanent  soldier  from  starving,  I 
am  obliged,  in  place  of  calling  in  the  aid  of  militia  for  new  enterprises,  to  diminish 
the  levies  on  account  of  the  provision.  Under  this  description  of  our  circum- 
stances, (which  is  not  high-coloured,)  and  when  to  it  is  added  that,  instead  of 
getting  lumber  from  Albany  for  building  barracks  on  York  Island,  in  the  manner 
and  for  the  purposes  you  mention,  that  we  have  neither  money  nor  credit  adequate 
to  the  purchase  of  a  few  boards  for  doors  to  our  log  huts ;  when  every  ounce  of 
forage  that  has  been  used  all  the  latter  part  of  the  campaign,  and  a  good  deal  of 
the  provision,  has  been  taken  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet;  when  we  were  from  the 
month  of  May  to  the  month  of  September  assembling  militia  that  ought  to  have 
been  in  the  field  by  the  middle  of  July,  and  then  obliged  to  dismiss  them  for  want 
of  supplies ;  when  we  cannot  despatch  an  officer  or  a  common  express  upon  the 
most  urgent  occasion,  for  want  of  the  means  of  support ;  and  when  I  fiirther  add — 
but  this  is  a  matter  of  trivial  concern,  because  it  is  of  a  present  nature — that  I 
have  not  been  able  to  obtain  a  farthing  of  public  money  for  the  support  of  my 
table  for  near  two  months,  you  can  be  at  no  loss,  as  I  have  before  observed,  to 
discover  the  impracticability  of  executing  the  measure  you  suggested,  even  sup- 
posing the  enemy's  numbers  were  reduced  to  your  standard,  but  which,  by  the 
way,  neither  is  nor  will  be  the  case  till  the  reduction  of  our  army  takes  place,  the 
period  for  which  they  know  as  well  as  we  do,  and  will,  I  have  little  doubt,  govern 
themselves  accordingly.  An  earnest  desire,  however,  of  closing  the  campaign 
with  eclat,  led  me  to  investigate  the  means  most  thoroughly  of  doing  it ;  and  my 
wishes  had  so  far  got  the  better  of  my  judgment,  that  I  had  actually  made  some 
pretty  considerable  advances  in  the  prosecution  of  a  plan  for  the  purpose,  when, 
alas!  I  found  the  means  inadequate  to  the  end,  and  that  it  was  with  difficulty  I 
could  remove  the  army  to  its  respective  places  of  cantonment,  where  it  would  be 
well  for  the  troops  if,  like  chameleons,  they  could  live  upon  air,  or,  like  the  bear, 
suck  their  paws  for  sustenance  during  the  rigour  of  the  approaching  winter. 

I  am,  dear  sir, 
Your  most  obedient  servant, 

George  Washington 


REVOLT  OF  THE  LINE.  319 

volted  line,  pay,  clothing,  and  provisions,  free  pardon,  and  an 
exemption  from  all  compulsory  services,  and  yet  the  offers  were 
rejected,  and  the  emissaries,  who  ventured  to  bring  them, 
hanged. 

On  the  news  of  the  mutiny  reaching  Philadelphia,  President 
Reed,  General  Potter,  and  a  Committee  of  Congress,  of  which 
General  Sullivan  w^as  chairman,  and  Dr.  Witherspoon,  a  mem- 
ber, attended  by  the  City  Troop,  set  out  for  Trenton.  Wayne, 
with  Colonels  Walter  Stewart,  and  Richard  Butler,  were  with 
the  soldiers  in  a  sort  of  voluntary  durance.  The  only  autho- 
rity however  recognised  by  the  troops,  was  that  of  a  self-con- 
stituted board  of  Sergeants,  whose  orders  seem  to  have  been 
implicitly  obeyed.  They  advanced  as  far  as  Princeton,  whence 
Wayne  and  his  friends,  painfully  conscious  of  the  danger  and 
delicacy  of  their  position,  wrote  to  the  President. 

"  We  shall  not  attempt  to  express  our  feelings  on  this  painful 
occasion.  Your  own  will  be  the  best  criterion  to  judge  them 
by.  We  have  yet  some  glimmering  of  hope  from  the  enclosed 
copy  of  a  letter,  giving  intelligence  of  the  enemy's  manoeuvres, 
as  the  ti'oops  assure  us  they  will  act  with  desperation  against 
them.  Whether  these  be  their  sentiments  or  not,  a  few  hours 
will  probably  determine.  Be  that  as  it  may,  and  should  the 
worst  events  take  place,  we  trust  we  shall  produce  a  conviction 
to  the  world  that  we  deserved  a  better  fate."* 

The  rest  of  the  painful  narrative  may  best  be  given  in  Pre- 
sident Reed's  letters,  written  at  the  time. 

Bristol,  5th  January,  1781. 

1  was  met  here  by  the  light  horse  returning.  As  they  brought  me  only  a 
verbal  message,  Mr.  Donaldson  will  be  able  to  give  it  you  with  more  exact- 
ness than  I  can  at  second  hand.  They  left  Princeton  at  4  o'clock  this  after- 
noon ;  the  mutineers  seem  undetermined,  and  I  hope  are  beginning  to  di- 

*This  letter  is  published  in  Hazard's  Register,  ii.  p.  160,  where  will  be  found 
a  nearly  complete  collection  of  all  the  documents  relating  to  this  revolt.  The 
orig-inal  papers  are  in  the  Philadelphia  Library.  From  papers  of  this  kind, 
already  in  print,  I  have  generally  contented  myself  with  making  extracts.  Mr. 
Reed's  letters  are  republished  entire. — See  also  Bland  Papers,  ii. 


320  MR.  REED  AT  TRENTON. 

vide,  as  their  board  of  officers  or  sergeants  is  large,  and  of  course  there  will 
be  a  variety  of  sentiment.  They  behave  well  to  the  people  of  the  country, 
and  hitherto  have  committed  no  excesses.  They  permitted  General  St.  Clair 
and  the  Marquis  to  come  among  them,  but  afterwards  ordered  them  to  leave 
the  place  at  a  short  warning.  They  say  they  will  march  against  the  enemy 
under  the  command  of  General  Wayne,  Colonels  Butler  and  Stewart,  but 
will  not  have  their  other  officers.  This  is  a  bad  symptom.  I  met  a  sergeant 
and  one  or  two  others  on  the  road,  who  gave  out  that  they  are  going  to  town 
to  prevent  the  bad  report  of  their  abusing  people,  &c.  Colonel  Nicola  should 
be  directed  to  have  an  eye  on  these  fellows  as  they  come  into  town,  lest  they 
infest  the  invalids,  and  spread  bad  reports  among  the  militia,  but  by  no 
means  to  use  them  ill,  lest  it  have  a  bad  effect  on  their  fellows  in  Jersey. 

If  the  enemy  advance,  I  shall  endeavour  to -draw  them  this  way,  rather 
choosing  to  take  the  chance  of  any  bad  consequences  here  than  going  to  the 
enemy — if  they  take  their  officers  back  generally,  I  shall  think  they  mean 
fairly.  If  they  do  not,  I  do  not  think  their  professions  ought  to  be  regarded. 
1  send  enclosed  a  letter  from  Mr.  Stewart.  I  think  it  will  be  best  to  send 
provisions  on,  but  not  to  unlade  it  out  of  the  shallop  without  orders.  In  the 
mean  time,  let  the  clothing  be  forwarded,  and  the  money  prepared.  At  all 
everits,  I  fear  we  must  make  some  douceurs  in  some  way  or  another.  I  write 
this  in  a  hurry,  and  shall  write  again  to-morrow,  from  Trenton.  They  altered 
their  plans  this  morning.  The  sergeants  use  every  effort  to  Keep  at  Prince- 
ton by  way  of  keeping  together. 

Trenton,  April  6th.* 

Neither  time  nor  the  limits  of  a  letter  will  permit  my  entering  into  a  par- 
ticular detail  of  the  intelligence  received  from  Princeton.  In  substance  it 
is  that  the  mutineers,  though  acting  by  system,  have  divisions  among  them- 
selves and  such  suspicions  of  each  other  as  may  soon  lay  a  foundation  of  pro- 
per reconciliation.  I  am  surprised  to  find  that  they  entertained  strong  aver- 
sion to  many  of  their  former  officers,  and  the  tales  they  tell  of  severities, 
and  unobserved  promises,  have  had  a  great  effect  on  the  minds  of  the  people 
of  the  State,  so  that  a  vigorous  resistance  by  the  militia  is  doubtful,  at  least 
till  provoked  by  outrage  on  their  property,  or  by  the  troops  advancing  to  un- 
reasonable propositions,  which  they  seem  likely  to  do.  I  beg  leave  to  com- 
municate, in  a  few  words,  my  present  idea,  viz. — to  hear  their  complaints, 
to  promise  redress  to  reasonable  ones,  to  repel  firmly,  those  of  a  contrary 
kind,  unless  the  approach  of  the  enemy  should  change  the  face  of  affairs, 
and  to  get  the  several  different  claimants  to  advance  their  separate  claims  by 
separate  agents,  as  to  clothing  and  what  are  the  real  necessaries  of  a  soldier. 
I  shall  engage  liberally,  because  these  they  must  have  to  do  their  duty — to 

*  To  the  Committee  of  Congress, 


NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  INDIANS.  321 

engage  them  to  admit  the  old  officers  to  take  command,  if  possible,  and  to 
make  no  exceptions  of  pardon  but  to  the  murderers  of  the  deceased  officers. 
It  is  my  present  opinion,  (but  this  I  would  not  have  influential  on  the  Com- 
mittee, contrary  to  their  own  judgment,)  that  the  negotiation  should  be  first 
tried  on  the  part  of  the  State,  and  if  new  or  further  concessions  than  I  make 
are  necessary,  the  Committee  may  have  the  opportunity  to  offer  tliem,  fully 
confiding  in  the  wisdom  and  policy  of  the  Committee  on  such  an  unhappy 
occasion,  that  they  will  not  authorize  bad  examples  on  other  lines,  for  I  trust 
the  liberties  of  America  do  not  depend  on  the  caprice  of  1500  men  of  any 
State. 

The  enemy  are  not  yet  out — that  circumstance  will  change  the  face  of 
tilings  exceedingly — especially  as  the  troops  occasionally  turn  their  eyes  to 
New  York.  I  shall  let  the  Committee  know  what  is  the  result  of  the  after- 
noon's conference.  I  mean  to  go  within  four  miles  of  Princeton  this  after- 
noon, where  I  have  written  General  Wayne  to  meet  me,  and  to  inform 
the  troops  that  I  am  ready  to  hear  any  reasonable  complaints  decently 
offered.  I  shall  direct  my  letters  to  Mr.  Barclay,  till  I  am  otherwise  re- 
quested. 

Trenton,  past  1 1  o'clock.* 

The  enclosed  letter  to  the  Committee  of  Congress,  which  was  made  unne- 
cessary by  their  arrival  at  this  place,  will  inform  you  of  my  proceeding  till 
12  o'clock. 

I  forwarded  my  letter  to  General  Wayne,  requesting  him  to  meet  me  four 
miles  from  Princeton  at  4  o'clock  this  afternoon,  and  also  to  let  the  troops 
know  I  should  be  there  to  receive  any  propositions  from  them,  and  redress 
any  injuries  they  had  sustained,  but  that  after  the  indignities  offered  the 
Marquis  and  General  St.  Clair,  I  could  not  put  myself  in  their  power.   The 
light  horse  who  carried  the  letter  were  civilly  treated  by  the  Board  of  Ser- 
geants, and  permitted  to  deliver  their  letter  to  General  Wayne,  whom  the^' 
soon  after  sent  for,  but  he  refused  attending  them,  upon  which  they  went 
to  him,  seemed  affected  by  the  letter,  which  was  more  calculated  for  them 
than  for  General  Wayne.    They  requested  it,  and  promised  they  would  make 
the  contents  known  to  the  men,  but  this  they  did  not  do,  whether  for  want 
of  time,  (General  Wayne  having  limited  the  return  of  it  to  him  in  half  an 
hour,)  or  any  other  cause,  is  not  known.     However,  the  men  heard  of  it, 
and  expressed  a  desire  to  hear  it ;  but  the  evening  advancing,  and  General 
Wayne  claiming  a  right  to  read  it  himself,  it  was  agreed  to  meet  early  in 
the  morning  on  the  parade,  and  General  Wayne  to  attend  for  that  purpose. 
Everybody  agrees  there  has  been  a  great  change  to-day,  and  that  they  are 
more  and  more  divided,  which  is  natural,  after  a  few  days' enjoyment  of  new 
and  unexpected  power.     They  permitted  the  horsemen  to  return,  and  ex- 
pressed great  anxiety  to  know  whether  I  entertained  any  unkind  sentiments. 

*  To  Mr.  Barclay.     Hazard,  vol.  ii.  p.  165. 
VOL.  II.  21 


322  REVOLT  OF  THE  LINE. 

Some  of  the  sergeants  and  men  took  pains  to  inform  the  gentlemen  privately, 
that  they  were  not  fond  of  the  business.  In  short,  a  number  of  favourable 
symptoms  turned  up,  that  I  should  have  had  great  hopes,  if  unfortunately 
the  enemy  had  not  made  a  movement,  of  the  effects  and  consequences  of 
which  I  am  now  very  doubtful.  The  enclosed  papers  will  contain  the  whole 
of  our  intelligence  on  that  subject,  and  it  is  indeed  alarming;  for  the  troops 
still  profess  a  good  disposition  against  the  enemy;  they  utterly  reject  their 
former  officer?,  except  a  very  few  ;  but  propose  to  act  under  their  sergeants 
as  officers.  There  are  no  signs  of  British  gold,  or  of  British  emissaries  ex- 
cept a  few  sergeants,  who  have  been  imprudently  raised  from  the  ranks  to 
that  office.  These  fellows,  doubtless,  will  do  all  the  mischief  they  can,  but 
a  great  majority  are  certainly  well  inclined  to  the  country.  I  hope,  by 
General  Wayne's  promise  to  meet  me  to-morrow,  that  he  is  at  his  own 
liberty,  but  he  has  met  with  some  mortifying  slights.  This  incursion  of  the 
enemy  will  induce  me  [to]  get  them  down  here,  if  possible,  and  the  same 
reason  will  induce  me  to  take  them  over  the  river,  if  there  is  the  least  pros- 
pect of  the  enemy  advancing;  as  I  consider  then  joining  the  enemy  as  a 
very,  indeed,  a  most  deplorable  event,  to  be  guarded  against  at  the  risk  of 
every  other  consequence.*  They  behave  remarkably  well  at  their  quarters, 
but  either  refuse  admission  toall  their  officers,  or  immediately  dismiss  them, 

*  The  following  anonymous  letter  has  an  indorsement  in  Mr.  Reed's  hand- 
writing. "  This  letter  is  wrote  by  a  person  who  generally  has  given  good  intel- 
ligence." 

Elizabethtown,  January  5,  1781. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  set  out  from  this  place  yesterday  about  11  o'clock,  and  proceeded  immedi- 
ately to  New  York,  and  arrived  at  that  place  about  5  o'clock  P.  M.  I  again  left 
it  about  half  after  eleven  o'clock  at  night.  During  my  stay  there,  I  took  parti- 
cular care  to  get  the  best  intelligence  I  possibly  could  collect,  both  from  my  own 
observation  and  our  friends.  I  never  saw  the  British  exert  themselves  so  much  in 
all  my  life.  Notwithstanding  the  rain,  which  poured  down  like  torrents,  they  did 
not  slacken  their  proceedings — they  were  constantly  employed  in  embarking  on 
board  vessels  of  about  sixty  or  seventy  tons  burden,  and  smaller,  on  board  of 
which  there  goes  four  or  five  thousand  troops.  Their  destination  is  for  Amboy. 
I  think  they  will  be  there  to-day  or  to-night.  They  are  in  great  hopes  that  the 
Pennsylvania  Line  will  join  them,  in  consequence  of  which  they  will  use  every 
means  in  their  power  to  get  them  to  repair  to  their  standard ;  they  take  with 
them  twenty  pieces  of  cannon,  eighteen  of  which  are  heavy  ;  fifty-four  engineer's 
carpenters  go  with  them. 

I  am,  with  great  respect, 

A  Stranger. 
Col.  Dayton. 

P.  S.  I  am  almost  tired  to  death,  or  I  would  set  out  again  immediately — been 
two  nights  without  sleep,  and  last  night  so  wet  that  I  had  not  a  dry  thread  on  me. 


w 


REVOLT  OF  THE  LINE.  323 

except  General  Wayne  and  the  two  Colonels,  who  do  not  know  whether 
they  are  prisoners  or  not.  As  the  time  and  circumstance  did  not  admit  my 
proceeding  in  the  business  this  evening,  I  returned  here,  but  shall  go  up  in 
the  morning  either  to  get  them  to  march  hither,  or  to  meet  their  complaints 
at  some  short  distance  from  their  guards,  for  it  seems  to  bo  a  universal 
opinion  that  it  is  not  prudent  for  me  to  go  within  their  camp,  and  my  own 
concur,  in  the  present  situation  of  things,  though  they  take  it  hard,  I  do 
not  trust  them.  Everything  necessary  for  the  equipment  of  a  soldier,  that 
is,  shirt;?,  shoes,  overalls,  hats,  &c.,  I  shall  promise  liberally,  and  in  the 
mean  time,  I  beg  you  would  collect,  by  some  means  or  other.  By  the  en- 
closed note,  you  will  see  they  lay  great  stress  upon  it.  I  am  told  some  of 
them  are  very  shabby  ;  for  this  purpose,  I  have  sent  down  Mr.  Turnbull.  It 
is  really  a  most  pressing  business  at  present,  and  must  be  attended  to 
accordingly.  To-morrow  will  be  an  important  day,  and  if  you  do  not  hear 
from  me  by  8  o'clock  Monday  morning,  you  may  conclude  things  are  going 
right.  If  (as  I  doubt  not)  the  enemy  really  land  and  advance,  the  militia 
must  be  called,  unless  a  perverse  spirit  should  appear,  of  which  the  officers 
will  judge.  If  I  cannot  get  these  troops  to  go  back,  or  propose  terms,  I 
shall,  I  believe,  go  round  them,  and  try  what  effect  joining  the  Jersey 
militia  will  have.  After  the  Pennsylvania  Line  has  brought  the  enemy  into 
this  State,  it  would  be  unpardonable  in  us  not  to  do  everything  in  our 
power  for  their  protection. 

You  will  please  communicate  to  the  President  of  Congress  the  whole  or 
such  parts  of  this  letter  as  may  be  necessary.  Having  been  on  horseback 
all  day,  I  flatter  myself  that  my  fatigue  will  be  an  excuse  for  not  writing  to 
him,  and  especially  as  it  must  be  merely  a  repetition. 

P.  S.  The  Pennsylvania  officers  are  assembled  at  Pennington,  eight  miles 
from  this. 


PRESIDENT  REED  TO  GENERAL  WAYNE. 

Trenton,  January  7th.* 

I  received  your  favour  of  yesterday  by  Messrs  M'Clenachan  and  Nes- 
bitt,  and  finding  from  circumstances  it  was  impracticable  to  see  you  last 
night,  or  any  of  the  persons  I  expected,  I  returned  to  this  place  for  the  sake 
of  accommodation.  Upon  considering  our  affairs,  I  have  thought  it  advisable 
to  get  the  troops  to  march  to  this  place,  as  soon  as  circumstances  will  admit. 
My  reasons  are  these: — First,  The  Commissioners  inform  me  the  provisions 
are  nearly  exhausted,  and  the  men  have  hitherto  behaved  so  well  to  the 
inhabitants,  that  it  would  be  a  pity  to  drive  the  troops  to  the  necessity  of 
distressing  them,  when  at  this  place  they    may  be  otherwise  supplied. 

*  Hazard'' s  Register,  p.  166. 


324  REVOLT  OF  THE  LINE. 

Secondly,  they  will  find  this  town  more  convenient  to  receive  the  clothing' 
which  is  prepared  in  Philadelphia,  and  will  come  up  by  water.  Thirdly, 
they  will  be  nearer  to  Congress,  to  whom  it  may  be  necessary  to  apply  in 
the  course  of  the  business,  as  the  whole  Continental  army  will  be  affected 
by  the  measures  which  may  be  taken,  in  consequence  of  this  unhappy  event. 
Fourthly,  I  am  persuaded  the  Pennsylvania  Line  have  the  honour  of  the  State 
too  much  at  heart,  to  request  their  President  to  attend  them,  when  conve- 
nience and  propriety  will  make  it  better  on  all  other  accounts  they  should 
come  here,  and  in  this  case  I  should  be  able  to  be  nearer  to  them  than  at 
present. 

I  have  received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Bouzar,  who  signs  as  Secretary,  but 
does  not  say  to  whom,  but  as  it  is  probable  you  can  convey  my  sentiments 
to  him,  I  would  wish  you  to  inform  him,  and  the  persons  with  whom  he  acts 
in  conjunction,  that  it  is  rather  a  regard  to  my  own  station  which  prevents 
my  going  into  Princeton,  than  any  distrust  of  them,  either  on  the  score  of 
safety  or  good  treatment.  But  as  it  is  certain  that  however  just  their  com- 
plaints may  be,  the  power  now  assumed  is  in  opposition  to  the  authority  of 
the  country,  it  would,  I  fear,  give  offence  to  the  people  of  the  State  if  I 
should  even  pass  their  guards.  To  prevent  any  doubt  on  my  part,  I  have 
only  brought  up  a  few  of  the  Pennsylvania  light-horse,  to  serve  as  expresses 
and  for  intelligence,  but  far  be  it  from  me,  but  in  the  last  necessity,  to  ask 
their  service  against  these  our  brethren,  if  they  were  a  more  effective  force 
than  they  are.  You  know,  my  dear  General,  that  I  have  ever  been  a  sol- 
dier's friend,  that  I  have  used  all  my  influence  to  procure  them  comforts  of 
all  kinds,  and  that  they  really  have  been  more  attended  to  than  the  troops 
of  any  other  State,  which  I  am  sure  they  will  acknowledge;  if  we  have  not 
done  better,  it  is  owing  to  a  want  of  means.  We  hourly  expect  great  sup- 
plies from  Europe,  which  would  make  them  easy  on  the  score  of  clothing, 
and  which  I  do  not  think  they  will  ever  want  again.  Though  I  must 
lament  the  unfortunate  occasion,  I  shall  with  great  pleasure  hearken  to 
well-founded  complaints,  and  concur  in  any  reasonable  plan  to  accommodate 
matters  to  general  satisfaction. 

P.  S.  You  will  be  so  good  as  to  communicate  to  the  troops  my  desire 
that  they  would  proceed  to  Trenton  as  soon  as  circumstances  will  admit. 


PRESIDENT  REED  TO  WAYNE.* 

D.  Hunt's,  January  7th. 

I  received  your  letter  last  evening,  giving  our  expectations  of  meeting 
you  this  day.  But  not  hearing  from  you,  I  have  sent  again  to  know  whether 
I  may  expect  you,  and  when  and  whether  any  persons  on  the  part  of  the 

*  This  was  not  sent,  as  Wayne  arrived. 


EXECUTION  OF  THE  SPIES.  325 

troops  will  make  known  their  complaints,  whicli  will  most  certainly  be  re- 
dressed on  every  reasonable  point;  and  when  any  doubt  arises,  the  con- 
struction to  be  in  favour  of  the  soldier.  The  proposals  made  by  them  on 
the  4th  instant  seem  to  form  a  reasonable  ground  of  accommodation.  The 
4th  article  has  been  hastily  drawn  ;  their  own  experience  will  convince 
them  of  the  necessity  of  some  alteration.  It  will  be  necessary  also,  to  dis- 
tinguish those  who  have  freely  enlisted  for  the  War,  otherwise  all  contract 
is  at  an  end,  and  where  they  are  requesting  an  allowance  for  depreciation, 
agreeable  to  contract,  they  certainly  will  not  vindicate  a  breach  of  contract. 
We  will  also  agree  upon  some  equitable  mode  of  determining  who  are  so 
enlisted,  which  may  be  done  by  three  persons  agreed  for  that  purpose. 
But  this  will  not  exclude  those  from  a  gratuity  proportioned  to  their  services. 
They  may  depend  upon  every  just  and  reasonable  allowance,  and  I  hope 
they  have  too  much  honour  and  spirit  to  tarnish  their  former  good  conduct, 
by  asking  unreasonable  things,  or  those  which  are  impracticable.  Their 
honourable  and  patriotic  conduct  this  morning  will  be  ever  remembered  and 
suitably  rewarded,  if  nothing  unfavourable  to  their  country  siiould  happen. 
Should  they  refuse  to  serve  their  country  at  this  time,  it  will  be  an  eternal 
reproach  to  the  State  to  which  they  belong,  and  to  which  they  have  done 
so  much  honour  by  their  bravery;  and  they  must  acknowledge  that  when 
they  compare  the  conduct  of  the  State  to  them  with  that  of  most  other 
States,  they  have  been  better  provided  than  others.  Those  who,  after  being 
discharged,  choose  to  re-enlist,  will  be  kindly  received,  but  they  will  be  at 
their  liberty  to  do  it  or  not.  If  they  choose  to  engage  again,  they  will  be 
allowed  furloughs  to  see  their  friends,  when  the  circumstances  of  the  army 
will  admit.  The  arrear  of  pay,  depreciation,  clothing,  &c.,  I  mentioned  in 
my  former  letter;  these  will  be  taken  care  of  immediately.  Should  they 
take  any  rash  steps  after  this,  all  the  world  will  condemn  them,  and  they 
will  condemn  themselves,  for  America  will  not  be  lost  if  they  decline  their 
assistance  to  save  her. 

On  the  morning  of  this  day,  two  British  Emissaries,  of  the 
name  of  James  Ogden  and  John  Mason,  made  their  appearance 
in  Camp,  and  were  the  bearers  of  an  offer,  such  as  has  been 
ah-eady  described,  from  the  British  Commander-in-chief.  It 
was  wrapt  in  a  piece  of  tea-lead.  They  were  instantly  seized 
and  delivered  to  Wayne,  with  a  promise  on  his  part  that  in 
the  event  of  a  failure  of  the  pending  negotiation,  they  were  to 
be  restored.  It  is  to  this  that  the  President  referred  in  his  last 
letter.* 


*  A  Court  Martial  was  held  on  these  men  on  the  10th,  and  on  the  12th  they 

were  executed  at  the  Cross  Roads  near  Trenton. 


326 


NEGOTIATIONS. 


On  the  7th  the  President  again  writes,  he  having  advanced 
within  a  few  miles  of  the  revolted  troops. 


TO  THE  EXECUTIVE  COUNCIL. 

D.  Hunt's,  four  miles  from  Princeton, 
January  7tb. 

I  have  just  time  to  inform  you  that  the  troops  Iiave  rejected,  with  disdain, 
the  proposition  made  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton  to  join  his  army,  that  I  came 
here  this  morning,  and  have  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  General  Wayne, 
Colonel  Stewart,  and  Colonel  Moylan,  who  have  been  permitted  freely  to 
come  to  me  at  this  place,  and  make  such  a  report  of  the  temper  of  the  men 
as  induces  me  to  go  among  them.  They  express  great  anxiety  for  it,  and 
requested  the  gentlemen,  in  case  I  consented  to  come,  to  let  them  know, 
that  they  might  turn  out  the  line  and  show  all  possible  respect.  These 
circumstances  have  changed  my  resolution  of  not  trusting  them,  but  I  think 
they  will  warrant  the  risk  ;  the  consequences  of  their  defection  to  the  enemy 
are  so  great  and  alarming,  that'I  think  nothing  ought  to  be. left  unattempted 
to  improve  a  good  disposition.  I  have  but  one  life,  and  my  country  has  the 
first  claim  for  it.  I  therefore  go  with  the  cheerfulness  which  attends  per- 
forming a  necessary,  though  not  a  pleasant  duty.  With  my  best  regards 
to  the  gentlemen  of  the  Council,  and  respectful  compliments  to  the  Presi- 
dent of  Congress,  with  whom  I  doubt  not  you  communicate. 

P.  S.  I  propose  to  come  out  of  town  again  this  evening. 


TO  THE  COMMITTEE  OF  CONGRESS.* 

January  8th,  lialf-past  two  o'clock. 

As  you  must  have  received  my  letter  this  morning,  I  need  not  repeat  any 
of  the  transactions  of  yesterday.  I  have  had  no  direct  accounts  from 
Princeton  this  morning,  but,  from  the  straggling  soldiers  and  indirect  intelli- 
gence, I  understand  that  my  proposal  has  been  generally  acceptable,  only 
they  think  it  is  not  quite  explicit  as  to  those  who  received  one  hundred  and 
twenty  dollars,  which  was  a  bounty  given  by  Congress  to  those  whose  times 
were  near  expiring,  and  engaged  again  for  the  War.  I  understand  they  give 
up  the  twenty-dollar  men  ;  and  that  it  now  seems  agreed  to  march  to  Trenton 
to-morrow  morning,  if  ordered,  which  I  think  will  not  be  withheld  under  all 
the  circumstances.  I  therefore  hope  that  Mr.  Nelson  and  Mr.  Stewart  will 
make  preparation.    They  drew  rations  yesterday  for  2000  men,  but  they  have 

*  Bland  Papers,  vol.  ii.  p.  44. 


MR.  REED  AT  CAMP.  327 

not  more  than  1500;  I  doubt  whether  so  many.  A  letter  similar  to  the  former, 
and  wrapped  up  in  sheet  lead,  was  dropped  this  morning  before  the  door 
where  the  sergeants  met,  which  they  delivered  to  General  Wayne.  They 
keep  the  spies  of  yesterday  in  close  prison,  but  have  not  settled  their  fate. 
This  opportunity  offering,  I  thought  it  might  be  agreeable  to  the  Committee 
to  know  the  intelligence  of  the  day;  in  the  afternoon  I  shall  doubtless  hear 
officially.  I  have  despatched  three  of  the  light-horse  toward  Amboy  for 
intelligence.  At  present  we  have  no  accounts  of  the  enemy  of  any  kind, 
but  the  weather  is  very  favourable  to  such  a  movement. 


TO  THE  COMMITTEE  OF  CONGRESS, 

8th  January,  7  P.  M  * 

This  evening  I  received  the  enclosed.  The  accounts  from  Princeton 
seem  very  vague  and  uncertain,  but  less  favourable,  as  confusion  in  their 
claims,  and  want  of  all  other  order  except  military  order,  has  taken  place. 
From  their  conversation,  there  is  little  probability  that  they  will  agree  to 
what  their  sergeants  determine.  I  have  written  to  General  Wayne,  con- 
firming their  proposals  of  last  evening,  but  rejecting  that  now  made,  of  the 
sergeants  sitting  with  the  commissioners.  I  have  also,  agreeably  to  your 
proposal,  insisted  upon  the  spies  being  delivered  up.  This  I  have  men- 
tioned as  a  requisition  from  you,  not  choosing  to  add  or  alter  the  terms  I 
offered.  I  have  also,  in  addition,  directed  them  to  march  to  Trenton  to- 
morrow morning.  If  they  do  neither,  we  must,  however  disagreeable,  use 
force;  for  which  the  country  must  be  prepared,  by  showing  that  terms  of  a 
reasonable  kind  have  been  offered  and  refused.  General  Wayne  has  written 
to  Congress,  but  I  have  directed  the  messenger  to  wait  upon  you.  General 
Wayne's  staying,  in  my  opinion,  is  no  longer  of  any  benefit,  but  otherwise. 
He  promised  to  come  away  this  evening.  What  has  prevented,  I  do  not 
know ;  but  they  certainly  lake  countenance  and  spirit  from  having  him 
among  them.  I  expect  to  have  the  honour  of  seeing  the  Committee  to- 
morrow, at  all  events. 

January  8,  Maidenhead. 

I  returned  from  Princeton  so  late  last  evening,  that  it  was  out  of  my 
power  to  write  as  proposed,  it  being  past  midnight.  I  shall  now  inform  you 
of  the  particulars  of  the  day.  Just  before  [  set  out  from  this  yesterday  a 
sergeant  and  four  men  came  for  the  two  spies.  As  Colonel  Butler  and 
General  Wayne  had  given  their  word  to  redeliver  them,  I  was  not  at  liberty 
to  refuse,  and,  more  especially,  as  in  the  note  they  promised  the  men  should 


*  Bland  Papers,  vol.  ii.  p.  45.  There  is  some  confusion  in  the  dates  of  these 
letters,  and  it  is  not  easy  to  determine  whether  Mr.  Reed  went  into  Princeton  on 
the  8th  or  9th. 


328  NEGOTIATIONS. 

be  forth  com  ing  at  my  order.  Some  gentlemen  thought  this  so  unfavourable 
a  symptom,  that  it  ought  to  change  the  plan,  and  prevent  going  in,  but  as  I 
had  sent  them  word  I  was  coming,  I  did  not  choose  to  run  the  risk  of  disap- 
pointing them,  and  accordingly  went  into  Princeton  at  3  o'clock.  The 
guards,  which  are  regularly  posted,  turned  out  and  saluted  us.  Near  the 
College  1  found  the  whole  line  under  arms,  and  the  artillery  ready  to  dis- 
charge ;  but  this  was  prevented  lest  the  country  should  be  alarmed.  We 
passed  in  the  front,  the  sergeants  having  the  places  of  their  officers  respect- 
ively, and  saluting.  I  did  not  think  it  prudent  to  refuse  them  the  usual 
attention,  though  much  against  my  inclination.  Soon  after  I  dismounted,  a 
number  of  the  sergeants  came,  under  a  pretence  of  knowing  when  they 
should  wait  on  us,  but  really,  as  we  were  informed,  to  ascertain  my  iden- 
tity ;  for  so  amazingly  suspicious  were  they,  that  nothing  but  some  sergeants 
who  had  personal  knowledge  declaring  their  satisfaction,  would  convince  a 
great  number  of  the  soldiery. 

This  ceremony  being  over,  and  an  hour  fixed  to  hear  them,  we  got  what 
intelligence  we  could  of  the  inhabitants ;  but  in  a  few  minutes  Sergeant 
Williams  returned  with  several  others,  bringing  the  two  spies,  whom  they 
had  paraded  through  the  lines.  General  Wayne  and  some  others  strongly 
urged  them  to  execute  them  by  their  own  authority,  or  that  the  board  would 
request  him  to  sign  the  warrant,  but  I  was  sorry  to  observe,  especially  in 
Williams,  an  aversion  to  this,  and  a  strong  desire  to  discharge  them,  with 
a  taunting  message,  to  Sir  Harry  Clinton.  Finding  General  Wayne  not 
likely  to  succeed,  I  proposed  a  middle  way,  viz.,  to  keep  them  under  close 
guard  till  we  should  consider  farther;  and  claimed  their  promise  of  subject- 
ing them  to  my  order.  They  took  them  away  undetermined  ;  and  there 
were  great  debates  at  the  board — the  result  of  which  was,  that  my  advice 
should  take  place,  and  they  were,  accordingly,  put  under  guard  till  farther 
orders.  The  sergeants  in  this,  as  in  most  other  cases,  are,  like  the  men, 
much  divided  in  sentiment;  some  proposing  one  thing,  and  some  another, 
and  agreeing  only  in  those  points  of  common  interest,  arising  from  their 
danger — such  as  keeping  in  a  body,  and  being  regular  and  chaste  in  their 
conduct.  Some  of  the  sergeants  utterly  disapproved  the  executing  them,  as 
it  would  cut  off  all  benefit  of  that  influence  which  might  be  used  to  advan- 
tage in  making  terms ;  some  were  more  open  on  that  subject.  I  fear  they 
will  dismiss  them  to-day,  or  connive  at  their  escape,  though  we  have  taken 
such  measures  as  I  trust  will  hasten  their  journey  to  a  difl^erent  place  than 
New  York.  In  the  evening  they  came,  and  presented  me  the  single  pro- 
position enclosed  ;  after  which  a  long  conference  ensued,  in  which  some  of 
the  sergeants  spoke  with  a  degree  of  intelligence  and  good  sense  that  really 
surprised  me,  and  stated  some  real  hardships  they  have  suflTered,  which  I 
fear  have  too  much  foundation.  I  cannot  but  think  some  undue  methods 
have  been  taken  to  engage  many  in  the  service.  I  therefore  took  up  that 
ground  of  justice  which  appeared  most  likely  to  serve  the  country,  and  con- 
ciliate them,  viz.,  that  all  those  whose  times  were  expired,  and  who  had  not 


NEGOTIATIONS. 


329 


freely  entered  again,  knowing  the  duration  of  the  service,  should  be  di?- 
charged;  holding  firm  the  principle,  that  where  a  man  has  taken  a  bounty 
for  the  War  freely  and  voluntarily,  he  ought  not  to  be  discharged.  This 
occasioned  much  debate,  one  of  the  sergeants  arguing,  with  no  small  spe- 
ciousness,  that  there  was  at  that  time,  viz.  (1776  and  1777)  no  resolve  of 
Congress  to  enlist  during  the  War;  but  an  idea  of  temporary  enlistments, 
which  so  generally  prevailed  that  they  ought  not  to  be  held  to  the  letter  of 
their  enlistments,  but  to  the  spirit  and  general  prevailing  idea  of  Congress 
and  the  country.  After  some  time  we  brought  them  to  acknowledge  that 
the  principle  contended  for  by  the  twenty-dollar  men  was  not  just,  but  they 
expressed  much  doubt  of  convincing  the  men.  Finding  the  evening  to  pass 
away  rapidly,  and  unwilling  to  part  without  some  plan,  I  wrote  the  en- 
closed. If  it  does  not  take  effect,  I  fear  we  shall  be  obliged,  on  some  prin- 
ciple, or  perhaps  no  principle,  to  dismiss  them,  but  I  shall  endeavour  to  have 
this  done  at  Trenton.  I  am  glad  to  find  so.  little  reason  to  think  that  they 
have  prejudices  with  respect  to  Congress ;  their  prejudices  are  most  cer- 
tainly against  their  officers,  and  they  look  to  Congress  and  the  State  for  re- 
dress and  help.  There  is  therefore  no  occasion  for  the  Committee  to  take 
any  other  quarters  than  are  convenient  and  suitable  to  their  rank,  as  I 
should  not  advise  trusting  themselves  within  a  guard  of  mutineers.  I  would 
wish  the  same  of  the  Committee,  on  the  discharging  the  twenty-dollar  men 
voluntarily  enlisted;  this  will  affect  all  other  soldiers  and  future  enlist- 
ments. Upon  the  whole,  I  think  the  terms  I  have  offered  reasonable;  if 
they  are  refused,  or  if  the  men  refiise  to  march  to  Trenton,  it  must  be  evi- 
dent that  they  do  not  mean  sincerely,  and  I  should  hope  the  militia  of 
Jersey  might  be  brought  to  act  against  them.  If  a  Proclamation,  in  the 
name  of  Congress  or  the  State,  reciting  the  terms  offered,  was  drawn  up, 
and  a  number  printed,  we  might  dispose  them  among  the  men,  as  we  have 
reason  to  think  the  sergeants  do  not  always  communicate  freely.  Williams 
is  either  very  ignorant  and  illiterate,  or  was  drunk  yesterday,  as  lie  showed 
no  talents  to  conduct  such  an  enterprise.  The  Proclamation  might  contain 
some  seasonable  advice,  and  I  think  a  little  spirit  would  do  no  harm.  If 
they  offer  to  move  Eastward,  I  shall  throw  myself  between  them  and  the 
enemy  with  what  force  can  be  mustered. 

January  9th. 
I  wrote  you  last  evening  by  Mr.  Dewees,  informing  you  of  the  propo- 
sals made  by  the  sergeants,  and  my  orders  to  the  troops  to  march  to  Tren- 
ton this  morning,  being  resolved  to  open  no  further  negotiation,  but  to  take 
steps  of  a  contrary  kind,  in  which  I  am  of  opinion  we  had  a  good  chance  of 
success.  But  on  my  letter  ffoing  in  to  General  Wayne,  orders  were  given 
to  march  this  morning,  and  having  also  communicated  the  requisition  of  the 
honourable  Committee,  respecting  the  spies,  there  seemed  to  be  a  better  dis- 
position on  that  head.  I  am  in  momentary  expectations  of  hearing  that  they 
are  set  out,  and  hope  the  commissaries  and  quartermasters  will  be  prepared. 


330  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  REVOLT. 

Quartfers  mu.-t  be  provided  for  at  least  1500  men,  though  I  will  endeavour 
to  detach  1000  at  least  to  Bordentown  and  Burlington  to-morrow.  At  Tren- 
ton, I  expect  they  will  receive  their  officers;  and  that  is  my  greatest  con- 
cern at  present,  as  they  appear  so  deeply  to  resent  the  conduct  of  the  troops 
to  them  personally.  Had  General  Wayne  not  given  a  promise  of  general 
pardon  the  2d  January,  and  confirmed  it  on  the  7th,  I  should  have  excepted 
the  men  who  insulted  their  officers,  if  they  could  have  been  discovered.  I 
was  somewhat  apprehensive  that  the  delivering  up  the  spies,  being  an  an- 
nexed condition  to  the  pardon,  would  have  involved  some  difficulties,  but  I 
now  rather  think  it  had  a  good  effect. 

I  beg  leave  to  offer  it  as  my  opinion  that  for  the  sake  of  conveniency,  as 
well  as  dignity,  the  Committee  retire  a  little  distance  from  them,  until  the 
officers  have  taken  their  places,  and  order  is  restored  ;  for  they  are  so  igno- 
rant and  capricious,  that  I  would  not  be  within  their  guards  myself  for  any 
time,  lest  some  wicked  rascals,  of  whom  they  have  too  many,  should  suggest 
mischief.  Besides  that,  I  fear  they  will  presume  upon  finding  themselves 
treated  with  by  Congress,  of  whom,  at  present,  notwithstanding  what  has 
been  said,  I  think  they  entertain  respectful  ideas. 

I  apprehend  that  the  Committee  have,  in  their  first  resolve,  mistaken  the 

bounty for  a  bounty  of  120  dollars.     I  beg  leave  to  explain  that 

matter  as  I  understand  it.  Congress,  with  a  view  of  conciliating  those  sol- 
diers who  had  served  for  some  time,  (being  enlisted  for  —  , )  ordered  100 

dollars  to  be  given  them,  under  that  description.  The  officers  took  the  op- 
portunity to  turn  it  into  a  bounty  for  enlisting,  and  induced  many  who  had 
enlisted  for  three  years  or  during  the  war,  to  take  the  money  and  sign  a 
receipt,  expressing  they  had  taken  that  as  a  bounty  to  enlist  for  the  war; 
some  refused  to  take  it,  alleging,  that  as  they  were  not  engaged  for  the  war 
they  were  not  entitled  to  it.  And  I  fear  upon  inquiry,  it  will  be  found  that 
the  officers,  by  rigorous  methods,  forced  them  into  the  acceptance ;  or  at 
least  that  they  did  so  in  many  instances.  As  there  was  a  doubt  in  the  case, 
I  thought  it  better  to  resolve  this  point  in  the  soldiers'  favour,  and  consider  it 
as  gratuity,  rather  losing  some  money  than  dispute  a  doubtful  matter.  Then 
came  the  120  dollars  which  was  a  bounty  for  re-enlistment,  so  understood, 
and  freely  taken  by  many ;  perhaps  there  might  be  compulsion  as  to  some, 
but  I  believe  not  many.     I  wait  here  for  intelligence  of  their  movement. 

P.  S.  f  have  no  account  yet  from  the  messengers  sent  to  South  Amboy. 
Ten  o'clock.  I  am  just  informed  that  the  troops  have  paraded,  and  are  set 
out. 

The  terms  finally  agreed  upon  were  that  no  soldier  was  to  be 
retained  in  service  for  a  longer  period  than  that  for  which  he 
had  voluntarily  enlisted.  When  the  terms  of  enlistment  were  in 
the  alternative,  three  years  or  the  war,  they  were  to  be  under- 
stood as  for  three  years,  the  arrearages  of  pay  were  to  be  set- 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  REVOLT.  331 

tied,  and  the  depreciation  ascertained,  and  clothes  were  to  be 
supplied.  All  matters  of  difference  as  to  the  terms  themselves 
were  to  be  determined  by  a  board  of  three  persons  to  be 
chosen  by  Congress.* 

One  other  incident  in  this  affair  should  not  be  omitted.  Ge- 
neral Wayne  had  promised  the  two  sergeants  a  reward  of  fifty 
guineas  for  arresting  and  surrendering  the  British  spies,  and  on 
the  final  adjustment  of  the  dilHculty,  President  Reed  declared 
his  willingness  to  comply  with  this  promise.  The  sergeants  were 
sent  for,  and  the  money  offered  to  them.  They  declined  ac- 
cepting it,  on  the  ground  that  in  what  they  had  done,  they  acted 
only  by  the  orders  of  the  Board  of  Sergeants.  The  hundred 
guineas  were  then  offered  to  the  Board,  who  returned  this  re- 
markable answer: — 

"  Agreeable  to  the  information  of  two  sergeants  of  our  Board, 
who  waited  on  your  Excellency,  that  in  consideration  of  the 
two  spies,  they  informed  the  remainder  of  the  Board  that  your 
Excellency  has  been  pleased  to  offer  a  sum  of  gold  as  a  com- 
pensation for  our  fidelity ;  but  as  it  has  not  been  for  the  sake,  or 
through  any  expectation  of  receiving  a  reward,  but  for  the  zeal 
and  love  of  our  country,  that  we  sent  them  immediately  to  General 
Wayne,  we,  therefore,  do  not  consider  ourselves  entitled  to  any 
other  reward  but  the  love  of  our  country,  and  do  jointly  agree 
that  we  shall  accept  of  no  other." 

No  one  will  now  question  that  the  arrangement  actually 
made,  though  it  led  to  the  dissolution,  in  great  measure,  of  the 
line,  was  the  best  that  the  circumstances  admitted.  Owing  to 
the  energy  and  practical  discretion  of  the  authorities,  no  part 
of  the  discredit  rested  on  them,  which  two  years  later  fell  on 
Congress  and  the  State  Executive  when  they  fled,  almost  in 
panic  from  Philadelphia,  before  a  mere  handful  of  revolted 
soldiers.     Yet  it  is  equally  certain  that  this  salutary  pacifica- 

*  Mr.  Sparks,  in  his  note  to  Washington,  vii.  359,  has  stated  that  there  was  a 
stipulation  that  three  Commissioners,  named  by  the  troops,  were  also  to  act.  This 
is  an  error.  Such  a  proposition  was  made  and  peremptorily  rejected.  The  ac- 
tual terms  will  be  found  in  Hazard's  Register,  ii.  138,  and  the  President's  letter,  re- 
fusing to  permit  the  appointment  by  the  mutineers,  at  p.  189.  Marshall  seems  to 
have  fallen  into  the  same  mistake. 


r32  SIR  HENRY  Clinton's  plans. 

tion  in  \vhich,  at  the  time,  all  concurred,  was  subsequently 
made  the  subject  of  unpleasant  criticism.  The  mind  of 
General  Washington  seems  to  have  been  in  some  degree 
poisoned,  and  there  are  phrases  in  some  of  his  letters, 
written  several  weeks  later,  that  indicate  very  clearly  his 
regret  at  what  was  done.  Traces  of  this  and  the  effect  on  Mr. 
Reed  will  be  found  in  the  private  correspondence.  Yet  at 
the  time,  when  under  a  strong  sense  of  the  embarrassments 
which  prevented  him  from  making  the  least  movement,  he 
thought  very  differently.  Writing  to  Governor  Weare  of 
New  Hampshire  as  late  as  the  22d  January,  Washington  said: 
"The  weakness  of  this  garrison,  but  still  more  its  embar- 
rassing distress  for  want  of  provisions,  made  it  impossible  to 
prosecute  such  measures  with  the  Pennsylvanians,  as  the 
nature  of  the  case  demanded  ;  and  while  we  were  making 
arrangements,  as  far  as  practicable,  to  supply  these  defects,  an 
accommodation  took  place,  which  will  not  only  subvert  the 
Pennsylvania  line,  but  have  a  very  pernicious  influence  on  the 
whole  army.  I  mean,  however,  by  these  remarks  only  to  give 
an  idea  of  the  miserable  situation  we  are  in,  and  not  to  blame 
a  measure  which  perhaps  in  our  circumstances  was  the  best 
that  could  have  been  adopted.  The  same  embarrassments 
operate  against  coercion  at  this  moment,  but  not  in  so  great  a 
degree ;  the  Jersey  troops  not  being,  from  their  numbers,  so 
formidable  as  were  the  Pennsylvanians."* 
.  It  is  most  probable  that  the  mode  of  carrying  into  effect  the 
arrangement,  and  the  necessity  of  taking  the  oath  of  the  soldiers 
as  the  evidence  of  the  terms  of  enlistment,  were  more  ob- 
jectionable than  the  arrangement  itself  The  danger  of  the 
times,  the  extreme  risk  vs'hich  the  authorities  ran,  and  the 
necessity  of  immediate  compromise,  are  clearly  shown  in  Sir 
Henry  Clinton's  confidential  letter  to  his  government.  To  the 
last,  even  after  his  spies  were  arrested,  he  seems  to  have 
hopes  that  the  mutineers  might  be  tempted  to  march  towards 
Staten  Island  where  he  was  in  full  force  ready  to  receive  and 
protect  them.f     Party  feeling,  which  never  seems  to  have  en- 

*  Sparks'  Washington,  vol.  vii.  382. 

t  Almon's  Remembrancer,  vol.  xi.  p.  148. 


PROCLAMATION  OF  COUNCIL.  333 

tirely  slumbered,  was  virulently  active  at  a  crisis  like  this. 
The  President  had  to  deal  not  only  with  armed  mutineers  at 
Trenton,  but  with  discontent  in  its  most  vexatious  form  in 
Philadelphia. 

During  his  absence,  the  Vice-President,  Mr.  Moore,  and  the 
Council,  anxious  to  do  their  share  of  duty  in  composing  this 
dangerous  excitement,  set  on  foot  a  subscription  loan,  hoping 
to  raise  by  voluntary  contribution,  15  or  20,000/.  in  specie  or 
its  equivalent,  to  m.eet  the  immediate  exigency.  They  wrote 
to  the  President  they  had  done  so,  and  he  pledged  his  word  as 
we  have  seen,  to  the  troops,  to  secure  them  the  necessary  sup- 
plies. To  their  great  morlification,  but  1400/.  was  subscribed. 
Justly  indignant  at  this,  and  determined  even  by  the  resort  to 
extreme  measures,  to  meet  public  expectation,  Mr.  Reed  on  his 
return  issued  the  following  brief  proclamation. 


PROCLAMATION  OF  THE  EXECUTIVE  COUNCIL. 

Philadelphia,  January  15,  1781. 

The  President  of  the  State  informs  the  merchants  and  other  citizens  of 
Philadelphia,  that  though  the  unhappy  discontents  which  prevailed  in  the 
Pennsylvania  line,  which  have  had  such  melancholy  consequences,  are  now 
in  the  way  of  accommodation,  the  apprehensions  of  intercourse  with  the 
enemy  extinguished,  and  their  proceeding  to  the  City  in  a  body  with  their 
arms  prevented,  yet  this  has  been  done  in  consequence  of  solemn  pro- 
mises entered  into  on  the  part  of  the  State,  and  in  which  the  personal 
honour  of  its  first  officer  is  deeply  engaged.  The  troops  have  had  no  pay 
for  twelve  months;  there  are  many  of  them  destitute  of  clothing;  the 
officers  are  in  a  situation  equally  deplorable,  destitute  of  money,  many 
without  shoes  or  decent  linen.  The  treasury  is  exhausted,  the  civil  officers 
of  government,  after  having  devoted  their  time  to  its  service,  are  content 
to  be  postponed,  and  submit  to  the  inconveniences  of  being  without  money. 
If,  under  these  circumstances,  those  who  are  reaping  the  benefit  of  a  pro- 
tecting army  and  the  security  of  civil  government,  and  pursuing  their  own 
interest,  will  not  assist  the  public  with  only  a  small  portion  of  their  stock 
on  this  emergency,  they  must  expect,  and  can  only  blame  themselves  for 
the  consequences.  The  President,  after  seeing  the  inconsiderable  subscrip- 
tion made  in  his  absence,  thinks  it  his  duty,  however  unpleasant,  to  state 
these  facts,  and  to  entreat  his  fellow-cilizens  to  bestow  some  attention  to 
the  public  exigencies  at  this  critical  time,  and  if  this  address  does  not  sue- 


334  Armstrong's  letter. 

ceed,  a  general  and  total  suspension  of  all  foreign  trade  will  be  recommended 
by  the  Supreme  Executive  Council,  until  affairs  take  a  more  favourable 
turn.* 

This  seems  to  have  produced  some  effect,  but  new  attacks 
were  made  by  the  party  press  on  Mr.  Reed,  for  this  stretch  of 
Executive  authority,  and  deeply  wounded  at  what  had  been 
said  and  done,  he  thought  it  right  to  suspend  the  subscription, 
and  rely  for  aid  alone  on  the  constituted  authorities.  His  old 
and  faithful  friend  General  Armstrong  thus  expressed  hearty 
sympathy  with  his  vexations. 


ARMSTRONG  TO  PRESIDENT  REED. 

Carlisle,  5th  Feb.,  1781. 
Dear  Sir, 

Induced  by  so  natural  an  opportunity  as  the  present  by  Mr.  Duncan,  I  am 
led  to  express  my  sympathy  with  your  Excellency  in  the  various  public 
perplexing  scenes  which  have  lately  fallen  to  your  lot.  That  of  our  soldiery, 
humiliating  as  it  is,  has  received  a  decision,  with  which  few  are  fully 
pleased,  and  as  few  pretend  to  complain,  not  being  able  to  point  out  a  better 
way,  I  pretend  not  to  say  what  the  consequence  may  be,  farther  than  that 
it  will  undoubtedly  increase  the  public  debt,  is  in  itself  a  bad  omen,  and 
matter  of  the  greatest  mortification  we  have  yet  received  ;  how  long  this 
revolt  has  been  a  brewing,  and  what  the  leading  sources  of  it  may  have 
been  is  best  known  to  themselves,  but  I  have  my  fears  that  some  kind  of 
remissness  in  discipline  or  other  imprudence  in  the  officers  may  have  hap- 
pened ;  that  our  officers  are  faithful  and  assiduous  loo  in  what  they  consider 
as  the  chief  ingredients  of  their  calling,  I  have  no  doubt;  but  the  duty  as 
well  in  prudentials  as  in  morals,  is  more  extensive  than  young  soldiers 
generally  imagine;  to  give  but  one  instance,  and  would  to  God  we  had  it 
not  to  give,  if  fame  may  be  believed,  the  most  audacious  kind  of  profane 
swearing  is  said  to  have  obtained  amongst  the  privates  of  our  line,  even  in 
an  unequalled  degree.  If  this  is  true,  does  it  not  but  too  strongly  confirm 
the  apprehension  above. 

We  hear  that  the  Supreme  Council  have  stopped  the  port  of  Philadelphia 

*  The  Committee  of  the  Council  of  Censors  in  1783  censured  this  non-expor- 
tation order  as  a  violent  outrage  committed  on  the  commerce  of  this  State,  and  a 
dangerous  violation  of  the  constitution. — Journals,  p.  166. 

It  was  an  easy  thing  when  the  war  was  over,  to  criticise  the  acts  which  its 
exigencies  required. 


MESSAGE  TO  ASSEMBLY.  335 

— this  moment  your  Excellency's  representation  of  the  15th  ult.  on  that 
matter  is  handed  to  me,  which  is  satisfactory  on  the  point,  and  I  see  I  have 
not  guessed  amiss  on  your  personal  difficulties,  although  one-half  of  them 
has  not  reached  this  place.  Patience  is  a  virtue  as  much  at  this  time  as 
ever.  If  the  wealthy  citizens  would  yet  offer  a  voluntary  and  adequate 
loan,  will  it  not  be  best  to  accept  it]  I  am  sorry  that  any  of  the  officers  and 
soldiers  have  so  much  cause  of  complaint,  and  knew  before  that  we  were 
their  debtors,  but  have  no  need  to  retract  the  idea  above,  this  being  only  a 
confidential  line  of  sympathy  and  regret.  The  conduct  of  Virginia  in  suf- 
fering the  enemy's  ravages  a  second  time  with  total  impunity,  must  bear 
very  hard  on  the  honour  of  the  Dominion.  This  is  indeed  a  time  for  divine 
interposition;  may  it  be  granted  in  our  favour.* 

I  wrote  you  a  line  or  two  when  you  probably  were  out  of  town,  but  of  a 
private  nature.  Col.  Davis,  the  bearer,  is  not  yet  returned.  At  the  desire 
of  General  Gates,  Major  Armstrong  is  gone  up  to  visit  him ;  by  the  letter  it 
appears  that  he  and  Mrs.  Gates  are  in  a  very  disconsolate  situation. f 
General  Greene,  left  at  Charlotte  in  the  command,  arrived  at  that  post  on 
the  2d  of  December. 

The  new  State  money  passes  readily  here ;  but  tradesmen  and  shopkeepers 
are  depreciating  it  every  day:  nor  will  they  part  with  any  of  their  wares  or 
manufactures  for  less  than  one-fourth  more  than  we  know  they  would  take 
in  hard  money  if  laid  down,  and  tell  us  it  is  the  case  in  Philadelpiiia. 
I  am,  sir,  with  perfect  respect, 
Your  Excellency's 

Most  humble  servant, 

John  Armstrong. 

On  the  2d  June  following,  the  secret  and  malignant  murmurs 
not  having  subsided,  Mr.  Reed  sent  to  the  Assembly  the  fol- 
lowing Message.^ 


MESSAGE  TO  ASSEMBLY. 

Philadelphia,  June  2d,  1781. 
It  is  with  great  concern  that  I  find  myself  under  the  necessity  of  recalling 
the  attention  of  the  Honourable  House  to  a  subject  which  I  hoped  would 
have  been  buried  in  oblivion.  I  mean  the  mutiny  of  the  Pennsylvania  Line 
last  winter.  Seeking  no  praise,  but,  as  I  conceive,  deserving  no  censure 
for  the  transaction,  as  conducted  by  General  Potter  and  myself,  I  find  pre- 

*  This  passage  refers  to  Arnold's  incursion  in  Virginia. 
t  Gates  had  just  lost  his  only  son,  Robert  Gates. 
t  Journal  of  Assembly,  p.  657. 


336  REPORT  OF  COMMITTEE. 

judices  diffused,  injurious  not  only  to  our  public  characters,  but  to  the  inte- 
rest and  credit  of  the  government.  I  am  therefore  to  request  the  House 
would  be  pleased  to  re-appoint  a  committee  of  inquiry,  upon  whose  report 
the  sense  of  the  Legislature  may  be  publicly  declared.  If  it  shall  appear 
that  the  welfare  of  the  Slate,  the  rights  of  the  officers,  or  ti>e  more  general 
interests  of  America  have  been  wantonly  or  ignorantly  sacrificed,  we  are 
content,  and  it  will  be  the  duty  of  the  House  to  affix  a  mark  of  disapproba- 
tion upon  our  measures;  if  otherwise,  justice  and  candour  will,  we  trust, 
equally  lead  to  justify  and  approve. 

As  some  gentlemen,  whose  presence  may  be  necessary,  are  about  leaving 
town  on  public  duty,  I  musi  beg  the  favour  of  the  House  to  expedite  the 
execution  of  my  request,  if  it  meets  with  approbation. 

I  am,  sir,  with  great  respect  and  regard. 

Your  obedient  and  very  humble  servant, 

Joseph  Reed. 
The  Honourable  Frederick  A.  Muhlenberg,  Esq., 
Speaker  of  the  General  Assembly. 

The  majority  of  the  House,  it  will  be  recollected,  was  in  op- 
position, and  the  Committee  to  which  the  Message  was  referred 
had  the  same  complexion.  Mr.  Morris  was  chairman,  and 
General  Mifflin  a  member.  On  the  11th  the  Committee  made 
a  report,  which  was  agreed  to  without  dissent. 

"The  Committee  to  which  the  letter  from  his  Excellency  the  President 
of  the  State  of  the  2d  instant  was  referred,  beg  leave  to  report : 

"That  all  the  members  of  the  Committee,  except  Mr.  Galbraith,  were 
members  of  a  Committee  appointed  by  the  House  at  their  last  sitting,  to 
examine  into  the  causes  and  consequent  transactions  of  the  mutiny  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Line  of  the  Army  of  the  United  States ;  upon  which  they  re- 
ported, among  other  things,  (as  appears  by  the  minutes  of  the  House,)  that 
all  the  engagements  or  promises  made  by  his  Excellency  the  President  of 
this  State  and  General  Potter,  ought  to  be  fulfilled  as  soon  as  possible,  and 
that  the  House  should  take  the  most  effectual  means  to  enable  a  compliance 
therewith;  that  Committee  being  perfectly  satisfied  that  his  Excellency  and 
General  Potter  had  conducted  the  business,  so  far  as  they  were  concerned, 
with  zeal  and  attention  to  their  country;  and  that  General  Wayne,  Colonel 
Butler,  and  Colonel  Stewart,  actuated  by  the  same  zeal  and  attachment, 
had  also  done  everything  in  their  power  to  bring  the  soldiery  back  to  their 
duty. 

"Your  present  Committee,  agreeably  to  the  request  of  his  Excellency, 
having  gone  into  the  consideration  of  these  matters  in  consequence  of  re- 
ports that  have  been  spread  through  the  country  to  his  disadvantage,  and 
having  heard  several  gentlemen  on  the  subject,  who  were  witnesses  to  the 


PLAN  OF  ASSOCIATION.  337 

whole  or  greatest  part  of  these  transactions,  are  now  of  opinion  that  his 
Excellency  the  President  of  this  State  and  General  Potter  did  proceed  upon 
the  business  aforesaid  by  appointment  of  the  Honourable  the  Supreme  Exe- 
cutive Council,  and  also  at  the  desire  and  special  request  of  General  Wayne, 
Colonel  Butler,  and  Colonel  Stewart,  as  appears  by  their  letter,  dated 
Princeton,  January  4,  1781.  That  they  were  likewise  empowered  so  to  do 
by  Congress,  and  that  their  measures  were  acquiesced  in  by  a  Committee 
of  Congress,  sent  there  for  the  like  purpose;  and,  finally,  it  is  the  opinion  of 
this  Committee  that  his  Excellency  the  President  of  this  State  and  General 
Potter  did  render  on  that  occasion  every  service  to  their  country  that  cir- 
cumstances and  the  nature  of  the  transaction  would  admit  of" 

In  April  of  this  year,  Mr.  Reed  received   from  Governor 
Livingston  tlie  following  admonitory  letter. 


GOVERNOR  LIVINGSTON  TO  PRESIDENT  REED. 

Trenton,  April  11th,  1781. 

I  was  told  a  few  days  ago  by  a  man  who  had  made  his  escape  from  New 
York,  after  having  been  thirteen  months  a  prisoner  with  the  enemy,  that  I 
might  depend  upon  it  there  were  four  parties  out  to  take  or  assassinate 
General  Washington,  your  Excellency,  me,  and  a  fourth  person,  whose  name 
he  did  not  hear  or  had  forgot.  As  I  frequently  receive  accounts  of  this  kind 
of  expedition  against  myself,  which  sometimes  prove  true  and  sometimes 
otherwise,  I  paid  no  great  attention  to  the  man's  report.  But  I  yesterday 
received  a  letter  from  General  Washington,  dated  the  8th  instant,  in  which 
there  is  this  paragraph: — "Intelligence  has  been  sent  me  by  a  gentleman 
living  near  the  enemy's  lines,  and  who  has  an  opportunity  of  knowing  what 
passes  among  them,  that  four  parties  had  been  sent  out  with  orders  to  take 
or  assassinate  your  Excellency,  Governor  Clinton,  me,  and  a  fourth  person, 
name  not  known."* 

It  seems,  therefore,  highly  probable  that  the  gentleman,  whose  name  my  in- 
formant did  not  remember,  was  Governor  Clinton,  and  the  gentleman  whose 
name  was  not  transmitted  to  General  Washington,  is  your  Excellency. 

This  confirmation  of  my  intelligence  gives  the  matter  so  serious  an 
aspect  that  I  think  it  my  duty  to  advise  your  Excellency  of  what  has  come 
to  my  knowledge,  that  you  may  take  such  precautions  on  the  occasion  as 
appear  to  you  necessary.  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  the  greatest 
esteem. 

Dear  Sir,  your  Excellency's  most  humble,  &c. 

W.  Livingston. 


*  Sparks'  Washington,  vii.  471. 
VOL.  II.  ^  22 


338  GOVERNOR  LIVINGSTON. 

There  is  no  trace  of  the  danger  alluded  to  in  any  other 
part  of  the  correspondence,  and,  while  it  is  fair  to  presume 
that  no  such  bloody  scheme  was  authorhzed  by  the  British 
Commander-in-chief,  yet  there  was,  no  doubt,  more  than  one 
desperate  enterprise  against  the  American  leaders,  concerted 
by  unscrupulous  subordinates  of  all  ranks.  Livingston  and 
Reed  were  especially  obnoxious.*  They  were  known  as  Exe- 
cutive officers  of  energy  and  activity,  conducting  public  affairs 
in  States  contiguous  to  the  scene  of  military  action,  and  while 
Livingston  was  more  than  once  driven  from  his  home  by  the 
hand  of  the  armed  incendiary,  it  was  within  the  scope  of 
reasonable  calculation  that  the  secret  assassin  misht  reach  Mr. 
Reed.  The  death  of  either  at  such  a  juncture  would  have  been 
a  severe  blow  to  the  American  cause.  Of  William  Livingston 
it  may  be  incidentally  observed  that  the  Revolution  did  not  pro- 
duce a  truer,  sturdier  patriot,  one  who  went  to  greater  extremities 
in  his  practical  detestation  of  the  oppressive  conduct  of  Great 
Britain,  and  in  active  sympathy  with  his  injured  countrymen. 
There  was  no  compromise — no  half-way  action  in  New  Jersey's 
Revolutionary  Governor.^ 

*  From  Philadelphia  Paper,  14th  Nov.  1781. 

"  Philadelphia,  November  14lh,  '81. 

"On  Thursday  morning  last,  Laurence  Marr  and  John  Moody,  both  of  Colonel 
Burton's  Tory  regiment,  were  apprehended  in  this  city,  on  suspicion  of  being 
spies.  On  the  two  following  days,  they  were  indulged  with  a  candid  and  full 
hearing,  before  a  respectable  board  of  officers,  whereof  the  Honourable  Major- 
General  the  Marquis  de  la  Fayette  was  President.  It  appeared  their  business 
■was  to  steal  and  carry  off  the  secret  Journals  of  Congress,  and  other  papers,  to 
New  York.  They  have  made  several  interesting  discoveries  of  many  persons  in 
these  States,  who  are  doing  their  utmost  to  ruin  their  country.  The  names  of 
these  ingrates  will  appear  in  proper  time.  The  Board  of  officers  having  reported 
to  the  Honourable  Board  of  War,  their  opinion  was  approved,  and  Marr  and 
Moody  were  both  sentenced  to  die  ;  which  sentence  was  executed  on  Moody  yes- 
terday  between  the  hours  of  11  and  12.  Marr  is  respited  until  Friday,  the  23d 
inst.  From  Saturday  evening  until  yesterday,  the  criminals  were  both  attended 
by  a  gentleman  of  the  clerical  order,  who  gives  us  ground  to  hope  they  were  real 
penitente,  as  from  the  beginning  of  their  confinement  they  manifested  the  greatest 
contrition  for  all  their  sins,  political  and  moral.  The  enemy,  who  at  this  period 
seem  equal  to  no  exploits  superior  to  robbing  mails  and  stealing  papers,  may 
thank  the  monster,  Benedict  Arnold,  their  beloved  friend,  for  the  untimely  death 
of  this  young  man,  who  was  only  in  his  twenty-third  year." 

t  Theodore  Sedgwick's  Memoir  of  William  Livingston,  published  in  1833,  con- 
ains  an  excellent  review  of  his  distinguished  life. 


CHAPTER   XV. 
1781. 

Greene  and  Henry  Lee — Greene's  character — His  Letter,  19th  September,  1780 
— Takes  command  of  the  Southern  Army — Letter  9th  January,  1781 — Diffi- 
culties  of  his  position — Wants  of  the  Army — Henry  Lee's  Letter  to  Mr.  Reed 
— Lord  Cornwallis's  Military  Operations — Advantage  of  Regular  Troops — 
Greene's  Letter  of  18th  March — Retreat  to  North  Carolina — Returns  to  South 
Carolina — Battle  of  Guilford  Court-House — Letter  from  Camden,  May  4th — 
State  of  Affairs  in  the  South — Wayne  goes  South — Mr.  Reed's  Letter  on  Pub- 
lic Affairs,  June,  1781 — Plan  of  Military  Operations — Grayson's  Letters — Pro- 
posed History  of  the  Revolution — Greene's  Letter  from  High  Hills — Battle  of 
Camden — Washington  advances  to  Virginia — Wayne's  Letters — Surrender  of 
Cornwallis — Action  of  Pennsylvania  Executive. 

The  two  individuals  to  whom  Mr.  Reed  was  most  sincerely 
attached,  and  the  constancy  of  whose  friendship,  through  every 
vicissitude,  never  faltered,  were  Greene  and  Henry  Lee.  They 
were  about  this  time,  the  beginning  of  1781,  transferred  to  a 
distant  station,  and  Greene,  taking  command  of  the  Southern 
Army,  inspired  it  at  once  with  his  own  spirit,  and  began  that 
brilliant  series  of  military  operations  which  so  largely  contri- 
buted to  the  successful  termination  of  the  War. 

To  General  Greene's  peculiar  merits,  History  has  scarcely 
yet  done  justice,  and  it  may  be  pardoned  in  the  biographer  of 
one  who  knew  and  loved  him  well,  incidentally  to  pay  some 
part  of  the  tribute  which  has  been  thus  delayed.  Pon- 
derous biographies  and  popular  memoirs  have  been  written, 
and  yet,  in  his  actual  relations  to  the  American  cause,  he  has 
not  had  the  discriminating  praise,  which  far  outweighs  all 
formal  panegyric*  Had  Mr.  Reed's  life  been  prolonged,  it  was 
his  intention  to  write  Greene's  Life.  Portions  of  an  incom- 
plete sketch  are  now  in  my  possession.     No  one  knew  him 

*  The  best  biography  of  Greene  is  that  by  his  grandson,  published  in  Sparks' 
American  Biography. 


340  grkene's  character. 

better,  or  had  higher  quahfications  for  such  a  work.  They 
were  thrown  in  constant  association,  in  confidential  and  fami- 
liar correspondence,  and  in  every  relation  which  leads  to 
just  estimate  of  character  and  fair  appreciation  of  merit. 
They  had  other  sympathies.  They  were  Washington's  first 
and  truest  friends.  It  was,  as  we  have  seen,  a  subject  of  re- 
proach to  Washington  that  Greene  and  Reed  were  among 
his  acknowledged  favourites.*  They  were,  at  the  same 
moment,  the  objects  of  obloquy,  and  rising  superior  to  the 
malignant  aspersions  that  were  cast  on  them,  had  with  each 
other  the  sympathy  of  mutual  triumph.  Greene,  as  Quar- 
termaster-General, and  Reed,  as  President'  of  Pennsylvania, 
were  high  targets,  for  the  duties  of  each  post  were  those  which 
involved  all  kinds  of  delicate  and  painful  responsibility.  The 
more  thoroughly  and  scrupulously  these  duties  were  discharged, 
the  greater  the  exposure  to  censure. 

It   was  not   till   the   close   of  the   War  that  Greene  was 
promoted  to  a  separate  command.      From  the  time  he  joined 
the    army   at   Cambridge    till    his   appointment    to    succeed 
Gates  in  the  Carolinas,  he  was  all  the  time  a  mere  General 
of  Division  near  the  Commander-in-chief     But  in  this  rela- 
tively subordinate   position,  his  duty  was  exactly  and  unob- 
trusively performed — what  he  had    to  do,   he  did   well,   and 
whilst  within  the  sphere  of  his  functions,  everything  was  com- 
plete, there  was  none  of  that  exorbitance  or  restlessness  of 
action  which  characterized  others  in  the  same  rank.     He  had 
no  plans  of  his  own  to  be  carried  out  apart  from  the  general 
operations  of  a  campaign.     He  seemed  to  have  no  wish  to 
make  a  separate  fame  for  himself     The  reputation  he  sought 
was  that  of  doing  a  precise  duty  well.     No  one  suspected  him 
of  schemes  to  supplant  Washington  ;  no  one  heard  from  his  lips 
a  whisper  in  derogation  of  Washington's  true  merit.     All  such 
machinations  were  left  to  Gates  and  Conway  and  Lee,  the  ad- 
venturers who  came  from  abroad  to  fight  for  themselves  quite 
as  much  as  for  us.   Greene  was  thoroughly  an  American  man, 
with  all  the  strong,  manly  sense  which  marks  his  immediate 
countrymen,  and  yet  with  no  tinge  of  offensive  local  peculi- 
arity. 

*  Vol.  i.  p.  343. 


Greene's  character.  341 

Unaccomplished  and  unskilled  in  the  science  of  war,  he  was 
competent,  as  was  proved,  by  the  power  of  his  own  genius,  to 
thwart  the  plans  of  the  most  complete  soldiers,  for  such  were 
Cornwallis  and  Rawdon,  whom  Great  Britain  sent  to  execute 
her  plans  of  subjugation.  Whenever,  I  repeat,  Greene  had  a 
specific  duty  to  perform,  he  did  it  thoroughly.  Such  was  the 
case  especially  at  Brandywine,  where  the  severest  fighting  oc- 
curred betv/een  Cornwallis's  triumphant  troops,  and  Greene's 
reserve,  near  Dilworth,  and  at  Germantown,  where  the  left 
wang,  under  his  immediate  command,  nearly  broke  the  British 
line  at  the  Market  House.  His  administration  of  the  Commis- 
sariat, when  carefully  studied,  will  add  much  to  his  substan- 
tial fame, — quite  as  much,  in  the  view  of  the  discriminating 
student,  as  the  more  showy  incidents  of  his  life,  for  here  it  was, 
that  in  the  vexatious  detail  of  supplies,  and  general  provision  for 
the  army,  greater  and  more  practical  ability  was  requisite.  To 
furnish  an  army  in  a  country  of  agricultural  or  commercial  re- 
sources, where  adequate  pecuniary  means  are  at  command,  and 
where  it  requires  mere  fighting,  the  dispersion  of  enemies  in  the 
field,  or  the  capture  of  towns  is  very  different,  and  far  easier 
than  to  maintain  a  defensive  army  in  a  country  whose  agricul- 
ture has  been  laid  waste,  whose  commerce  is  destroyed,  and 
whose  currency  is  utterly  worthless.  Such  was  the  duty  which 
Greene  discharged  not  only  amidst  popular  discontent,  but  the 
more  unnatural  clamours  of  Congress  and  those  mercenary 
factions,  which  throughout  the  Revolution,  w^ere  busy  in  impe- 
ding every  step  which  the  decisive  patriots  had  to  take.  He  re- 
signed this  duty  only  when  it  was  apparent  that  such  influences 
were  combined  against  him  as  insured  discredit  and  ignominy 
to  his  future  career. 

When  removed  to  an  independent  command  in  the  Southern 
country,  Greene  at  once  asserted  his  claim  to  the  unhesitating 
honours  of  a  grateful  country,  and  the  correspondence  presently 
to  be  resumed  will  show  through  what  difficulties  and  embar- 
rassments he  fought  his  way,  and  how  resolutely  he  overcame 
them  all  To  Mr.  Reed  he  wrote  in  the  confidence  of  the  most 
unrestrained  and  unsuspecting  friendship,  and  in  what  he  writes 
either  to  his  confidential  friends  or  to  his  official  superiors,  no 


342  GENERAL  TAYLOR. 

one  can  fail  being  struck  with  the  simple  and  manly  style  in 
which  he  expresses  himself  —  the  homely,  plain  English, 
that  best  of  idioms  for  manly  thought,  telling  his  story  in 
the  most  direct  form,  without  a  superfluous  word  or  at- 
tempt to  adorn  the  simple  and  stern  realities  which  he  de- 
scribed.* General  Greene's  despatches  from  South  Carolina 
during  the  campaign  of  1781  are  worthy  of  the  same  praise, 
w^hich,  by  common  consent,  at  the  moment  that  I  am  now 
writing,  is  bestowed  on  the  public  and  private  letters  from  the 
conqueror  of  Monterey  and  Buena  Vista.  The  curious  inquirer 
may  find  a  further  and  closer  parallel  between  these  gallant 
men,  the  soldiers  of  America's  unpretending  chivalry,  in  the 
embarrassments  which  perplexed  their  military  career,  and 
in  the  honours  won  at  a  comparatively  late  period  of  their 
professional  lives.  One  might  have  pined  away  unknown, 
and  uncared  for,  in  some  distant  frontier  garrison,  with 
no  higher  function  than  to  watch  transplanted  Indians,  but  for 
the  accidental  necessity  or  motives  of  policy  which  led  to  his 
appointment  to  the  Mexican  frontier,  and  Greene  would  have 
been  comparatively  unknown  to  fame,  but  for  his  promotion,  in 
the  last  year  of  the  Revolution,  to  the  command  in  the  Caro- 
linas.  Such  are  the  accidents  that  lead  to  the  developement 
and  illustration  of  genius. 

On  the  19th  September,  1780,  Greene,  on  hearing  of  the 
disaster  at  Camden,  and  before  the  idea  of  his  succeeding  Gates 
in  the  command  appears  to  have  occurred  to  any  one,  thus 
wrote  to  Mr.  Reed. 


GREENE  TO  REED. 

Camp,  September  19th,  1780. 
My  dear  Sir, 

I  have  only  time  by  Captain  Walker,  to  inform  you  that  the  Commander- 
in-chief  is  gone  to  Hartford  to  meet  Count  de  Rochambeau  and  Admiral 
Ternay.     This  meeting  was  at  the  request  of  the  French  officers,  to  fix 

*  I  m;iy  be  allowed  to  express  the  hope  that  at  no  distant  day  General  Greene's 
Despatches  and  General  Correspondence,  will  be  collected  and  edited  with  the 
same  diligence  and  good  taste  as  has  been  bestowed  on  that  of  Washington.  Col- 
lections of  original  letters  are  the  best  contributions  to  history. 


GATEs's  RESIGNATION.  343 

upon  some  future  plan  of  operations.  Whatever  may  be  their  or  our  wishes, 
I  am  afraid  we  have  neitiier  men  nor  provisions  to  attempt  any  offensive  ope- 
rations. Admiral  Rodney  is  arrived  at  New  York,  with  ten  sail  of  the  line, 
and  a  report  prevails  that  another  division  is  to  follow  of  equal  strength. 
This  confirms  the  reports  respecting  Count  de  Guichen  coming  upon  the 
coast,  as  it  is  not  probable  that  Rodney  would  leave  such  a  naval  force  behind 
as  the  combined  fleets  would  form.  Reports  from  New  York  say  that  Rod- 
ney is  going  to  join  Arbuthnot,  and  that  an  attack  is  intended  upon  the  fleet 
and  army  at  Newport.  I  think  this  is  possible,  but  not  probable.  Preparations 
for  a  considerable  embarkation  have  been  making  for  some  time  in  New  York. 
The  destination  of  the  troops  is  unknown,  but  from  a  combination  of  circum- 
stances, I  am  led  to  believe  they  are  going  to  Virginia.  The  refugees  of 
that  country  being  invited  to  engage  in  it. 

What  measures  are  taking  with  respect  to  our  southern  affairs  1  The 
plan  of  calling  out  great  bodies  of  militia  must  be  destructive  in  the  end. 
The  resources  of  the  country  cannot  support  it ;  and  though  at  first  it  may 
afford  a  seeming  security,  yet  it  in  time  will  really  weaken  the  opposition 
by  wasting  the  strength  of  the  country  to  little  purpose.  What  is  wanting 
in  that  quarter  is  a  good  regular  army,  not  large,  but  yet  sufficiently  strong 
to  confine  the  enemy  from  overrunning  the  country.  To  attempt  the  ex- 
pulsion of  the  enemy  out  of  the  Southern  States  before  we  have  a  Navy  to 
aid  our  operations,  will  be  a  folly,  and  end  in  disgrace  and  disappointment. 
The  General  that  commands  there  ought  to  act  altogether  upon  the  defensive. 
This  plan  will  not  be  agreeable  to  the  inhabitants  of  that  country,  who  are 
impatient  under  their  sufferings,  and  are  anxious  to  make  every  exertion 
to  recover  the  Southern  States ;  but  the  more  we  waste  our  strength  in 
such  a  fruitless  attempt,  the  less  we  shall  be  able  to  give  protection  to  the 
rest  of  the  Southern  States  not  yet  in  the  enemy's  power. 

General  Gates's  late  misfortune  will  sink  his  consequence,  and  lessen  his 
military  character.  He  is  bandied  about  and  subjected  to  many  remarks; 
the  common  fate  of  the  unfortunate.  Whether  he  has  been  to  blame  or  not, 
I  cannot  pretend  to  judge;  and  shall  leave  those  who  were  nearer  at  hand, 
to  fix  the  public  opinion. 

Captain  Walker  is  impatient  to  go,  therefore  I  must  close.  I  send  you  a 
New  York  paper  containing  the  news  of  Admiral  Rodney's  arrival. 

Doctor  Shields  informs  me  that  the  enemies  to  Government  with  you, 
propagate  a  report  that  your  calling  out  the  Militia  in  the  manner  you  did, 
was  a  wanton  display  of  power,  and  without  the  request  of  the  Commander- 
in-chief  I  am  in  hopes  the  General  has  written  you  on  the  subject,  and 
put  it  in  your  power  to  contradict  the  reports,  and  bring  shame  and  confu- 
sion upon  your  enemies. 

I  beg  my  compliments  to  Mrs.  Reed, 

And  am,  with  respect  and  regard. 

Your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

N.  Greene. 


344  SOUTHERN  CAMPAIGN. 

The  following  correspondence  after  Greene  took  command 
in  the  South, — letters  written  from  the  seat  of  war,  and  amidst 
most  intense  anxiety,  as  well  as  in  the  closest  and  most  unre- 
served confidence, — is  now  for  the  first  time  published.  It  tells 
the  history  of  the  Campaign  from  the  beginning. 


GREENE  TO  REED. 

Camp  on  the  Pedee,  January  9th,  1781. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  intended  to  have  written  you  before,  but  I  have  been  so  employed  since 
I  left  Philadelphia,  that  I  have  been  obliged  to  deny  myself  the  pleasure  of 
writing  to  my  friends,  to  attend  to  the  more  immediate  duties  of  my  depart- 
ment. On  my  journey  I  visited  the  Maryland  and  Virginia  Assemblies, 
and  laid  before  them  the  state  of  this  army,  and  urged  the  necessity  of  an 
immediate  support.  They  both  promised  to  do  everything  in  their  power, 
but  such  was  their  poverty,  even  in  their  Capitals,  that  they  could  not  fur- 
nish forage  for  my  horses.  I  have  also  written  to  the  States  of  Delaware 
and  North  Carolina,  neither  of  which  have  taken  any  measures  yet  for 
giving  effectual  aid  to  this  army.  I  left  General  Gist  in  Maryland,  and 
Baron  Steuben  in  Virginia,  to  forward  the  recruits  and  supplies.  Measures 
are  taking  in  Virginia  which  promise  us  some  aid,  though  very  trifling  to 
what  they  ought  to  give,  and  what  our  state  requires.  All  the  way  through 
the  country,  as  I  passed,  I  found  the  people  engaged  in  matters  of  interest 
and  in  pursuit  of  pleasure,  almost  regardless  of  their  danger.  Public  credit 
totally  lost,  and  every  man  excusing  himself  from  giving  the  least  aid  to 
Government,  from  an  apprehension  that  they  would  get  no  return  for  any  ad- 
vances.   This  afforded  bat  a  dull  prospect,  nor  has  it  mended  since  my  arrival. 

I  overtook  the  army  at  Charlotte,  to  which  place  General  Gates  had  ad- 
vanced. The  appearance  of  the  troops  was  wretched  beyond  description, 
and  their  distress,  on  account  of  provisions,  was  little  le.ss  than  their  suffer- 
ings for  want  of  clothing  and  other  necessaries.  General  Gates  had  lost 
the  confidence  of  the  officers,  and  the  troops  all  their  discipline,  and  so  ad- 
dicted to  plundering,  that  they  were  a  terror  to  the  inhabitants.  The 
General  and  I  met  upon  very  good  terms,  and  parted  so.  The  old  gentle- 
man was  in  great  distress,  having  but  just  heard  of  the  death  of  his  son  be- 
fore my  arrival. 

The  battle  of  Camden  is  spoken  of  very  differently  here  to  what  it  is  to 
the  Northward,  and  as  for  a  regular  retreat,  there  was  none;  every  man  got 
off  the  ground  in  the  best  manner  he  could.  This  is  the  account  Colonel  Wil- 
liams gives,  who  was  one  of  the  last  on  the  field.  Indeed,  the  whole  busi- 
ness was  a  short  fight  and  then  a  perfect  flight,  and  the  greatest  loss  happened 
after  the  troops  broke,  and  attempted  to  make  their  escape.     From  al!  I  can 


SOUTHERN  CAMPAIGN.  845 

learn,  if  General  Gates  had  stopped  at  Charlotte,  little  more  disgrace  would 
have  fallen  to  his  share  than  is  common  to  the  unfortunate.  Generals  Gates 
and  Smallwood  were  not  upon  good  terms;  the  former  suspected  the  latter 
of  having  an  intention  to  supplant  him.  Some  think  General  Gates's  sus- 
picions were  groundless,  and  had  no  other  foundation  but  the  General's  own 
imagination.  Others  are  of  opinion  that  they  were  well  founded,  and  that 
my  appointment  was  a  great  disappointment  as  well  as  mortification  to 
Smallwood.  How  the  matter  was  I  know  not.  The  General  (Smallwood) 
is  gone  to  the  Northward,  having  declared,  for  re3?ons,  that  he  could  not 
think  of  submitting  to  the  command  of  Baron  Sleuben,  and  that  if  justice 
was  done  him  and  the  State,  his  commission  would  be  dated  at  least  two 
years  earlier  than  his  appointment.  I  expostulated  with  him  upon  the  im- 
possibility of  the  thing,  let  his  private  merit  be  ever  so  great,  but  it  was  all 
to  no  purpose.  He  was  fixed  in  the  principle,  and  determined  upon  the 
measure.  He  has  many  enemies  in  the  Maryland  line,  but  upon  tiie  whole 
1  think  him  a  sensible  man  and  a  good  officer. 

The  wants  of  this  army  are  so  numerous  and  various,  that  the  shortest 
way  of  telling  you  is  to  inform  you  that  we  have  nothing,  as  General  Du 
Portail  can  inform  you  from  his  own  observation.  The  great  departments 
of  the  army  had  nobody  at  the  head  of  them,  fit  to  provide  in  a  country  like 
this  for  a  sergeant's  party.  I  have  got  Colonel  Carrington  to  accept  of  the 
Quartermaster-General's  department,  and  am  in  hopes  of  getting  a  good 
man  at  the  head  of  the  Commissaries,  without  which  I  foresee  we  must 
starve.  I  am  endeavouring  to  bring  everything  into  order,  and  perfect  our 
arrangements  as  much  as  possible,  but  it  is  all  an  up-hill  business. 

The  loss  of  our  army  in  Charleston,  and  the  defeat  of  General  Gates  has 
been  the  cause  of  keeping  such  vast  shoals  of  militia  on  foot,  who,  like  ihe 
locusts  of  Egypt,  have  eaten  up  everything,  and  the  expense  has  been  so 
enormous,  that  it  has  ruined  the  currency  of  the  State.  It  is  my  opinion 
there  is  no  one  thing  upon  the  Continent  that  wants  regulating  so  much,  as 
the  right  which  the  States  exercise  of  keeping  what  militia  on  foot  they 
please  at  the  Continental  expense.  I  am  persuaded  North  Carolina  has 
militia  enough  to  swallow  up  all  the  revenues  of  America,  especially  under 
their  imperfect  arrangements,  where  every  man  draws  and  wastes  as  much 
as  he  pleases.  The  country  is  so  extensive  and  the  powers  of  Government 
so  weak,  that  everybody  does  as  he  pleases.  The  inhabitants  are  much 
divided  in  their  political  sentiments,  and  the  Whigs  and  Tories  pursue  each 
other  with  little  less  than  savage  fury.  The  back-country  people  are  bold 
and  daring  in  their  make,  but  the  people  upon  the  sea-shore  are  sickly  and 
but  indifferent  militia.  The  ruin  of  the  State  is  inevitable  if  there  are  such 
large  bodies  of  militia  kept  on  foot.  No  army  can  subsist  in  the  country 
long  if  the  ravages  continue.  Indeed,  unless  this  army  is  better  supported 
than  I  see  any  prospect  of,  the  Country  is  lost  beyond  redemption,  for  it  is 
impossible  for  the  people  to  struggle  much  longer  under  their  present  diffi- 
culties.    There  appears  a  foolish  pride  in  the  representation  of  things  from 


346  HENRY  LEE. 

this  quarter;  the  strength  and  resources  of  the  Country  are  far  overrated, 
and  those  who  are  engaged  in  this  business,  to  indulge  their  pride,  will 
sacrifice  tlieir  Country.  The  inhabitants  are  beginning-  to  move  off  in  great 
bodies,  and  unless  a  firmer  barrier  can  be  formed,  this  quarter  will  be  all 
depopulated.  We  are  living  upon  charity,  and  subsist  by  daily  collec- 
tions. Indian  meal  and  beef  is  our  common  diet,  and  not  a  drop  of  spirits 
have  we  had  with  us  since  I  came  to  the  army.  An  army  naked  and  sub- 
sisted in  this  manner,  and  not  more  than  one-third  equal  to  the  enemy  in 
numbers,  will  make  but  a  poor  fight,  especially  as  one  has  been  accustomed 
to  victory  and  the  other  to  flight.  Il  is  difficult  to  give  spirits  to  troops  that 
have  nothmg  to  animate  them. 

I  iiave  been  obliged  to  take  an  entire  new  position  with  the  army.  Gene- 
ral Morgan  is  upon  Broad  River  with  a  little  flying  army,  and  Colonel  Wash- 
ington since  his  arrival  there  has  defeated  a  party  of  Tories,  the  particulars 
of  which  I  beg  leave  to  refer  you  to  the  President  of  Congress  for.  This 
Camp  I  mean  as  a  Camp  of  repose,  for  the  purpose  of  repairing  our  wagons, 
recruiting  our  horses,  and  disciplining  the  troops. 

Colonel  Lee  has  just  arrived,  and  his  corps  is  in  good  order,  and  I  am 
told  Colonel  Greene  from  Virginia  is  at  hand. 

General  Lesly  with  his  detachment  has  arrived  at  Camden,  and  we  have 
reports  that  another  is  coming. 

I  beg  my  compliments  to  all  friends. 

And  am,  with  great  esteem  and  regard. 

Your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

N.  Greene. 


HENRY  LEE  TO  PRESIDENT  REED. 

On  Pedee  River,  South  Carolina,  January  9th,  178L 

— I  not  only  discharge  a  debt  which  my  friendship  owes  by  this  address,  but 
execute  in  some  degree  that  duty  which  my  country  has  a  right  to  exact 
from  me  as  their  servant.  I  have  lamented  through  the  progress  of  the  war, 
the  imperfect  manner  in  which  all  events  are  communicated  to  those  whose 
station  calls  for  the  most  accurate  account  of  every  material  transaction. 
One  characteristic  is  applicable  to  most  of  our  public  relations,  and  is  parti- 
cularly applicable  to  those  from  this  quarter.  Exaggeration  of  successful 
operations,  diminution  to  adverse.  From  hence  arise  those  false  hopes 
which  influence  our  Councils  and  operate  on  the  exertions  of  the  people. 
This  single  consideration  ought  to  influence  a  perfect  communication  be- 
tween those  in  the  field  and  those  at  the  head  of  affairs,  and  indeed  I  think 
if  the  printers  would  refuse  the  publication  of  reports,  it  would  have  a  happy 
issue  on  the  temper  of  the  people.     I  wrote  to  General  Wayne  yesterday. 

1  beg  to  refer  you  to  him  for  the  relation  of  past  occurrences  [ ] 

Southern  army,  their  pos 


lee's  letter.         *  347 

The  two  letters  will  present  you  wilh  a  comprehensive  view  of  the 
general  face  of  affairs  in  the  Southern  district.  Lord  Cornwallis,  con- 
summate in  the  art  of  war,  his  decision  and  conduct  on  the  16th  of  August, 
will  ever  do  him  honour.  On  retiring  from  Charlotte  he  made  a  most 
masterly  disposition  of  his  army,  comprehending  within  his  posts  the  rich 
western  country  of  South  Carolina.  Camden,  Ninety-Six,  and  George- 
town are  his  most  important  posts.  He  is  nursing  his  army,  recruiting  his 
horse,  augmenting  his  cavalry,  and  establishing  a  traitorous  correspondence 
with  the  inhabitants  of  North  Carolina.  From  the  best  accounts,  I  reckon 
the  British  army  inclusive  of  the  garrison  at  Charleston,  and  including 
General  Lesly's  reinforcement,  will  amount  to  5000  effectives.  Add  to 
this  computation  a  numerous  cavalry,  perhaps  one  thousand,  on  the  leinonary 

plan.       With   this   army   he   can   [ ]    through    North    Carolina, 

pro  [ ]  lower  route.     It  is  a  [ ]  that  the  major  part  of  the 

State  are  in  the  British  interest,  and  that  the  enemy  will  receive  every  aid 
as  soon  as  they  can  establish  themselves  in  any  part  of  the  lower  country, 
or  in  any  important  point  in  the  upper.  In  my  opinion  a  very  different 
policy  must  be  pursued  by  the  General  commanding  tlie  Southern  army, 
from  what  was  pursued  in  the  Northern  States.  There  it  was  our  interest 
to  keep  on  the  country  flank  of  the  foe.  Here  it  is  our  plan  (in  my 
humble  opinion,)  to  move  in  the  lower  country,  keeping  an  army  of  ob- 
servation on  the  left  flank.  You  must  know  that  only  on  the  rivers  is  there 
the  least  attention  to  agriculture  among  these  people,  unless  high  up  in  the 
couiitry.  The  settlements  on  the  river  are  rich  and  populous  ;  the  inter- 
mediate lands  barren  and  unsettled.  Therefore  the  motions  of  the  armies 
must  be  from  river  to  river,  striking  at  the  head  of  navigation,  and  receiving 

by  boats  the  produce  on  [ ]  ments.    Should  Cornwallis  [ 

]  the  upper  route,  it  will  be  in  Greene's  power  to  preserve  himself  in 

the  lower  country,  and  subsist  his  army  on  its  retrograde;  while  General 
Morgan,  with  the  aid  of  our  back  friends,  may  harass  and  disturb  the 
enemy's  progress.  Should  he  take  the  lower  route,  the  difficulty  of  subsist- 
ing the  flank  detachment,  will  be  very  great,  nor  can  the  army  support 
itself  comfortably  during  its  retreat.  The  enemy  are  making  preparations 
to  move  out,  though  from  the  impoverished  state  of  their  horses,  I  flatter 
myself  we  shall  not  be  disturbed  for  three  or  four  weeks.  If  you  hear  that 
the  enemy  move  on  the  Salisbury  route,  and  there  is  no  correpponding 
operation  from  Virginia,  or  via  Cape  Fear  River,  be  as.'^ured  we  shall 
battle  them,  unless  the  country  deprive  us  of  every  assistance.     If  they 

move  on  the  lower  route  they  will  proceed  in  [ ]  this  army  [  — 

]    properly  clothed  and  fed  regularly;    this  representation    is   very 

different  from  what  you  have  from  the  civil  characters  of  North  Carolina. 
Rely  on  it,  the  zeal  of  those  gentlemen  leads  them  into  mistakes.  I  dare 
say  they  w:ll  tell  you  of  the  mighty  exertions  of  their  State.  It  is  natural 
to  good  men  to  wish  that  their  countrymen  should  act  with  propriety,  but  it 


348  SOUTHERN  CAMPAIGN. 

is  a  public  misfortune  tiiat  this  disposition  should  create  opinions  and  issue 
informations,  which  in  their  con?equences  are  injurious  to  the  public  good. 
I  remember  well  when  I  was  in  Philadelphia,  and  Cornwallis's  retreat  from 
Ciiarlolte  was  announced,  some  gentlemen  high  in  office  from  the  Southern 
world,  spoke  confidently  of  the  capture  of  tiie  British  army.  Our  regular 
force  in  the  field  was  not  adequate  to  the  capture  of  a  British  regiment,  nor 
had  this  little  force  supplies  of  provision  to  support  them  three  days.     How 

horrid  is  it  that  the  public  [ ]  by  the  communi  [ ]. 

Every  little   [ ]   is   cried  up  into  a  victory ;  when  [ ] 

British  Chief  will  readily  sacrifice  one  thousand  of  those  poor  wretches  to 
destroy  one  hundred  of  our  regular  troops.  Indeed  such  an  exchange 
would  hardly  be  accepted  by  us. 

General  Greene  is  exerting  himself  wilii  great  wisdom.  His  movement 
from  Charlotte  was  most  judicious.  His  Camp  on  this  river  abounds  with 
supplies  for  man  and  horse,  procured  by  his  personal  efforts.  Ho  has  wisely 
declined  the  aid  of  one  class  of  the  North  Carolina  militia  who  were  ordered 
out,  and  is  assiduous  in  his  attempts  to  clothe  and  discipline  his  little 
brigade.  I  very  well  know  that  irregulars  are  completely  unfit  for  the 
war  in  this  country,  notwithstanding  Campbell's  glorious  success  at  King's 
Mountain.  They  will  do  in  the  flank  of  the  enemy,  and  will  suit  Morgan's 
detachment  exactly.  His  business  is  to  harass,  our  business  to  force  the 
enemy  from  their  posts;  irregulars  will  do  very  well  for  the  one,  but  will 
not  answer  where  much  patience  is  required  in  the  operations,  and  where 
want  of  correspondence  in  motion  may  blast  the  best-concerted  plan.  Were 
we  equal  to  the  enemy  in  regulars,  and  clad,  a  position  on  the  Santee 
River  would  oblige  Cornw-allis  to  relinquish  his  possessions  ;  indeed  there  is 
nothing  so  easy  as  to  restore  the  country  of  South  Carolina  had  we  but  an 
army  of  5000  regulars. 

This  army  must  be  had,  and  well  supplied,  or  our  allies  must  assist  the 
operations  in  the  countr}'.  If  neither  is  done,  I  pronounce  without  any  pre- 
tension to  the  gift  of  prophecy,  that  North  Carolina  will  be  added  to  the 
British  dominions  in  America  before  '82.  The  Marquis  Lafayette  and 
General  Wayne  would  be  of  infinite  sf;rvice  in  this  country.  I  wish  to 
God  they  were  sent  here  forthwith.  I  hope  to  hear  from  you  whenever 
leisure  will  permit,  and  beg  you  to  accept  my  most  earnest  wishes  for  your 
public  and  private  prosperity. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

Henry  Lee.* 

GREENE  TO  REED. 

Camp  near  the  Iron  Works,  March  18th,  1781. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  been  too  much  engaged  since  the  enemy  crossed  the  Catawba 
to  keep  up  my  correspondence  regularly  with  you.     I  have  had  the  plea- 

*  The  above  letter  is  much  mutilated  by  fire. 


SOUTHERN  CAMPAIGN.  349 

sure  to  receive  several  letters  from  you,  but  no  opportunity  to  anpvvor  them. 
To  the  best  of  my  remembrance  the  last  time  I  wrote  you  was  at  the  Pedee 
just  after  Tarleton's  defeat,  wherein  I  informed  you  that,  notwithstanding 
that  success,  we  had  little  to  hope,  and  much  to  fear.  The  operations  since 
have  verified  my  apprehensions.  North  Carolina  has  been  as  nearly  reduced 
as  ever  a  State  was  in  the  universe,  and  escape.  Our  force  was  so  small, 
and  Lord  Cornwallis's  movements  were  so  rapid,  that  we  got  no  reinforce- 
ments of  militia,  and  therefore  were  obliged  to  retire  out  of  the  State,  upon 
which  the  spirits  of  the  people  sunk,  and  almost  all  classes  of  the  inhabi- 
tants gave  themselves  up  for  lost.  They  would  not  believe  themselves  in 
danger  until  they  found  ruin  at  their  doors.  The  foolish  prejudice  of  the 
forr.iidableness  of  the  militia  being  a  sufficient  barrier  against  any  attempts 
of  the  enemy,  prevented  the  Legislature  from  making  any  exertions  equal 
to  their  critical  and  dangerous  situation.  Experience  has  convinced  them 
of  their  false  security.  It  is  astonishing  to  me  how  these  people  could  place 
such  a  confidence  in  a  militia  scattered  over  the  fiice  of  the  whole  earth, 
and  generally  destitute  of  everything  necessary  to  their  own  defence.  The 
militia  in  the  back  country  are  formidable,  the  others  are  not,  and  all  are 
very  ungovernable  and  difficult  to  keep  together.  As  they  have  generally 
come  out,  twenty  thousand  might  be  in  motion,  and  not  five  hundred  in  the 
field. 

After  crossing  the  Dan,  and  collecting  a  few  Virginia  militia,  finding  the 
enemy  had  erected  their  standard  at  Hillsborough,  and  the  people  began  to 
flock  to  it  from  all  quarters,  either  for  protections,  or  to  engage  in  their  ser- 
vice, I  determined  to  recross  at  all  hazards,  and  it  was  very  fortunate  that 
I  did,  otherwise  Lord  Cornwallis  would  have  got  several  thousand  recruits. 
Seven  companies  were  enlisted  in  one  day.  Our  situation  was  desperate 
at  the  time  we  recrossed  the  Dan;  our  numbers  were  much  inferior  to  the 
enemy,  and  we  were  without  ammunition,  provisions,  or  stores  of  any  kind, 
the  whole  having  retired  over  the  Stanton  River.  However,  I  thought  it  was 
best  to  put  on  a  good  face,  and  make  the  most  of  appearances.  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Lee's  falling  in  with  the  Tories  upon  the  Haw  almost  put  a 
total  stop  to  their  recruiting  service.  Our  numbers  were,  doubtless,  greatly 
magnified,  and  pushing  on  boldly  towards  Hillsborough,  led  Lord  Cornwallis 
into  a  belief  that  I  meant  to  attack  him  wherever  I  could  find  him.  The 
case  was  v.-idely  difl^erent.  It  was  certain  I  could  not  fight  him  in  a  gene- 
ral action  without  almost  certain  ruin.  To  skirmish  with  him  was  my  only 
chance.  Those  happened  daily,  and  the  enemy  suffered  considerably;  but 
our  militia  coming  out  principally  upon  the  footing  of  volunteers,  they  fell 
ofl^  daily  after  every  skirmish,  and  went  home  to  tell  the  news.  In  this 
situation,  with  an  inferior  force,  I  kept  constantly  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Lord  Cornwallis  until  the  6th,  when  he  made  a  rapid  push  at  our  Light  In- 
fantry, commanded  by  Colonel  Williams,  who  very  judiciously  avoided  the 
blow.  This  mancBuvre  of  the  enemy  obliged  me  to  change  my  position. 
Indeed,  I  rarely  ever  lay  more  than  two  days  in  a  place.  The  country, 
being  much  of  a  wilderness,  obliged  the  enemy  to  guard  carefully  against  a 


350  OTHO  H.  WILLIAMS. 

surprise,  and  rendered  it  difficult  to  surprise  us.  We  had  few  wagons  with 
us — no  baggage,  and  only  tents  enough  to  secure  our  arms  in  case  of  a 
wasting  rain. 

Here  has  been  the  field  for  the  exercise  of  genius,  and  an  opportunity  to 
practise  all  the  great  and  little  arts  of  war.  Fortunately,  we  have  blun- 
dered through  without  meeting  with  any  capital  misfortune.  On  the  11th 
of  this  month  I  formed  a  junction,  at  the  High  Rock  Ford,  with  a  consider- 
able body  of  Virginia  and  North  Carolina  militia,  and  with  a  Virginia  regi- 
ment of  eighteen  months'  men.  Our  force  being  now  much  more  consider- 
able than  it  had  been,  and  upon  a  more  permanent  footing,  I  took  the 
determination  of  giving  the  enemy  battle  without  loss  of  time,  and  made 
the  necessary  dispositions  accordingly.  The  battle  was  fought  at  or  near 
Guilford  Court-House,  the  very  place  from  whence  we  began  our  retreat 
after  the  Light  Infantry  joined  the  army  from  the  Pedee.  The  battle  was 
long,  obstinate,  and  bloody.  We  were  obliged  to  give  up  the  ground,  and 
lost  our  artillery,  but  the  enemy  have  been  so  soundly  beaten  that  they 
dare  not  move  towards  us  since  the  action,  notwithstanding  we  lay  within 
ten  miles  of  him  for  two  days.  Except  the  ground  and  the  artillery,  they 
have  gained  no  advantage;  on  the  contrary,  they  are  little  short  of  being 
ruined.  The  enemy's  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  cannot  be  less  than  be- 
tween six  and  seven  hundred,  perhaps  more.  Victory  was  long  doubtful, 
and  had  the  North  Carolina  militia  done  their  dtity,  it  was  certain.  They 
had  the  most  advantageous  position  I  ever  saw,  and  left  it  without  making 
scarcely  the  shadow  of  opposition.  Their  General  and  Field  Officers  ex- 
erted themselves,  but  the  men  would  not  stand.  Many  threw  away  their 
arms,  and  fled  with  the  utmost  precipitation,  even  before  a  gun  was  fired 
at  them.  The  Virginia  militia  behaved  nobly,  and  annoyed  the  enemy 
greatly.  The  horse,  at  different  times  in  the  course  of  the  day,  performed 
wonders.  Indeed,  the  horse  is  our  great  safeguard,  and  without  them  the 
militia  could  not  keep  the  field  in  this  country.  Colonel  Williams,  who 
acts  a?  Adjutant-General,  was  very  active,  and  to  this  officer  I  am  greatly 
indebted  for  his  assistance.*  Burnet  is  one  of  the  fine.'^t  young  men  I  ever  saw, 
and  will  make  one  of  the  greatest  military  characters.f  I  am  happy  in  the 
confidence  of  the  army,  and,  though  unfortunate,  I  lose  none  of  their  esteem. 
Never  did  an  army  labour  under  so  many  disadvantages  as  this;  but  the  for- 
titude and  patience  of  the  officers  and  soldiery  rise  superior  to  all  difficul- 
ties. We  have  little  to  eat,  less  to  drink,  and  lodge  in  the  woods  in  the 
midst  of  smoke.  Indeed,  our  fatigue  is  excessive.  I  was  so  much  over- 
come night  before  last  that  I  fainted. 

Our  army  is  in  good  spirits,  but  the  militia  are  leaving  us  in  great  numbers 
to  return  home  to  kiss  their  wives  and  sweethearts. 

I  have  never  felt  an  easy  moment  since  the  enemy  crossed  the  Catawba 

*  Otho  H.  Williams,  of  Maryland.  I  have  in  my  possession  copies  of  very 
interesting  letters  fi-om  Greene  to  Colonel  Williams. 

+  Major  Burnet,  the  father  of  Hon.  Jacob  Burnet,  of  Cincinnati. 


SOUTHERN  CAMPAIGN. 


351 


until  since  the  defeat  of  the  15th,  but  now  I  am  perfectly  ea«y,  being  per- 
suaded it  is  out  of  the  enemy's  power  to  do  us  any  great  injury.  Indeed,  I 
think  they  will  retire  as  soon  as  they  can  get  off  their  wounded.  My  love 
to  your  family  and  all  friends.  You  will  please  to  accept  this  short  account 
until  I  have  a  better  opportunity  to  write  you." 

GREENE  TO  REED. 

Camp  near  Camden,  on  the  West  side  of 

the  Wateree,  May  the  4th,  1781, 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  been  in  this  department  near  six  months,  and  have  written  you 
several  letters,  without  receiving  a  line  of  remembrance.  Formerly  I  used 
to  flatter  myself  of  holding  a  place  in  your  friendship,  and  my  being  sent  to 
this  unfortunate  country,  I  hope,  has  not  lessened  it;  for  I  am  sure  I  never 
had  more  need  of  it  in  my  life,  either  for  consolation  or  support. 

The  nature  of  the  war  and  the  circumstances  of  this  country  appear  to  be 
little  known  to  the  Northward.  The  strength  and  resources  of  these  States 
to  support  the  war  have  been  greatly  magnified  and  overrated,  and  those 
whose  business  and  true  interest  it  was  to  give  a  just  slate  of  the  situation 
of  things,  have  joined  in  the  deception,  and  from  a  false  principle  of  pride  of 
having  the  country  thought  powerful,  have  led  people  to  believe  it  was  so. 
It  is  true  there  were  many  inhabitants,  but  they  were  spread  over  a  great 
extent  of  country,  and  near  equally  divided  between  the  King's  interest  and 
ours.  The  majority  is  greatly  in  favour  of  the  enemy's  interest  now,  as 
great  numbers  of  the  Whigs  have  left  the  country.  The  produce  that  is 
raised  in  the  country  is  difficult  to  collect,  from  the  extent  of  country,  in 
the  best  of  times,  and  utterly  impossible  to  do  it  now,  as  all  the  horses  and 
means  of  transportation  are  destroyed.  The  love  of  pleasure  and  the  want 
of  principle,  among  many  of  those  who  are  our  friends,  render  the  exertions 
very  languid  in  support  of  our  cause;  and  unless  the  Northern  Stales  can 
give  more  etfectual  support,  these  States  must  fall,  and,  what  is  worse,  I  am 
afraid  this  fall  will  lay  a  foundation  to  sap  the  liberties  of  all  the  rest;  for 
the  enemy  recruits  with  great  facility  in  these  States,  and  the  service  in 
this  quarter  is  so  disagreeable  to  our  soldiers,  from  the  scanty  supplies,  that 
many  of  them  enter  their  service.  The  enemy  have  got  a  much  firmer 
footing  in  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  than  is  generally  believed.  Camden, 
Ninety-Six,  and  Augusta  cover  all  the  fertile  parts  of  these  States;  and  the 
enemy  have  laid  waste  the  upper  country  in  such  a  manner  that  an  army 
cannot  subsist  in  the  neighbourhood  of  them;  and  tliis  must  secure  their 
posts.  Nothing  but  a  superior  army  to  the  enemy's  collective  force  can  give 
relief  to  this  distressed  country,  the  miseries  of  which  exceeds  all  belief. 
Nor  do  I  believe  any  people  suffered  greater  calamities.  The  Whigs  and 
the  Tories  are  butchering  one  another  hourly.  The  war  here  is  upon  a 
very  different  scale  to  what  it  is  to  the  Northward.  It  is  a  plain  business 
there.    The  geography  of  the  country  reduces  its  operations  to  two  or  three 


352  BATTLE  OF  CAMDEN. 

points.  But  here  it  is  everywhere;  and  the  country  is  so  full  of  deep  rivers 
and  impassable  creeks  and  swamps,  that  you  are  always  liable  to  misfortunes 
of  a  capital  nature.  In  collecting  provisions  and  forage,  we  are  obliged  to 
send  the  same  guards  and  escorts  as  if  tlie  country  was  avowedly  our  enemy's. 

Some  of  the  States,  when  ruin  approaches  them,  exert  themselves;  but 
the  difficulties  and  danger  no  sooner  subside  than  they  sink  down  into  their 
former  sloth  and  inattention,  and  seem  to  be  content  with  the  merit  of  what 
they  have  done,  without  once  considering  what  there  is  to  do.  This  is  the 
case  with  Virginia,  who  exerted  herself  greatly  on  the  enemy's  approach 
this  last  winter,  but  have  left  us  to  ourselves  ever  since.  North  Carolina 
did  nothing  at  all  until  she  saw  that  we  would  not  let  the  enemy  possess 
the  State  quietly.  There  are  many  good  Whigs  in  the  State,  but  I  verily 
believe  the  Tories  are  much  the  most  numerous,  and  the  Whigs  are  so  fond 
of  pleasure,  that  they  have  but  little  relish  for  the  rugged  business  of  war. 
Government  is  so  feeble  that  it  is  next  to  nothing,  and  the  popular  plan  that 
influences  the  Councils  greatly  weakens  the  natural  interest  of  the  well- 
afFected.  The  Whigs  will  do  nothing  unless  the  Tories  are  made  do  equal 
duty;  and  this  cannot  be  effected,  as  the  Tories  are  the  stronger  party ;  so 
neither  aid  the  army.  However,  measures  are  now  taking  to  raise  men  for 
a  year,  and  I  am  in  hopes  some  will  take  the  field. 

Maryland  has  given  no  assistance  to  this  army.  Not  a  man  has  joined  us 
from  that  State,  and  we  are  discharging  her  men  daily,  their  times  of  ser- 
vice being  out.  She  has  shamefully  neglected  us.  You  frequently  hear  of 
great  things  from  Generals  Marion  and  Sumter.  These  are  brave,  good 
officers;  but  the  people  that  are  with  them  come  and  go  just  as  they  please, 
and  are  more  allured  from  the  hopes  of  plunder  than  from  a  desire  to  serve 
the  public ;  at  least  this  is  the  case  with  many,  if  not  all  their  followers. 
These  parties  serve  rather  to  keep  the  dispute  alive,  than  lay  a  foundation 
for  the  recovery  of  the  country.  Don't  be  deceived  in  your  expectations 
from  this  quarter;  if  greater  support  cannot  be  given  for  the  recovery  of 
these  States,  they  must  and  will  remain  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 

Our  mancEuvres  have  been  various,  and  the  conflict  very  unequal.  We 
have  been  twice  beaten  ;  the  last  time  by  an  unfortunate  order  ot  Colonel 
Gunby,  who  ordered  the  first  Maryland  regiment  to  retire,  when  the  enemy 
were  fleeing  before  them,  and  the  enemy  in  confusion  in  all  quarters.  Vic- 
tory was  certain,  and  the  fall  of  Camden  as  certain,  as  I  had  taken  measures 
to  cut  off"  the  enemy's  retreat.  To  induce  them  to  sally  was  the  object  of 
our  position,  after  finding  that  the  works  were  too  strong  and  the  garrison 
too  large  to  storm  with  a  prospect  of  succeeding.  The  event  was  the  most 
unfortunate  that  can  be  imagined,  not  from  the  injury  we  received,  but  the 
loss  of  the  opportunity  to  take  the  place.  Camden  seems  to  have  some  evil 
genius  about  it.  Whatever  is  attempted  near  that  place  is  unlbrtunate. 
War  is  a  critical  business,  and  the  best-concerted  plans  subject  to  disap- 
pointments from  the  most  trifling  incidents. 

The  prospects  here  are  so  unpromising,  and  the  difficulties  so  great,  that 


LETTERS  TO  GREENE.  353 

I  am  sick  of  the  service,  and  wish  myself  out  of  the  Department.  When  I 
made  this  last  movement,  I  expected  2000  Virginia  militia  to  operate  with 
us,  and  1000  men  with  Sumter;  but  both  have  failed  me,  and  I  am  in  the 
greatest  distress.  The  tardiness  of  the  people  puts  it  out  of  my  power  to 
attempt  anything  great.  If  our  good  ally,  the  French,  cannot  afford  assist- 
ance to  these  Southern  States,  in  my  opinion  there  will  be  no  opposition  on 
this  side  Virginia  before  fall ;  and  I  expect  the  enemy  will  possess  all  the 
lower  country  of  that  State,  The  want  of  subsistence  will  prevent  further 
operations  in  this  country,  unless  we  can  take  post  on  the  Congaree,  where 
provisions  are  to  be  had  in  great  plenty. 

With  esteem  and  regard, 
I  am,  dear  sir, 
Your  most  obedient  and  humble  servant, 

N.  Greene. 

PRESIDENT  REED  TO  GREENE, 

Philadelphia,  June  16th,  1781, 
My  dear  General, 

I  am  to  acknowledge  and  thank  you  for  three  letters  received  since  you 
left  us,  two  private  and  one  public.  I  acknowledge  the  justice  of  your 
strictures  in  part,  and  must  rely  upon  your  friendship  to  excuse  the  seeming 
inattention  in  not  writing  you  oftener.  I  call  it  seeming,  because  it  has 
not  proceeded  from  want  of  affection  and  remembrance,  but,  in  truth  and  fact, 
from  the  following  causes:  To  write  to  you  common  occurrences  did  not 
deserve  your  time  or  mine.  To  write  confidentially  and  on  interesting  par- 
ticulars has  become  so  hazardous  that  I  could  not  think  of  it,  unless  some 
such  opportunity  as  the  present  offered.  Dr,  Faysoux  failed  me,  through  a 
mistake ;  having  taken  Mr.  Pettit's  letters,  he  thought  he  had  the  whole,  and 
left  town  without  my  knowledge,  though  I  had  laid  out  for  the  opportunity. 
We  have  had  in  this  quarter  the  most  remarkable  disclosures  of  private  cor- 
respondence that  could  be  imagined  ;  four  mails  have  been  carried  into  New 
York  this  winter  and  spring,  and  Rivington  retails  out  the  letters  weekly. 
Much  public  dissatisfaction  and  private  enmity  has  ensued,  as  you  will  sup- 
pose. My  situation,  you  will  know,  does  not  admit  of  my  running  any  risks 
of  adding  to  the  number  of  my  public  or  personal  enemies;  and  this,  I  assure 
you,  has  been  the  only  reason  of  my  silence. 

However,  I  think  Governor  Rutledge  will  take  care  of  himself  as  well 
on  public  as  private  account,  and,  therefore,  I,  with  great  pleasure,  avail 
myself  of  the  opportunity,  to  assure  you  of  my  unabated  esteem,  and  my 
most  cordial  wishes  for  your  health,  honour  and  happiness.  I  have  long 
thought  that  the  partialities  of  the  southern  people,  which,  I  believe,  exceed 
any  in  the  world  (the  Scotch  not  excepted),  have  kept  us  in  a  fatal  blindness, 
as  to  the  real  strength  and  resources  of  their  country.  To  this,  some  suc- 
cesses at  the  beginning  of  the  war,  brilliant  indeed  for  the  season,  have  very 

VOL.  II.  23 


354  PENNSYLVANIA  AFFAIRS. 

much  contributed ;  but  the  systematical  attack  made  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton, 
and  since  pursued  with  steadiness,  shows  us  the  advantages  which  that  mode 
of  warfare  will  eventually  have  in  a  country  so  thinly  inliabited,  and  where 
the  spirit  or  enthusiasm  of  the  inhabitants  is  to  supply  the  deficiencies  of 
solid  battalions  and  the  necessary  apparatus  of  war.  I  have  ever  ascribed 
the  loss  of  Charleston,  with  its  numerousgarrison,  to  the  defeat  of  the  British 
Fleet  at  Sullivan's  Island  and  the  repulse  of  Prevost  at  that  place,  in  1779. 
The  other  successes,  on  a  smaller  scale,  have  also  had  their  exaggeration, 
and  the  ability  of  the  country  to  make  effectual  opposition  has  never  been 
given  up  till  lately. 

From  your  letter  by  Mr.  O'Hara,  the  same  spirit  still  rem.ains,  which  I  am 
exceeding  sorry  for.  It  is  certain  that  no  state  has  suffered  so  little  from  the 
enemy,  and  which,  on  many  accounts,  could  do  very  handsomely  if  so  disposed. 
At  present  they  all  seem  to  bear  upon  Pennsylvania  as  well  to  raise  troops 
as  to  feed  the  army,  support  all  the  prisoners  and  furnish  almost  every  spe- 
cies of  military  stores.*  We  have  now  requisitions  for  about  4000  men  to 
take  the  field,  and  I  am  not  without  ideas  of  going  myself.j 

I  have  often,  my  dear  General,  deplored  your  situation,  to  be  placed  in  a 

*In  a  letter  from  Mr,  Morris,  of  28th  August,  1781,  to  the  Governor  of  Mary- 
land, he  says:  "The  New  England  States,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  and  Penn- 
sylvania, have  supported,  and  must  continue  to  support  the  main  army.  Pennsyl- 
vania will  also  contribute  towards  the  support  of  the  southern  army,  and  the  sup- 
plies will  be  directed  both  ways  as  circumstances  may  require.  Delaware 
and  Maryland  must  chiefly  be  depended  on.  Virginia  and  North  Carolina  will, 
I  hope,  continue  to  do  all  they  can.  But  your  Excellency  must  be  perfectly 
sensible  that  I  have  not  any  funds  to  purchase  supplies;  no  State  in  the  Union 
has  hitherto  supplied  me  with  money,  except  Pennsylvania.'' — Diplomatic  Cor- 
respondence, vol.  xi.  p.  460. 

t  The  following  are  Extracts  from  two  letters  from  Colonel  William  Grayson, 
to  General  Weedon,  the  originals  belonging  to  the  American  Philosophical  Society : 

Philadelphia,  18th  June,  1781. 
The  languid  Assembly  of  this  State  are  doing  nothing ;  they  continue  debating 
about  the  means  of  filling  up  their  line,  and  of  complying  with  the  requisition  of 
Congress  for  sending  2000  militia  infantry,  and  200  militia  horse  to  the  assistance 
of  Viro-inia  ;  I  own  I  now  begin  to  be  afraid  they  will  do  neither.  The  Republican 
party  rule  the  roast,  who  are  afraid  of  disgusting  the  people  by  imposing  heavy 
burdens  on  them.  The  President  of  the  State  is  very  anxious  for  the  measure,  and 
intends  to  command  the  troops  in  person,  if  the  Assembly  direct  their  march. 

June  26th,  same  to  same. 
This  State  is  doing  well  at  present  in  some  things ;   effectual  measures  are 
taking  to  fill  up  their  line ;  their  money  affairs  will  be  put  on  a  good  footing.     I 
cannot,  as  yet,  inform  you  whether  they  will  send  any  militia  to  Virginia. 


MILITIA  TROOPS.  355 

state  of  responsibility  with  so  little  means  of  effecting  anything  decisive. 
To  be  at  the  same  instant  beset  by  the  enemy,  and  want  of  every  species,  is 
a  condition  reserved  for  American  generals.  But  it  must  be  your  consola- 
tion, as  it  is  your  glory,  that  you  have  conducted  yourself  so  as  to  draw  the 
admiration  of  every  one,  and  excite  a  well-grounded  confidence  in  your  abi- 
lities, that  if  you  cannot  preserve  the  country  it  is  because  it  cannot  be  pre- 
served. I  can  assure  you,  without  flattery  (of  which  from  our  long  acquaint- 
ance and  friendship,  you  will  not  suspect  me)  that  you  stand  very  high  in 
public  esteem.  Would  to  God  it  would  operate  in  some  effectual  support  to 
enable  you  to  close  the  scene  with  final  success  and  honour.  If  you  will 
permit  me,  in  the  freedom  of  friendship,  I  would  mention  two  particulars 
which  some  people  here  carp  at ;  they  are  so  easily  corrected  that  my  re- 
gard for  you  will  not  let  me  be  quite  silent:  they  insist  that  you  hold  the  mi- 
litia in  contempt,  and  are  too  much  inclined  to  attribute  failure  to  them.  I  do 
not  now  recollect  particular  instances  from  which  this  inference  is  drawn, 
but  such  an  idea  has  taken  place.  Indeed,  the  manner  in  which  your  des- 
patches, after  the  Battle  of  Guilford,  describe  the  failure,  compared  with 
that  of  the  affair  before  Camden,  where  the  Maryland  Continentals  failed 
you,  has  added  some  force  to  the  remark. 

My  sentiments  of  militia  have  been  ever  pretty  much  the  same,  but  I  see 
plainly  that  the  avarice  and  indolence  of  the  great  body  of  the  people  of 
America  will  never  allow  them  to  support  a  permanent  force  equal  to  the 
defence  of  the  country,  and  that  of  course  we  must  give  up  the  contest  or 
cherish  the  militia.  The  successes  which  they  have  obtained  to  the  north- 
ward, at  King's  Mountain,  and  elsewhere,  seem  also  to  give  them  some 
meritorious  claims.  The  jealousy  which  has  taken  place,  especially  in  this 
State,  between  the  Continental  troops  and  them,  very  much  resembling  the 
behaviour  of  the  Regulars  and  our  Provincials  last  war,  keeps  up  an  atten- 
tion to  this  point,  and  though  it  may  be  forgiven  in  the  inferior  officers,  de- 
pend upon  it  the  bulk  of  the  country  resent  any  indignity  attempted  towards 
them.  In  short,  at  this  time  of  day,  we  must  say  of  them,  as  Prior  of  a 
wife : 

Be  to  their  faults  a  little  blind. 
And  to  their  virtues  very  kind. 

I  know  how  natural  it  is,  and  how  difficult  to  avoid  exculpating  one's  self 
from  supposed  errors,  by  pointing  out  the  real  conduct  and  circumstances 
of  things.  It  is  my  own  failing,  and  from  which  I  have  suffered  more  than 
any  other  error  in  my  public  conduct.  After  much  experience  I  find  it  makes 
numerous  enemies  and  carries  very  little  conviction  or  information  to  people 
in  general,  who  will  not  give  themselves  time  to  go  beyond  the  surface  of 
things.  Your  private  letters  are  not  always  made  a  good  use  of  here;  that 
is,  they  are  shown  with  too  much  freedom,  so  that  I  have  frequently  ex- 
pected to  see  them  in  print.  .  I  have  oflen  known  them  copied,  and  handed 
about  with  as  little  reserve  as  they  would  have  done  a  newspaper.     This  is 


356  ACTION  OF  THE  ASSEMBLY.  ^- 

neither  doing  you  justice  or  serving  the  public,  as  you  undoubtedly  express 
yourself  on  those  occasions  with  a  freedom  which  you  would  not  do  if  de- 
signed for  the  public  eye.  I  now  refer  to  private  letters  you  have  wrote  to 
members  of  Congress.  Besides,  in  the  great  hurry  of  business,  confusion  of 
march,  &c.,  it  is  scarce  possible  to  avoid,  either  in  public  or  private  des- 
patches, some  inaccuracies.  Rivington  has  been  very  saucy  with  you  on  this 
score,  on  your  letter  after  the  affair  at  Guilford,  though  it  appeared  to  me 
rather  obscure  than  inaccurate.  Congress  observe  inviolably  the  rule  of 
printing  letters  as  received,  which  I  think  too  rigorous,  as  it  is  almost  im- 
possible in  certain  circumstances  for  the  most  correct  penman,  wholly 
to  avoid  inaccuracies. 

You  will  naturally  wish  to  have  some  estimate  from  me  of  our  manners 
and  principles,  and  a  view  of  our  situation  as  ruled  and  rulers — the  former 
necessarily  precedes  the  latter;  and  indeed,  my  dear  General,  I  am  sorry  to 
be  obliged  by  the  all-powerful  voice  of  indisputable  facts  to  acknowledge 
that  the  Independence  of  the  country  seeming  to  be  pretty  well  established, 
a  passion,  and  a  raging  one,  too,  for  gain,  has  evidently  taken  place  of 
those  considerations  which  were  formerly  deemed  so  honourable  and  so 
necessary.  Every  attempt  to  check  it  produces  the  vilest  abuse  of  public 
and  private  character.  The  paper  money  has  fairly  run  its  race,  and  gold 
and  silver  are  now  the  only  medium  of  commerce,  but  will  you  believe  me 
when  I  inform  you  that  the  public  can  get  none  of  it,  no,  not  a  shilling. 
The  merchant,  the  farmer,  the  tradesman,  have  all  closed  their  hands,  and 
we  are  at  this  moment  in  a  state  of  the  most  shameful  imbecility,  tantalized 
with  the  show  of  plenty,  which  never  was  more  conspicuous,  and  yet  desti- 
tute of  the  means  of  procuring  the  smallest  articles ;  not  an  ounce  of  provi- 
sions, not  a  single  recruit,  not  a  particle  of  military  stores,  can  be  procured. 
The  auri  sacra  fames  has  taken  universal  possession,  and  our  Legislature, 
seduced  from  their  duty  by  the  vile  popularity  which  every  great  and  good 
mind  must  despise,  dare  not  attempt  any  thing  vigorous,  and  where  autho- 
rity ought  to  supply  the  place  of  enthusiasm,  and  support  private  virtue,  we 
behold  it  dwindled  to  a  shadow.*     Congress  is  not  supported  by  the  people, 

*  Nor  were  these  complaints  of  the  Assembly  only  uttered  by  the  President. 
About  this  time  General  Irvine  thus  wrote  to  Wayne. 

Carlisle,  March  14th,  1781. 
My  dear  Sir, 

Since  I  arrived  here  I  have  not  heard  a  single  thing  the  Assembly  have  been 
doing  ;  if  they  have  done  an3rthing  they  keep  it  to  themselves.  The  first  inti- 
mation  the  people  of  the  back  Counties  have  of  any  Laws  is  not  till  the  Assembly, 
man  gets  home  after  the  session  is  over,  (except  by  mere  accident.) 

'Tis  true  their  proceedings  are  published  in  newspapers,  but  they  do  not  cir- 
culate ;  as  a  proof,  the  Commissioners  are  only  making  out  the  Classes  now  on 
the  law  made  at  the  last  meeting  of  Assembly  ;  not  one  man  produced  by  it  yet. 
Unless  something  is  done  immediately,  we  shall  have  no  line  ;  and  let  the  Assem- 


GENERAL  IRVINE.  357 

not,  a3  our  Tories  flatter  themselves,  that  the  cause  is  less  revered,  or  their 
persons  respected,  but  because  dire  necessity  has  compelled  them  so  often 
to  promise,  without  the  means  of  performance,  and  that  they  have  so  little 
in  their  disposal.  Their  officers  are  badly  paid,  their  contracts  unperformed, 
and  every  man  of  independent  spirit  flies  from  their  service  as  from  a  thank- 
less bondage.  It  is  a  mortifying,  but  not  less  just  observation  that  the  same 
men  and  the  same  authority  shall  be  respected  and  applauded  with  a  full 
purse,  which  are  calumniated,  reprobated  and  slighted  with  an  empty  one. 
I  have  ever  thought  Congress  possessed  of  some  of  the  most  estimable  and 
virtuous  characters  this  or  any  other  country  can  boast,  and  that  few  public 
bodies  could  have  displayed  more  ability  and  honesty  in  their  arduous  work, 
Mr.  Deane's  affairs  and  his  associates  only  excepted,  in  which  corruption 
and  party  undoubtedly  had  too  great  a  share,  and  which  will  one  day  stamp 
the  proceedings  of  that  Congress  with  indelible  infamy.  But  the  age  of 
miracles  has  ceased.  Congress  cannot  support  armies,  establish  the  civil 
business  of  a  great  Empire,  and  conduct  a  war  with  one  of  the  greatest 
powers  on  earth  without  means.  Poor  and  destitute,  how  unjust  is  it  in  us 
to  blame  them  for  not  doing  what  they  have  not  power  to  do.     The  present 

bly  enact  what  laws  they  please,  unless  they  take  some  other  mode  of  commu- 
nicatingf  them  than  has  yet  been,  to  their  constituents,  they  need  not  expect  an 
easy  or  speedy  compliance.  'Tis  rumoured  that  vast  numbers  of  men  are  assem- 
bling at  the  several  regimental  rendezvouses.  I  assure  you  there  is  no  truth  in 
it ;  the  enclosed  list  will  show,  which  I  have  taken  from  officers  who  left  the 
regiments  two  days  ago.  I  am  told  the  troops  are  ordered  to  be  held  in  readiness 
to  march,  immediately  after  settlement  vvitli  tlie  Auditors.  Pray  how  are  men  or 
officers  to  march  immediately  after  settlement,  if  the  settlement  will  be  of  any  use 
to  them  ;  or  if  they  can  get  any  money  for  their  notes,  will  it  not  take  two  or 
three  weeks  for  them  to  procure  clothing  and  other  necessaries  ? 

Are  there  any  clothes  providing,  or  are  there  a  single  rag  of  Camp  equipage  ? 
Are  forges,  tents,  wagons,  &c.  &,c.,  even  thought  of?  No,  but  the  Line  is  ordered 
to  march.  I  wish  proper  steps  were  first  taken  to  get  a  Line,  secondly  to  equip 
them.  Then,  I  need  not  tell  you,  that  no  man  will  march  with  more  alacrity 
than  your  friend ;  but  it  puts  me  much  out  of  temper  to  hear  march,  march,  and 
nobody  to  march  with.  Marching  by  detachment  I  also  hate,  if  it  can  possibly 
be  avoided,  for  you  may  rely  upon  it  it  ruins  regiments  to  divide  them. 

If  you  march  a  hundred  men  of  any  one  regiment,  be  assured  another  hundred 
never  will  follow.    It  will  be  said  the  regiment  has  marched,  and  there  will  be  nearly 
an  end  of  it     Are  the  notes  put  on  interest,  and  a  day  named  for  their  redemp- 
tion ? — is  there  any  monthly  pay  for  the  troops,  or  is  there  anything  to  be  done  ? 
I  am,  my  dear  Sir, 

Yours  most  sincerely, 

William  Irvine. 

I  am  told  the  Marquis's  expedition  is  likely  to  fail,  bot  have  not  heard  any  cause 
assigned. 


358  EUROPEAN  AFFAIRS. 

Congress,  though  not  composed  of  the  greatest  men  of  the  country,  is  much 
less  contaminated  with  party  than  most  of  their  predecessors,  and  I  verily 
believe  if  the  baneful  influence  of  New  York,  that  hot-bed  of  calumny,  and 
seditious  interference  with  the  business  and  characters  of  others,  could  be 
suppressed,  Congress  would  soon  rise  into  more  dignity  and  consequence ; 
but  they  have  sown  the  seeds  of  eternal  discord  between  the  Southern  and 
the  Northern  States,  and  those  characters  of  the  Middle  who  could  not  be 
brought  to  think  that  every  vice  and  wickedness  that  can  disgrace  a  people 
were  the  characteristics  of  the  New  England  States.  General  Washington 
complains  of  us  all.  Engrossed  by  military  concerns,  he  has  not  time  or 
opportunity  to  know  the  real  state  of  the  country,  or  the  difficulties  which 
environ  men  in  civil  life.  He  will  always  deservedly  possess  great  splen- 
dour of  character,  but  I  am  of  opinion  it  has  seen  its  meridian,  and  it  is  not 
improbable  he  may  one  day,  as  we  now,  have  reason  to  complain  of  ingrati- 
tude, and  unkind  returns  of  essential  and  disinterested  services. 

The  affairs  of  Europe  have  borne  an  aspect  generally  very  favourable; 
they  do  so  now,  but  it  seems  pretty  clear  to  every  observing  character  that 
our  good  ally  means  to  keep  us  between  hope  and  despair.  The  finishing 
the  War  in  America  is  so  obvious  that  it  is  impossible  to  miss  it  by  acci- 
dent. The  enemy  are  so  confined,  and  depend  so  necessarily  on  naval  move- 
ments, that  a  decisive  superiority  for  a  few  weeks  would  do  the  business. 
In  one  respect  they  are  right.  We  are  not  even  yet  so  weaned  from  Great 
Britain  as  to  afford  them  the  full  benefits  of  the  Alliance.  You  tell  me  the 
Tories  are  most  numerous  with  you.  I  believe  I  might  justly  say  so  of 
Pennsylvania,  but  they  are  dastardly,  cowardly  wretches,  who  confer  neither 
credit  or  strength  on  any  cause  to  which  they  are  attached.  Their  leaders 
are  chiefly  men  of  great  fortune,  who  first  sought  that  side  as  the  safest ;  the 
same  sordid  spirit  and  mortified  pride  actuates  them.  They  have  neither 
the  courage  nor  ambition  which  elevates  men  to  great  designs,  and  makes 
them  useful  to  the  cause  they  espouse. 

The  New  England  States  have  made  great  exertions  to  raise  men,  but 
to  do  it  for  the  war  was  impracticable,  nor  have  they  for  temporary  service 
had  the  success  to  which  they  were  entitled.  General  Washington's  ranks 
are  thin;  recruiting  with  us  is  at  an  end,  except  for  hard  money  and  large 
bounties,  neither  of  which  we  can  compass.  However,  never  to  despair  of 
the  commonwealth  is  the  first  duty  and  principle  of  a  good  citizen,  and  with 
all  our  infirmities,  failures,  and  even  vices,  I  have  no  doubt  we  shall  be 
finally  safe  in  the  arms  of  Independence.  Great  Britain  cannot  stand  it 
much  longer;  her  exertions  now  are  rather  the  strong  convulsive  efforts  of 
a  delirium  than  the  fixed  and  permanent  force  of  regular  health  and  system. 
But  it  is  our  duty  at  this  time  above  all  others  to  make  the  most  capital 
exertions;  it  seems  a  universal  opinion,  and  but  too  probable,  that  she  will 
push  a  uti  possidetis,  and  thereby  keep  possession  of  some  of  the  States  till 
a  more  favourable  opportunity  offers  to  recover  the  whole ;  this,  in  our 
situation,  would  be  ruin  and  a  failure  of  the  great  object  of  so  much  blood 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION.  359 

and  treasure.  We  are  too  corrupt  to  bear  a  contact  with  her,  and  "  deliver 
us  from  temptation,"  was  never  a  more  necessary  and  proper  prayer.  The 
Southern  States  in  this  respect  would  sooner  and  better  serve  her  views, 
and  I  fear  aristocratic  virtue  less  likely  to  support  the  desirable  opposition 
than  any  other.  I  can  venture  to  tell  you  by  way  of  digression,  that  you 
are  much  more  a  favourite  with  these  gentlemen  than  when  you  first  went 
into  command.  What  a  pity  it  is  that  minds  otherwise  truly  estimable  can 
see  merit  with  so  much  difficulty  when  separate  from  the  splendour  of 
pomp  and  fortune. 

While  I  think  of  it,  let  me  beg  you  to  preserve  as  much  as  possible  regular 
and  authentic  accounts  of  what  has  passed  and  may  pass  in  your  depart- 
ment with  a  general  sketch  of  characters  who  make  any  considerable  figure 
with  you.  I  am  about  giving  some  little  essay  towards  a  history  of  the 
present  Revolution,  and  I  would  wish  to  have  my  materials  as  perfect  as 
possible.  I  think  I  can  give  a  pretty  good  account  of  the  campaigns  in 
1775,  1776,  1777,  and  1778.  Since  that  period  my  knowledge  of  military 
affairs  has  been  more  confined.  To  the  Southward  I  must  depend  much 
upon  you.  The  little  observations  I  have  made  of  our  own  affairs  has 
destroyed  all  the  credibility  of  history,  and  I  am  satisfied  that  one  half  of 
what  is  read,  and  perhaps  more,  is  nothing  but  an  agreeable  romance,  framed 
according  to  the  fancy  of  the  historian,  and  the  materials  good  or  bad  which 
he  has  accidentally  collected.  Many  a  victory  has  been  gained,  I  firmly 
believe,  contrary  to  the  will  and  judgment  of  the  General,  who  has  swal- 
lowed the  undeserved  praise  with  as  little  compunction  as  if  it  had  been 
gained  by  the  skill  of  his  manoeuvres,  and  the  full  exertion  of  his  own  talents 
and  judgment.  If  I  should  live  to  finish  what  I  have  begun,  I  shall  certainly 
strip  every  Jack  Daw  of  his  borrowed  plumage,  which  I  can  the  better  do, 
as  I  have  no  pretensions  to  plumes  of  any  kind  myself  beyond  what  a  volun- 
teer of  subordinate  fame  can  lay  claim  to.* 

I  flatter  myself  you  take  so  much  interest  in  my  welfare  as  to  wish  to 
know  how  I  have  got  along,  and  I  will  tell  you  in  a  few  words.  Every 
artifice  has  been  used  by  the  implacable  faction  which  agitates  Pennsylvania 
to  ruin  my  peace,  destroy  my  character,  lessen  ray  influence,  and  embarrass 
my  administration.  Having  given  them  the  credit  of  industry,  I  can 
neither  applaud  their  talents,  approve  their  morals,  or  say  anything  favoura- 
ble of  their  designs.  I  have  been  alternately  the  subject  of  gross  abuse  and 
extravagant  panegyric:  I  deserve  neither  ;  I  am  an  honest  servant  of  my 
.  country,  but  I  know  I  have  made  many  mistakes  in  which  my  head,  not  my 
heart,  was  to  blame.  At  my  age,  it  was  unpardonable  to  expect  that  honesty 
and  disinterestedness,  a  sincere  regard  to  the  public  interest,  and  very  little 
to  private,  should  lull  the  monster  envy,  and  that  a  wicked  mercenary  set 
of  men  should  admire  or  approve  what  they  could  never  imitate.     The  vain 

*  Mr.  Reed  does  not  seem  to  have  made  any  further  progress  in  this  design, 
his  ill-health  at  the  close  of  the  war  no  doubt  preventing  it. 


300  Wayne's  lettek. 

task  of  pleasing  all  because  I  wished  to  serve  all  I  have  now  given  over, 
and  have  learned  to  be  content  with  the  approbation  of  my  own  mind,  which 
I  have  never  yet  lost,  and  the  popularity  which  follows,  for  I  certainly 
never  shall  go  in  pursuit  of  it. 

I  mention  these  things  to  show  you  how  little  dependence  is  to  be  put 
on  the  opinions  of  the  day,  and  bow  illy  provided  he  must  be  for  future  con- 
tingencies who  depends  upon  the  capricious  humour  of  others.  But  after 
all,  and  after  repeated  gross  and  illiberal  attacks  of  every  kind,  from  mean- 
ness to  treason,  for  great  pains  have  been  taken  to  prove  me  in  the  interests 
of  the  enemy,  I  am  still  in  good  health  and  spirits,  not  disgusted  with  the 
service  of  my  country,  though  ready  to  give  place  to  any  man  who  can 
serve  it  better.  The  amor  patriae,  laudumque  immensa  cupido  is  as  pre- 
dominant as  ever,  and  my  first  and  great  wish  is  to  see  the  days  of  peace 
and  independence.  The  body  of  the  people  continue  my  friends,  because 
they  believe  that  1  am  (as  I  truly  am)  theirs  ;  of  this  I  have  given  the  most 
unequivocal  proof,  because  I  have  consented  to  watch  for  three  years  that 
others  might  sleep,  to  be  poor  that  they  might  grow  rich.  But  'tis  time  I 
should  correct  myself;  what  can  the  political  feuds  of  a  State,  the  private  or 
public  scandal  of  a  single  character,  be  to  a  General  surrounded  with  every 
kind  of  difficulty] 

I  am  astonished  when  I  review  the  sheets  that  I  have  wrote,  but  they 
will  serve  to  prove  what  I  wished  to  convince  you  of,  that  I  neither  can 
neglect  or  forget  you.  No,  my  dear  General,  this  is  impossible.  Every 
day  adds  to  my  regard  for  you,  because  every  day  shows  me  how  few  there 
are  in  the  world  who  really  derive  or  can  enjoy  the  real  pleasures  of 
friendship.     Adieu  ;  every  kind  wish  attend  you. 

P.  S.  My  particular  regard  to  Colonel  Lee;  if  I  can,  I  will  write  him 
per  this  opportunity,  but  as  it  is  uncertain,  assure  him  of  my  continued  good 
wishes  and  esteem.  Compliments  and  remembrance  to  Burnet  and  your 
own  family,  with  others  who  are  well-wishers. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  Wayne  was  detached  to  join  Lafay- 
ette, in  Virginia,  with  the  Pennsylvania  line.  In  what  spirit 
he  undertook  this  duty,  and  with  what  feeling  he  parted  with 
the  President,  is  apparent  from  the  following  letter,  written  at 
the  moment  of  departure. 


WAYNE  TO  REED. 

Philadelphia,  11th  May,  178i. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  set  off  for  the  Southward  this  afternoon  at  one  o'clock.     If  your  Excel 
lency  or  Council  have  any  commands  I  shall  be  happy  to  receive  them. 


Greene's  letters.  361 

1  have  only  to  wish  you  "life  and  happiness,  and  beg  you  to  believe  me  in 
every  vicissitude  of  fortune, 

Your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

Anthony  Wayne, 


WAYNE  TO  REED. 

Yorktown,  2Gth  May,  1781. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  steal  a  moment  while  the  troops  are  marching  through  the  town,  to 
acknowledge  your  favour  of  the  21st  instant,  and  to  thank  you  for  the 
inclosed  intelligence. 

We  have  a  rumour  this  moment  from  Baltimore  that  General  Phillips  and 
Lord  Cornwallis  have  formed  a  junction  in  Virginia,  which  is  very  probable, 
as  they  were  but  eighty  miles  apart  yesterday  two  weeks, 

I  am  happy  to  inform  you  that  harmony  and  discipline  again  pervade  the 
line,  to  which  a  prompt  and  exemplary  punishment  was  a  painful,  though 
the  necessary  prelude. 

I  must  beg  leave  to  refer  you  to  General  Irvin  for  particulars,  who  can 
procure  a  return  of  the  detachment  from  the  Board  of  War,  if  necessary. 
Permit  me  to  wish  you  all  happiness,  and  believe  me. 

Yours,  most  sincerely. 

Anthony  Wayne. 

The  next  letter  from  Greene  is  worthy  of  great  admiration 
for  its  manHness  and  directness. 


GREENE  TO  REED. 

Head-quarters,  High  Hills,  Santee, 
August  6th,  1781. 
My  dear  Friend, 

Governor  Rutledge  arrived  a  few  days  since,  and  brought  me  your  long, 
and  very  agreeable  letter  of  the  16th  of  June,  Nothing  could  have  been 
more  welcome,  as  it  served  to  remove  an  apprehension  tliat  I  no  longer 
held  that  place  in  your  esteem,  which  I  once  flattered  myself  with.  The 
scenes  of  adversity  which  we  have  passed  together,  the  similarity  of  our 
sentiments  upon  political  and  military  matters,  together  with  the  particular 
attention  you  always  paid  me  from  our  earliest  connexion,  added  to  the 
fullest  persuasion  that  your  motives  were  just  and  honourable,  created  in 
me  the  warmest  attachment  to  your  person  and  interest,  which  has  remained 
unshaken  through  all  the  convulsions  of  party  and  faction,  and  undiminished 
notwithstanding  all  the  misrepresentation  of  the  base  and  designing.  I  felt 
myself  your  friend,  and  I  always  avowed  it.     In  no  place  and  in  no  com- 


362 


BATTLE  OF  GUILFORD. 


pany  have  I  heard  your  reputation  traduced  without  defending  it.  Being 
thus  conscious  of  deserving  your  friendship,  and  most  devoutly  wishing  it, 
the  least  appearance  of  a  change  in  you  created  no  small  anxiety  in  me. 
If  I  have  been  too  jealous  on  this  occasion,  let  it  be  considered  a  misfortune, 
not  a  fault,  as  it  arose  from  a  heart  warm  with  friendship  and  seeking  an 
equal  return.  I  now  feel  myself  happy  in  the  persuasion  that  our  regards 
are  mutual,  and  our  friendship  continued. 

You  tell  me  it  is  a  received  opinion  with  some,  that  I  despise  the  militia. 
If  this  opinion  is  taken  up  from  my  endeavouring  to  state  the  force  of  the 
militia  in  this  Country  in  its  true  light,  it  will  serve  to  convince  me  in  this 
as  well  as  in  many  other  instances,  that  people  are  so  wedded  to  prejudices 
that  flatter  their  vanity,  that  they  will  sooner  run  to  ruin  in  pursuit  of  them, 
than  avoid  it  by  embracing  truth  and  conviction.  I  am  far  from  despising  the 
militia;  I  have  ever  considered  them  the  great  palladium  of  American 
liberty.  It  was  my  duty  to  state  the  force  of  the  militia  of  this  Country  in 
its  proper  light.  I  was  responsible  for  the  war  in  this  quarter,  and  it  was 
necessary  that  Congress  should  know  what  force  was  here,  in  order  to  de- 
termine what  additional  force  would  be  necessary  to  send.  In  my  public 
and  private  representations  of  the  force  of  this  Country,  truth  has  been  my 
guide,  and  I  have  only  endeavoured  to  show  that  the  militia  of  these  States 
were  equal,  or  superior  in  point  of  spirit  and  bravery,  to  any  on  the  Conti- 
nent, yet  their  force  was  small  according  to  their  numbers,  from  their  being 
spread  over  such  vast  tracts  of  land,  which  renders  it  difficult  to  collect 
them.  My  account  of  the  Guilford  actioii  only  reflected  upon  the  North 
Carolina  Militia;  the  Virginia  Militia  were  complimented  and  richly  de- 
served it,  and  the  compliment  was  pleasing.  Whatever  opinion  Members 
of  Congress  may  entertain  to  my  disadvantage,  respecting  the  militia  of 
this  Country,  the  mililia  themselves  are  perfectly  satisfied,  and,  I  believe, 
would  do  anything  in  the  world  to  serve  and  oblige  me.  I  have  paid  great 
court  to  them,  and  have  their  confidence  and  good  opinion.  They  are  not 
only  of  my  way  of  thinking  respecting  a  good  regular  army  being  necessary 
for  their  protection  and  security,  but  many  are  urging  a  draft  to  fill  their 
Continental  Regiment. 

If  my  account  of  ihe  Camden  action  was  different  from  that  of  Guilford, 
it  was  owing  to  the  defeats  arising  from  another  cause.  The  troops  were 
not  to  blame  in  the  Camden  affair.  Gunby  was  the  sole  cause  of  the  de- 
feat, and  I  found  him  much  more  blameable  afterwards  than  I  represented 
him  in  my  public  letters.  The  action  of  Camden  was  much  more  bloody, 
according  to  the  numbers  engaged,  than  that  of  Guilford,  on  both  sides. 
The  enemy  had  more  than  one-third  of  their  whole  force  engaged  either 
killed  or  wounded,  and  we  had  not  less  than  a  quarter.  Depend  upon  it 
our  actions  have  been  bloody  and  severe,  according  to  the  force  engaged, 
and  we  should  have  had  Lord  Rawdon  and  his  whole  command  prisoners  in 
three  minutes,  if  Colonel  Gunby  had  not  ordered  his  regiment  to  retire,  the 
greatest  part  of  which  were  advancing  rapidly  at  the  time  they  were 


HISTORY  OF  THE  DEVOLUTION.  363 

ordered  off.  I  was  almost  frantic  with  vexation  at  the  disappointment. 
Fortune  has  not  been  much  our  friend.  The  Guilford  action  was  critical, 
and  the  victory  long  in  suspense.  At  Camden  it  was  certain,  but  for  the 
intervention  of  one  of  those  incidents  which  no  human  foresight  can  guard 
against.  At  Ninety-Six  the  garrison  was  relieved  when  it  was  on  the  eve 
of  surrender.  But  though  we  are  not  altogether  successful,  I  hope  the 
benefit  resulting  from  the  operations  of  the  Campaign  will  be  sufficient  to 
satisfy  the  just  and  reasonable  expectations  of  the  people,  and  to  convince 
them  that  my  character  has  been  altogether  mistaken;  for  that  I  am  neither 
a  rash  rnan  nor  yet  wanting  in  enterprise,  which  Mr.  Mifflin  endeavoured 
to  persuade  the  world  was  the  case.  You  have  been  with  me  in  most  of 
the  material  operations  to  the  Northward,  heard  my  sentiments  and  seen 
my  conduct,  and  know  how  different  the  insinuation  is  from  truth.  But  the 
war  here  is  widely  different  from  what  you  ever  saw  to  the  Northward;  the 
difficulties  there  are  not  to  be  mentioned  in  the  same  day  with  those  we 
feel  here.  There  you  have  support  from  every  side,  here  it  is  remote  and 
uncertain.  There  you  have  resources  of  every  kind,  here  you  have  none 
but  what  are  within  yourself  In  a  word,  the  war  to  the  Northward  is  a 
plain  business,  and  the  mancEuvres  plain  and  simple,  but  here  they  are  com- 
plicated and  various.  There  most  of  the  people  are  warm  friends,  here  the 
greater  part  are  inveterate  enemies.  Our  difficulties,  distresses,  and  per- 
severance, have  been  greater  than  you  can  imagine,  and  perhaps  no  army 
ever  merited  more  than  this;  for  had  not  the  officers  strove,  generally,  to 
promote  the  service  all  in  their  power,  we  should  have  been  inevitably 
ruined.  I  have  much  the  affection  and  confidence  of  the  army,  as  much  so 
as  I  can  wish  or  desire. 

I  shall  preserve  you  such  materials  as  may  serve  you  as  lights  in  writing 
the  history  of  America.  I  have  served  my  Country  with  an  honest  zeal  to 
the  best  of  my  abilities,  which  have  been  small,  and  am  less  solicitous  for 
the  applause  of  the  present  day,  or  the  panegyric  of  the  future  historian, 
than  I  am  to  discharge  my  duty.  But  Congress  have  complimented  officers 
upon  far  less  occasions  than  the  operations  of  this  army  have  afforded.  If 
the  Southern  gentlemen  have  altered  their  sentiments  of  me  for  the  better, 
I  am  glad  of  it.  But  I  am  not  courting  popularity,  being  long  since  con- 
vinced how  empty  the  pursuit.  Nor  a*!/)  I  desirous  of  rising  into  great 
eminence,  knowing  that  it  is  far  more  d'ifficult  to  support  than  acquire  a 
great  reputation,  which  often  depends  more  on  accident  than  substantial 
merit.  My  greatest  happiness  is  to  be  esteemed  by  a  few  friends,  and  en- 
joy the  approbation  of  my  own  mind ;  not  that  I  am  regardless  of  matters 
which  concern  my  reputation,  but  I  will  not  mould  my  conduct  to  accom- 
modate it  to  the  prejudices  of  the  people,  different  from  truth,  nor  will  I 
flatter  where  the  want  of  merit  forbids.  It  is  not  my  intention  to  set  up  for 
a  reformer;  I  am  sensible  how  fruitless  the  undertaking.  But  when  I  am 
obliged  to  speak  of  men  and  things,  I  must  speak  as  I  find  them.  The  op- 
portunity afforded  Mr.  Rivington  arose  from  Captain  [illegible]  omitting  a 


364  SURUENDER  OF  COUNWALLIS. 

sentence  in  copying  one  of  my  letters  to  General  Washington  ;  in  the  origi- 
nal it  is,  "  Lord  Cornwaliis  retired  to  Guilford;"  in  that  published  by  Con- 
gress, "Cornwallis"  is  left  out,  which  makes  it  read  as  if  I  had  retired  to 
Guilford,  whereas  in  my  next  letter  I  tell  Congress  I  marched  such  a  day 
from  High  Rock  Ford,  and  arrived  at  Guilford  such  a  day.  One  account 
contradicts  the  other,  as  they  now  stand.  But  Mr.  Rivington  charges  it 
upon  Congress,  and  I  thought  it  had  been  an  omission  of  theirs  and  not  of 
ours.  But  the  situation  in  which  we  are  often  obliged  to  write,  I  wonder 
there  are  not  more  mistakes  than  there  are. 

I  am  exceeding  sorry  that  the  army  treats  you  so  very  ungratefully.  Yoa 
have  been  more  their  friend  than  any  other  man  in  America.  Envy  is  your 
worst  enemy,  but  it  is  the  highest  proof  of  your  merit.  Your  administration 
has  been  perplexing,  but  even  your  enemies  allow  it  to  be  honourable.  I 
think,  with  you,  that  our  independence  is  certain,  but  how  or  when  it  is  to 
take  place  is  left  in  the  field  of  conjecture.  No  mortal  more  ardently  wishes 
it  than  I  do.  My  ambition  is  too  small  to  balance  the  love  I  have  for  my 
family,  and  the  gratification  I  feel  from  one  is  far  less  than  the  sacrifices  I 
make  in  the  separation  from  the  other.  I  am  not  fit  for  a  military  life,  for 
I  cannot  adopt  its  maxims. 

This  will  be  handed  you  by  Lieut.  Col.  Morris,  who  is  going  to  General 
Washington,  to  learn  his  further  intentions  respecting  the  southern  opera- 
tions. If  New  York  is  taken,  as  I  have  some  reason  to  hope,  I  flatter  my- 
self with  an  early  peace.  Morris  will  inform  you  of  our  situation  and  the 
Marquis's,  whose  conduct  is  much  admired.  Our  old  friend.  Baron  Steuben, 
has  very  undeservedly  got  unpopular,  from  arraigning  too  freely  the  conduct 
of  the  great  in  Virginia ;  however,  I  hope  it  will  soon  blow  over.  I  want 
to  say  a  great  deal  more,  but  really  have  not  time.  You  will  remember  me 
to  all  friends,  and  believe  me  to  be  most  affectionately  your  friend  and  well- 
wisher. 

N.  Greene. 


At  the  time  this  letter  was  written,  Washington  was  ma- 
turing his  plan  of  a  southern  movement  in  conjunction  with 
Count  Rochambeau.  On  the  Gth  of  September,  the  French 
army  passed  through  Philadelphia,  and  on  the  14th,  Washington 
held  a  conference  with  Count  De  Grasse  and  the  French  Ge- 
nerals on  board  the  Admiral's  ship  in  the  Chesapeake,  at  which 
the  plan  of  the  immediate  campaign  was  settled,  and  the  mea- 
sures projected  which  resulted,  in  about  a  month,  in  the  sur- 
render of  Cornwallis  and  the  virtual  suppression  of  the  war. 
It  should  not  be  forgotten  that  the  Pennsylvania  troops,  recruited 
too,  in  great  measure,  from  the  fragments  of  the  former  line, 


Wayne's  letter  to  morkis.  365 

commanded  by  Wayne,  largely  co-operated  in  this  result ; 
how  much,  will  appear  from  the  two  following  and  most  cha- 
racteristic letters,  never  yet  published.* 


WAYNE  TO  ROBERT  MORRIS. 

Williamsburg,  14th  September,  1781. 
Dear  Sir, 

The  arrival  of  the  Count  De  Grasse  with  a  large  fleet  of  men  of  war,  &c., 
must  have  been  announced  in  Philadelphia  long  before  this  period.  I  wish 
that  the  state  of  our  magazines  had  been  such  as  to  enabled  us  to  improve 
the  moment  of  his  arrival,  but  they  were  not,  and,  what  is  worse,  they  are 
not  even  at  this  moment. 

I  don't  know  how  it  is,  but  I  have  not  felt  so  sanguine  on  the  occasion  as 
the  naval  and  land  force  sent  us  by  our  generous  and  great  ally  would 
justify, — probably  it  is  occasioned  by  our  former  disappointments,  when 
matters  bore  a  flattering  aspect. 

The  French  troops  are  the  finest  and  best  made  body  of  men  that  I  ever 
beheld;  their  oSicers  are  gentlemen,  and  I  will  be  answerable  for  their  being 
soldiers; — we  have  the  highest  opinion  of  their  discipline,  and  cannot  doubt 
their  prowess. 

Do  you  know  that,  notwithstanding  all  these  circumstances,  I  have  been 
extremely  uneasy  lest  the  appearance  of  a  British  fleet  off  these  Capes  should 
induce  the  Count  to  follow  them  too  far,  and  leave  an  opening  for  the  British 
to  enter  to  his  exclusion! — I  hope  it  was  not  ominous.  Admiral  Hood  made 
his  appearance  with  eighteen  sail  of  the  line  last  Wednesday  week;  the 
Count  De  Grasse  with  twenty-two  sail  of  the  line  immediately  weighed 
anchor,  fourteen  of  which  engaged  Hood ;  the  other  eight  could  not  get  up 
in  time,  as  the  British  Admiral  fled  too  soon  for  anything  but  an  act  of 
choice.  May  he  not  wish  to  draw  De  Grasse  towards  New  York,  and  ex- 
pose him  to  the  effects  of  the  equinoctial  storm,  whilst  the  British  lay  snug 
in  harbour  1  The  Count  D'Estaing  was  taken  in  by  Howe  this  time  three 
years  by  a  manoeuvre  of  the  same  kind;  but  it  cannot,  it  must  not  be  the 
case  now.  The  Count  has  left  six  sail  of  the  line  to  block  up  the  entrance 
of  the  Chesapeake  during  his  absence;  he  also  has  another  object,  i.  e.  the 
junction  of  the  Rhode  Island  fleet  in  a  given  latitude,  which  may  account 
for  his  long  absence. 

Unless  fortune  is  uncommonly  unkind,  Lord  Cornwallis  and  his  army 
must  submit  to  our  combined  forces ;  his  numbers  are  more  than  generally 
given  out, — we  shall  find  at  least  six  thousand  combatants,  officers  included, 
exclusive  of  negroes,  &c.  &c. ;  so  that  during  the  absence  of  the  Count  De 

*  Washington,  viii.  63. 


S66 


WAYNE  S  LETTERS. 


Grasse,  who  has  a  large  body  of  marines  on  board  destined  to  act  with  us, 
we  could  not  conveniently  complete  the  investiture  of  York  and  Glocester. 

However,  the  arrival  of  his  Excellency  General  Washington,  with  the 
troops  under  his  immediate  command,  will  enable  us  to  commence  our  ope- 
rations immediately. 

I  must  acknowledge  that  I  could  wish  to  bring  his  Lordship  to  an  action 
previous  to  the  investiture,  as  it  would  certainly  very  much  accelerate  his 
reduction. 

The  Marquis  Lafayette,  one  of  the  best  of  officers  and  first  of  men,  has 
for  some  days  been  laid  up  with  a  fever,  which,  added  to  my  own  misfortune, 
tended  not  a  little  to  retard  this  essential  business;  he  is  now  much  re- 
covered, and  my  wound  is  in  so  fair  a  way  that  I  can  mount  my  horse  and 
lead  the  troops  in  case  of  emergency.  From  Lord  Cornwallis's  character, 
it  may  yet  be  possible  to  tempt  him  to  a  field  day;  and  his  Excellency  being 
now  arrived,  I  am  in  hopes  matters  will  be  put  in  a  proper  train  for  the 
purpose,  otherwise  you  may  depend  upon  it  that  the  siege  will  be  very- 
tedious;  for  the  enemy  have  improved  every  moment  in  fortifying  and  pro- 
curing a  supply  of  provisions,  &c.  &c. 

Their  principal  works  are  at  Yorktown,  which  is  nearly  surrounded  by 
the  river  and  a  morass,  except  a  narrow  isthmus,  upon  which  is  erected  a 
strong  independent  redoubt,  with  a  ditch,  frize  and  abattis ;  they  also  occupy 
Glocester,  on  the  opposite  side  the  river,  where  they  have  one  or  two  little 
works  to  preserve  a  communication  with  the  country;  but  they  will  cer- 
tainly evacuate  that  side  as  soon  as  the  investiture  is  complete. 

You  know'that  I  am  not  of  a  desponding  disposition,  and  was  I  to  adopt 
that  character  at  this  crisis,  I  ought  to  be  d — d ;  but  there  are  a  train  of 
eventual  circumstances  that  I  can't  help  revolving  in  my  mind,  all  of  which 
makes  me  most  anxiously  wish  his  Lordship  to  play  this  duet  out  of  the 
lines,  in  which  case  I  would  risk  my  soul  and  body  on  figuring  into  York 
with  him  and  bringing  the  affair  to  a  speedy  issue,  from  a  full  conviction 
that  a  victorious  army  meets  no  difficulties,  and  that  we  possibly  may  be 
pressed  for  time — (between  you  and  me)  I  have  some  reason  to  wish  for  the 
power  of  Joshua;  I  certainly  would  give  the  good  old  gentleman  a  holiday 
until  the  American  colours  were  displayed  upon  the  British  lines. 
Until  when,  and  ever,  believe  me  yours,  most  sincerely, 

Anthony  Wayne. 

I  found  a  leisure  hour  to  write  this  scrawl ;  I  hope  you  may  find  one  to 
decipher  it  in,  for  I  really  can  scarcely  read  it  myself;  however,  it  contains 
some  ideas  warm  from  the  heart;  I  therefore  send  it  uncorrected,  in  which 
state  I  commit  it  to  the  hands  of  a  friend. 

Before  sealing  I  received  the  enclosed  note.  My  doubts  are  removed ; 
success  is  certain  if  the  fleet  can  wait:  time — time — time  is  all. 

On  the  3d  of  October,  sixteen  days  before  the  capitulation, 
Wayne  wrote : 


AFFAIRS  AT  PHILADELPHIA.  367 

WAYNE  TO  PRESIDENT  REED. 

Lines  before  York,  3d  October,  1781. 
Dear  Sir, 

The  investiture  of  the  British  army  under  Lord  Cornwallis,  was  effected 
the  29th  ultimo.  The  enemy  abandoned  their  advanced  chain  of  works  the 
same  evening,  leaving  two  enclosed  redoubts  almost  within  point  blank  shot 
of  their  principal  fortification  ;  this  was  not  only  unmilitary,  but  an  indica- 
tion of  a  confused  precipitation  ;  these  works  were  immediately  possessed 
by  the  allied  troops,  and  we  are  now  in  such  forwardness  that  we  shall  soon 
render  his  Lordship's  quarters  rather  disagreeable. 

However,  the  reduction  of  that  army  will  require  time,'and  some  expense 
of  blood,  for  we  cannot  expect  that  Lord  Cornwallis  will  tacitly  surrender 
six  thousand  combatants  without  many  a  severe  sortie;  his  political  and 
military  character  are  now  at  stake.  He  has  led  the  British  king  and 
ministry  into  a  deception  by  assuring  them  of  the  subjugation  of  the  Caro- 
linas,  and  his  manceuvre  into  Virginia  was  a  child  of  his  own  creation, 
which  he  will  attempt  to  nourish  at  every  risk  and  consequence.  He  is 
now  in  full  as  desperate  a  situation  as  his  namesake  Charles  was  at 
Pultowa.  I  have  for  some  time  viewed  him  as  a  fiery  meteor  that  dis- 
plays a  momentary  lustre,  then  falls  to  rise  no  more. 

That  great  ofBcer,  General  Greene,  first  eclipsed  his  glory — he  next  met 
a  Fabius  in  that  young  nobleman,  the  Marquis  La  Fayette,  and  is  now  en- 
compassed by  a  Washington  which  renders  his  [fate]  certain. 

I  was  going  chatting  on,  but  am  called  to  take  charge  of  the  covering 
troops.     Adieu,  and  believe  me, 

Yours,  most  sincerely, 

Anthony  Wayne. 

On  the  19th  of  October,  Lord  Cornwallis  surrendered. 
During  the  absence  of  the  main  body  of  the  army  in  Virginia, 
an  attack  on  Pennsylvania,  by  the  troops  left  in  New  York 
under  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  was  apprehended  ;  and  the  correspon- 
dence shows  that  President  Reed  was  again  actively  engaged 
in  organizing  the  militia,  and  putting  the  State  in  an  attitude  of 
available  defence.  In  Mr.  Morris's  Diary  it  is  stated,  that  fre- 
quent conferences  were  held  on  these  subjects  between  him  and 
the  State  authorities,  and  that  at  one  of  these,  on  the  21st  of 
September,  such  was  the  exigency  of  the  times,  that  the 
plan  was  proposed  and  advocated  of  raising  revenue  by  a 
compulsory  collection  of  a  quarter's  rent  from  the  inhabitants 


368  paine's  letter. 

of  Philadelphia.  This  proposition,  a  severe,  though  practi- 
cable one,  came  from  Mr.  Morris,  to  whom  it  was  suggested 
by  Paine, — ^just  returned  from  France  with  Colonel  Laurens, — 
in  the  following  letter. 


THOMAS  PAINE  TO  ROBERT  MORRIS. 

Second  Street,  Sept.  20th. 
Sir, 

As  your  acquaintance  witli  the  finances,  your  being  a  member  of  the 
House,  and  an  inhabitant  of  the  City,  give  you  a  united  knowledge  and  in- 
terest, I  therefore  trouble  you  with  a  hint  which  occurred  to  me  on  the  re- 
ports of  yesterday. 

I  conjecture  that  one-fourth  or  one-third  part  of  the  rental  of  Philadelphia 
will  defray  the  expense  of  a  body  of  men  sufficient  to  prevent  the  enemy 
from  destroying  it ;  I  estimate,  at  a  guess,  the  yearly  rental  to  be  £300,000. 
As  I  need  not  mention  to  you  the  great  difference  between  giving  up  a 
quarter's  rent,  and  losing  the  whole  rental,  together  with  the  capital,  I 
shall  therefore  make  no  remarks  thereon.  The  hint  I  mean  to  convey 
is,  to  bring  in  a  provisionary  bill  for  the  safety  of  the  City  at  all  times, 
where  the  destruction  of  it  appears  to  be  the  object  of  the  enemy,  by  empow- 
ering the  tenant  to  pay  immediately  into  the  Treasury  one  quarter's  rent, 
to  be  applied  as  above,  and  in  case  it  should  not  be  necessary  to  use  the 
money  when  collected,  the  sums  so  paid  to  be  considered  a  part  of  the  cus- 
tomary taxes.  This,  all  our  circumstances  considered,  appears  to  me 
the  readiest  and  most  eligible  mode  of  procuring  an  immediate  supply. 
I  am,  sir,  your  obedient,  humble  servant, 

Thomas  Paink.* 

Hon.  R.  Morris,  Esquire. 

The  Assembly,  then  in  session,  vested  in  the  Executive  very 

*  "  September  21st,  1781.  At  1  p.  m.  I  waited  on  the  President  of  the  State  of 
Pennsylvania  at  his  house  in  Market  Street,  and  met  there  Mr.  Peters  and  Mr. 
Cornell,  of  the  Board  of  War,  General  St.  Clair,  General  Irvine,  and  General 
Irwin  of  the  militia.  This  conference  lasted  a  considerable  time,  and  in  its  con- 
sequences took  up  the  rest  of  the  day.  I  gave  it  as  my  opinion  that  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  did  not  intend  for  this  City,  nevertheless,  as  the  inhabitants  are  alarmed 
and  uneasy,  I  agreed  to  the  propriety  of  being  prepared,  although  I  lamented  the 
expense  such  preparation  would  put  us  to.  I  advised  the  placing  a  garrison  at 
Mud  Island,  and  putting  that  place  in  a  posture  of  defence,  and  mentioned  the 
plan  proposed  to  me  by  Mr.  Paine  of  collecting  immediately  one  quarter's  rent 
from  all  the  houses  in  Philadelphia  in  order  to  have  an  immediate  supply  of 
money  to  defray  the  expenses." — Mr.  Morrises  Diary.  Diplomatic  Correspon- 
dence, vol.  xi.  p.  473. 


ELECTION  OF  PRESIDENT.  309 

large  powers,  which  happily,  at  this  period  of  exhaustion, 
were  not  exercised.  The  danger,  whatev^er  it  was,  passed  by. 
In  December,  1781,  the  three  years  which,  by  the  Constitu- 
tion, was  the  limit  of  Executive  service,  having  expired, 
William  Moore,  the  late  Vice  President,  was  elected  Presi- 
dent,  and  Mr.  Reed,  after  a  term  of  official  duty  rarely  excelled  .^^ 

in  its  trials  and  responsibilities,  returned  to  private  life.  -"^ 


24 


CHAPTER   XVI. 

1781—82. 

The  termination  of  Hostilities — Military  Correspondence  concluded — Mr.  Reed's 
Letter  to  Greene,  November  1,  1781 — His  view  of  Public  Affairs  in  Pennsyl- 
vania— Organization  of  the  Executive  Departments — Morris,  Livingston  and 
Schuyler — Deane's  intercepted  Letters — Lafayette's  Letter  of  Farewell — Deso- 
late interval  after  the  War — Greene's  Letters,  February,  1782,  and  18th  July, 
1782 — Greene's  Letter  to  Clement  Biddle. 

Little  else  will  be  now  attempted  than  to  bring  to  a  close 
Mr.  Reed's  correspondence  with  his  military  friends — a  cor- 
respondence which  for  seven  years  of  war  had  been  continued 
with  the  most  perfect  confidence  and  unreserve.  On  the 
part  of  Mr.  Reed,  these  letters  relate  generally  to  Pennsyl- 
vania affairs,  and,  though  tinged  with  occasional  asperity,  give 
a  reasonably  fair  colour — such,  at  least,  as  an  ardent  partisan 
would  be  apt  to  give — of  even  his  adversaries'  acts  and  motives. 
General  Greene's  refer  to  Southern  incidents,  and  all  are  full 
of  curious  interest. 


PRESIDENT  REED  TO  GREENE. 

Philadelphia,  November  1,  1781. 
My  dear  General, 

I  cannot  but  express  the  great  pleasure  in  receiving  such  frequent 
marks  of  your  friendly  remennbrance  when  so  many  and  such  perplexing 
scenes  might  well  justify  any  seeming  omission  to  your  friends.  My  returns 
would  have  been  more  frequent  but  for  the  apprehension  of  their  meeting 
with  accidents  ;  the  instances  have  been  so  frequent  this  summer,  and  such 
unhappy  dissensions  have  followed,  that  a  more  established  character  than 
mine  in  the  world  really  had  much  to  fear.     I  did  intend  to  have  availed 


SOUTHERN  CAMPAIGN.  371 

myself  of  Major  Morris,  but  he  came  and  left  the  City  without  my  know- 
ledge. Major  Peirce,  for  whose  acquaintance  I  am  much  obliged  to  you, 
will  be  a  safe  conveyance,  and  I  am  happy  in  the  opportunity  it  affords  to 
render  you  my  sincere  and  affectionate  congratulatious  not  only  on  the 
happy  prospects  of  affairs  in  Carolina  as  it  respects  the  public,  but  on  the 
well-earned  and  honourable  estimation  to  which  you  rise,  and  gallant 
measures  have  raised  you,  not  only  in  the  eyes  of  America  but  of  all  Europe, 
A  victory,  often  the  result  of  accident,  and  gained  sometimes  contrary  to  the 
victor's  opinion,  (as  you  and  I  have  known,)  may  throw  splendour  round  a 
man  for  a  moment,  but  can  bear  no  comparison  with  that  character  which 
rises  superior  to  difficulties,  and  by  a  systematical  perseverance  in  brave 
and  prudent  measures,  gains  and  secures  permanent  and  solid  advantages. 
The  mists  which  envy,  detraction,  and  error  formerly  endeavoured  to  raise 
have  long  since  disappeared,  and  all  seem  willing  now  to  acknowledge  and 
do  justice  to  your  abilities  and  merit. 

I  confess  the  terms  and  circumstances  under  which  you  took  that  com- 
mand were  so  critical  that  1  believe  your  best  friends  had  their  fears,  but  it 
must  now  be  considered  a  fortunate  event.  Your  situation  in  the  main 
army  was  a  delicate  one,  and  I  verily  believe  a  good  man  in  it  thought  him- 
self bound  to  treat  you  with  less  friendship  than  you  deserved,  or  he  felt, 
lest  his  own  character  should  be  lessened.  The  Carolinians  consider  you 
as  their  deliverer,  and  speak  of  you  in  terms  which  reflect  equal  honour  on 
your  merits,  and  their  gratitude.  I  hope  and  trust  they  wrill  give  you  some 
substantial  proofs  of  it,  for,  my  dear  friend,  a  mind  of  the  least  providence 
cannot  help  looking  forward  with  some  degree  of  anxiety  to  an  honourable 
settlement.  It  is,  perhaps,  not  altogether  wise  and  certainly  not  pleasant  to 
anticipate  inconveniences  and  perplexities  especially  of  this  kind,  but  I 
think  I  already  observe  so  little  disposition  to  attend  to  claims  of  this  nature, 
that  a  less  prudent  man  would  occasionally  advert  to  it.  The  spur  of 
necessity  has  brought  forward  some  arrangements  favourable  to  the  bulk  of 
officers  and  to  the  privates,  but  1  have  ever  remarked  an  indisposition  in  the 
Councils  of  America  to  listen  to  the  claims  of  those  officers  who  are  more 
elevated,  and  what  is  equally  strange,  they  seem  to  consider  it  a  derogation 
of  character  for  such  officers  to  engage  in  lesser  pursuits  ;  how,  therefore, 
are  the  necessary,  much  more  the  convenient,  and  still  more  the  elegant 
arrangement  in  life  of  such  characters  to  be  supported  ?  In  other  countries 
there  are  commanders  of  garrisons,  towns,  of  provinces,  pensions,  and  in 
case  of  high  and  signal  services,  public  provision,  equally  honourable  to  the 
givers  and  receivers,  but  I  fear  nothing  of  this  nature  will  be  the  reward  of 
the  American  General  whose  best  years  arid  ripened  abilities  have  been 
devoted  to  the  public  service.  General  Washington's  situation,  and  espe- 
cially his  having  no  family,  puts  him  above  a  want  of  this  nature,  but  his 
case  is  a  particular  one  not  applicable  to  manv  of  his  officers,  and  yet  it  is 
probable  the  case  may  be  applied.  I  confess  I  look  forward  to  the  situation 
of  an  American  General  after  a  peace  with  real  concern.     If  he  has  a  pro- 


372  BRITISH  INFLUENCE. 

fession  he  must  enter  into  it  with  every  disadvantage,  and  once  more  revise 
all  his  studies,  habits  and  even  sentiments  ;  he  must  become  active  when  he 
is  entitled  to  ease,  and  while  every  other  person  in  the  community  is  bless- 
ing the  hour  of  tranquillity,  and  commencing  their  political  happiness,  his 
miseries  are  just  commencing;  mankind  are  pretty  much  alike  in  all 
countries  and  in  all  ages,  and  public  ingratitude  has  been  the  complaint  of 
every  one.  The  services  rendered  are  soon  forgot  when  future  ones  are 
not  to  be  required  or  cannot  be  performed,  nay,  such  is  the  perverse- 
ness  of  mankind  that  they  will  often  do  a  fresh  injury  to  a  meritorious 
character  to  furnish  an  excuse  for  the  first  injustice,  I  see  nothing,  my 
dear  General,  likely  to  exempt  our  countrymen  from  these  imputations,  but 
many  things  to  confirm  it.  You  have  a  considerable  portion  of  life  to  come. 
You  have  a  family  who  will  look  to  you  ;  let  me  therefore  advise  you  if 
honourable  opportunities  offer  to  avail  yourself  of  them  ;  none  but  such  as 
fall  within  this  description  would  I  recommend,  nor  would  you  accept. 
Depend  upon  it  you  will  have  no  credit  from  your  self-denial.  If,  therefore, 
in  the  first  emotions  of  gratitude,  the  Carolinians  offer  you  such  proofs  as  I 
have  described,  let  no  false  modesty  prevent  you  embracing  them.  Nay, 
I  am  not  clear  whether  you  would  not  be  justifiable  and  in  the  line  of  duty 
and  policy  to  endeavour  to  bring  them  forward  in  some  delicate  and  proper 
manner,  engaged  as  you  are,  and  surrounded  by  men  of  generous  and  dis- 
interested feelings. 

You  would  be  exceedingly  surprised  and  even  incredulous  at  the  changes 
which  a  few  months  have  produced  in  this  place,  and  I  am  told  it  is  very 
much  the  case  at  Boston  and  other  parts  of  New  England.  The  sentiments 
which  prevailed  at  the  beginning  of  the  contest,  nay,  the  object  seems 
wholly  forgot.  While  the  attainment  of  independence  and  free  Government 
were  doubtful,  we  seem  to  have  viewed  only  the  advantages  of  them,  but 
now  that  they  appear  sure,  we  dwell  only  on  the  reverse  of  the  picture, 
which  gives  a  complexion  to  our  general  conduct,  and  I  apprehend  will  be 
severely  felt  in  a  few  years  by  those  who  have  distinguished  themselves 
most,  and  have  been  flattering  themselves  with  being  more  valued  for  their 
services  and  sufferings.  Whatever  we  may  say,  or  whatever  contempt  we 
may  throw  on  the  assertions  of  Galloway  and  others,  that  a  great  majority 
of  the  people  are  in  the  British  interest  in  sentiment  and  affection,  I  sub- 
scribe to  it  at  least  from  New  York  downwards  inclusive.  It  is  by  the 
activity,  zeal,  and  bravery  of  the  comparative  few  that  many  have  been 
kept  under ;  the  blunders  and  wretched  management  of  our  enemy  have 
contributed  largely  :  they  have  found  them  out  at  last,  but  it  is  now  too  late. 
However,  the  turn  public  affairs  are  apparently  taking,  if  not  directly  in 
favour  of  the  British  interests,  in  favour  of  those  who  have  ever  been  attached 
to  them,  convinces  me  that  the  sentiment  is  just,  and  that  in  a  very  short 
time  the  British  interest  will  be  the  predominating  interest,  independency 
at  the  same  time  fully  secured  ;  the  thirst  after  office  and  power,  and  the 
success  in  obtaining  them,  evidently  lead  to  this  point,  and  will  in  a  few 


LAUKENS  AND  PAINE.  373 

years,  in  my  opinion,  place  the  powers  of  America,  as  well  general  as  state, 
in  the  hands  of  the  Tories.  The  degenerate  Whigs  court  them  with 
assiduity  as  giving  them  strength.  Si  Dii  nequeunt,  Acheronta  movebunt. 
The  result  of  all  this,  my  good  friend,  is  to  convince  you  of  the  propriety 
and  policy  of  taking  honourable  measures  to  make  yourself  independent,  if 
favourable  opportunities  offer,  or  if  you  are  not  so  already  equal  to  your  wishes 
and  views. 

Our  situation  in  a  public  view  is  truly  brilliant,  and  I  most  heartily  con- 
gratulate you  on  the  surrender  of  Lord  Cornwallis.  This  event  will  throw 
a  splendour  on  the  character  of  General  Washington,  which  after  all  his 
toils,  cares,  and  disappointments,  he  truly  deserves.  After  the  affair  of 
Saratoga,  a  brilliant  victory,  or  such  an  event,  seemed  wanting  to  elevate 
him  to  his  proper  station  in  the  public  eye,  and  show  him  inferior  to  none 
of  the  distinguished  military  characters  of  America.  I  heartily  rejoice  in 
it  on  this  account  as  well  as  others;  it  must  also  give  him  a  singular  satis- 
faction, as  no  virtuous  mind  can  be  insensible  to  public  applause  thus 
honourably  obtained. 

The  incessant  misrepresentations  and  calumnies  with  respect  to  myself 
and  some  unfriendly  characters  about  him  have  raised  some  prejudices,  of 
what  nature  I  cannot  tell,  but  this  does  not  hinder  my  revering  his  charac- 
ter, and  doing  justice  to  his  merits  and  services.  May  he  long  and  happily 
enjoy  the  laurels  he  has  acquired.  He  will,  in  time,  probably  find  out  his 
real  friends  from  his  simulated  ones;  if  he  does  not,  it  will  be  his  misfortune. 
It  seems  to  be  the  general  opinion  that  this  event,  added  to  your  victorious 
progress,  will  bring  on  a  general  pacification  this  winter.  Indeed  I  think  the 
shock  must  be  so  great  that  the  Minister  will  not  be  able  to  raise  the  sup- 
plies, as  it  was  with  difficulty  he  accomplished  it  last  year,  and  only  in  the 
sure  and  certain  hope  of  subjugating  the  Southern  Slates,  at  least  as  far  as 
the  Delaware.  The  reduced  force  of  the  British  Army,  and  the  mani- 
fest despondency  which  prevails,  seems  to  leave  us  nothing  to  fear,  but  I 
still  hope  it  will  not  operate  so  as  to  neglect  the  necessary  preparations  for 
continuing  the  war.  Our  people  are  indeed  very  tired  of  it,  though  they 
have  recovered  from  their  losses  in  a  surprising  manner,  and  a  very  benefi- 
cial trade  to  the  Havana  has  poured  a  great  quantity  of  specie  into  the 
country;  but  they  are  still  discontented,  and  it  will  not  surprise  me,  if,  when 
peace  actually  takes  place,  many  who  have  formed  extravagant  opinions  of 
the  plenty,  riches,  ease  and  luxury  which  are  to  follow  should  find  them- 
selves most  egregiously  disappointed.  However,  it  v^ill  be  a  happy  event, 
which  every  good  man  must  wish  to  see  speedily  accomplished. 

With  respect  to  our  condition  abroad,  yuu  will  certainly  have  heard  that 
Messrs.  Laurens  and  Paine  have  returned,  the  former  having  successfully 
and  honourably  acquitted  himself  of  his  trust.  There  appears  to  be  a  strong 
subsisting  enmity  between  what  may  be  called  Mr.  Deane's  friends,  and 
Messrs.  Adams,  Dana,  &c.  Doctor  Franklin  is  in  Mr.  Deane's  interest,  so 
far  as  his  indolence  and  age  admit  his  being  concerned.    Rivington  has  lately 


374  FINANCIAL  AFFAIRS. 

published  a  number  of  intercepted  letters  from  Mr.  Deane  to  Mr.  Duer,  Mr, 
Morris  and  others;  at  first  they  were  deemed  spurious,  but  I  am  since  in- 
formed that  Mr.  Duer  acknowledges  having  received  a  former  letter  of  si- 
milar import.  It  discloses  a  scene  of  iniquity  at  which  I  am  told  his  own 
Junto  would  blush,  and  now  give  him  up.  This  letter  carries  a  strong  ap- 
pearance of  his  being  in  the  British  interest,  as  he  advises,  in  cogent  terms, 
the  renewal  of  our  connexions  with  Great  Britain,  and  treats  our  good  and 
great  ally  with  much  freedom.  Amidst  the  other  smiles  of  Providence,  I 
cannot  but  think  the  detection  of  those  wicked  schemes,  and  the  nefarious 
agents,  none  of  the  least;  and  yet  strange  as  it  is,  it  seems  that  shame  and 
disgrace  reach  no  farther  than  the  party  immediately  detected.  His  friends, 
partners,  supporters,  and  abettors,  appear  in  public,  unblushing,  and  join  in 
the  cry  of  infamy  as  cordially  as  if  they  had  neither  been  in  the  counsel, 
or  participation  in  the  profits  of  iniquity.  It  is  a  melancholy  proof  what 
money,  expectation  of  office,  entertainment,  good  wine,  and  fear  of  offend- 
ing great  men,  wil[  do.  In  fact,  my  dear  friend,  it  must  be  acknowledged, 
that  if  virtue  and  honesty  are  the  only  foundations  for  a  Republican  Govern- 
ment, we  must  greatly  reform  our  manners,  or  change  our  Government, 
for  we  are  certainly  very  corrupt  for  a  young  country.  Mr.  Jay  and 
Mr.  Adams  are  labouring  very  hard  in  Spain  and  Holland,  but  hitherto,  with 
little  success.  France  has  indeed  acted  kindly  and  generously  by  us,  but 
I  fear  gratitude  and  honour  will  be  feebly  opposed  to  Toryism  and  British 
prejudices.  Indeed,  they  do  not  sufficiently  discriminate ;  they  are  fostering 
some  serpents  in  their  bosom,  who,  when  opportunity  offers,  will  sting  them 
to  death. 

As  to  our  internal  affairs,  viz.  Congressional  government,  there  has  a  sur- 
prising revolution  taken  place.  You  formerly  thought  Congress  assumed 
rather  more  dignity  and  authority  than  became  them,  but  I  assure  you  they 
are  now  sufficiently  humiliated.  The  course  of  affairs  has  thrown  them 
into  a  state  of  dependence  not  very  compatible  with  the  dignity  of  a  sove- 
reign power.  It  would  add  too  much  to  this  already  tedious  letter  to  enter 
into  a  detail  of  the  events  which  have  put  us  into  our  present  state,  but  in 
brief  it  may  be  ascribed  to  the  failure  of  public  credit,  the  non-production  of 
taxes,  and  consequent  poverty  of  Congress,  which  was,  indeed,  truly  abject 
and  distressing ;  in  this  wretched  extremity,  it  became  necessary  to  appoint 
what  I  may  properly  call  a  pecuniary  dictator.  The  qualities  required  were 
ability  of  mind,  some  money  in  hand,  and  a  private  credit  for  more.  I  be- 
lieve I  ought  to  have  put  the  latter  qualities  first,  for  if  Sully  had  been  here 
without  them,  he  would  not  have  been  thought  of.  Mr.  Morris,  who  had 
been  long  pursuing  a  gainful  traffic  from  which  others  were  excluded  by 

embargo   and  restrictions, 

naturally  presented  himself,  as  combining  the  necessary  qualities;  but  his 
terms  were  high,  and  at  first  blush  inadmissible.  He  claimed  a  right  of 
continuing  in  private  trade,  of  dismissing  all  Continental  officers,  handling 
public  money  at  pleasure,  with  many  lesser  privileges  amounting  to  little 


FOREIGN  AFFAIRb.  375 

less  than  an  engrossment  of  all  those  powers  of  Congress  which  had  been 
deemed  incommunicable,  and  which  we  have  sometimes  thought  they  exer- 
cised with  rather  too  much  hauteur.  However,  Mr.  Morris  was  inexo- 
rable, Congress  at  mercy,  and,  finally,  the  appointment  made  with  little  re- 
laxation in  the  original  conditions,  since  which  the  business  of  that  august 
body  has  been  extremely  simplified,  Mr.  Morris  having  relieved  them  from 
all  business  of  deliberation  or  executive  difficulty  with  which  money  is  in 
any  respect  connected,  and  they  are  now  very  much  at  leisure  to  read  de- 
spatches, return  thanks,  pay  and  receive  compliments,  &c.  For  form's  sake 
some  things  go  thither  to  receive  a  sanction,  but  it  is  the  general  opinion 
that  it  is  form  only.  But  it  would  not  be  doing  justice  not  to  acknowledge 
that  humiliating  as  this  power  is,  it  has  been  exercised  with  much  advan- 
tage for  the  immediate  relief  of  our  distresses,  and  that  the  public  have  re- 
ceived a  real  benefit  from  Mr.  Morris's  exertions.  At  the  same  time,  those 
who  know  him  will  also  acknowledge  that  he  is  too  much  a  man  of  the 
world  to  overlook  certain  private  interests  which  his  command  of  the  paper, 
and  occasional  speculations  in  that  currency,  will  enable  him  to  promote. 
It  seems  to  have  ever  been  a  ruling  principle  with  him  to  connect  the  pub- 
lic service  with  private  interest,  and  he  certainly  has  not  departed  from  it 
at  this  time  of  day.  His  influence  is  also  great,  not  to  say  irresistible,  in 
the  appointment  of  other  officesnot  connected  withhisown,  of  which  we  have 
had  recent  proofs  in  the  appointment  of  a  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  and  that 
of  the  War  Department,  Mr.  R.  Livingston,  of  New  York,  having,  after  much 
opposition,  been  appointed  to  the  former,  and  General  Schuyler  standing  fairest 
for  the  latter.  Mr.  Pettit  showed  me  your  letter  of  about  two  months  ago,  very 
expressive  of  your  partiality  to  me  on  this  subject — but  alas  !  you  are  little 
acquainted  with  the  avenues  of  power  and  interest,  or  you. would  have 
spared  your  pen  and  paper.  No,  no,  my  good  friend;  great  as  your  own 
merit,  and  your  acknowledged  services  and  sufferings,  you  must  find  ano- 
ther door  if  you  wish  to  enter,  how  much  less  one  whose  public  services 
never  very  brilliant,  and  now  of  an  ancient  date.  However,  the  manceuvres 
were  very  diverting  on  this  occasion.  Contrary  to  my  desire,  and  without 
my  knowledge,  my  name  was  brought  forward  with  some  prospect  of  appro- 
bation. It  was  immediately  observed  that  such  an  office  should  be  the  re- 
ward of  continued  and  active  field  service,  that  there  were  divers  characters 
extremely  suitable,  and  in  a  short  time  yourself,  General  Lincoln,  and 
General  Knox  were  nominated,  my  name,  in  the  mean  time,  agreeable  to 
my  wishes,  being  withdrawn.  This  point  obtained,  objections  arose  to  you, 
but  they  were  the  objections  of  friendship  to  yourself,  and  regard  for  the 
country.  To  lake  you  from  the  career  of  victory  would  be  improper  and 
injurious ;  to  send  a  new  officer,  unknown  to,  and  unconfided  in  by  the 
country,  would  be  wrong  too;  in  short,  it  could  not  be  in  any  view.  General 
Lincoln  was  found  to  be  too  easy  in  his  temper,  not  sufficiently  a  man  of 
business,  nor  sturdy  enough  to  reject  importunity.  General  Knox,  being  at 
the  head  of  a  special  department,  and  having  acquired  special  professional 
knowledge,  could  not  be  spared.     In  this  extremity,  General  Schuyler  pre- 


376  OFFICE  OF  SUPERINTENDENT. 

sented  himself  to  view,  and  under  apparent  prejudices  and  ancient  resent- 
ments, gained  such  a  proportion  of  votes  as  will,  most  probably,  in  the  event, 
place  him  in  the  office.  This  is  Mr.  Morris's  doing,  and  wondrous  in  our 
eyes.  Though  the  income  of  the  office  might,  with  good  economy,  carry 
you  through  the  year,  I  confess  I  could  not  wish  you  an  office  which,  with 
much  less  pretensions,  I  could  not  think  of  for  myself  We  both  have  too 
much  spirit  to  submit  to  the  shackles  which  in  that  case  we  must  have  put 
on.  To  depend  on  our  immediate  ostensible  masters  we  should  deem  suffi- 
cient, but  as  things  now  are,  we  must  be  still  further  dependent  on  a  real 
one,  and  who  would  probably  make  us  feel  dependence  in  more  respects 
than  one;  it  would  be  too  grating  to  minds  like  ours.  I  say  nothing  of  the 
wiiole  appointments  wearing  so  much  the  appearance  of  cabal,  when  at  the 
same  time  you  consider  that  Mr.  Gouverneur  Morris  is  the  Financier's  assist- 
ant, and  censorious  people  say  his  director.  Congress  is  evidently  sunk 
from  that  consequence  which  I  really  think  necessary  for  the  general  inte- 
rest of  America,  and  I  am  truly  sorry  for  it,  as  though  temporary  advantages 
may  arise  from  special  exertions  and  extraordinary  powers,  they  are  not 
eventually  beneficial  to  a  free  country,  and  every  intervention  between  the 
people  and  the  sovereign  power  established  by  them,  is  dangerous,  not  to 
say  actually  mischievous. 

My  term  of  office  is  expired,  and  I  am  now  quite  a  private  man. 
My  knowledge  of  the  affiiirs  of  this  State  might  have  been  useful,  and  I 
should  have  thought  it  my  duty  to  have  given  my  services  if  it  had  been  re- 
quired in  the  line  of  the  State,  but  it  has  not,  so  that  I  find  myself  in  a 
situation  more  truly  enviable,  if  peace  and  ease  are  to  be  envied,  than  I  have 
been  in  for  some  time.  I  am  pressed  to  go  into  Congress,  but  this  I  shall  posi- 
tively decline.  I  have  not  the  least  ambition  or  inclination,  and  can  ill  afford  to 
give  the  public  the  few  remaining  years  wherein  I  can  be  actively  useful  to 
my  family.  You  will  therefore  probably  find  me,  when  you  return,  a  private 
p-entleman,  pursuing  my  profession  with  activity  and  industry,  but  in  what- 
ever station,  you  will  ever  find  me  your  sincere  well-wisher  and  most  affec- 
tionate friend.  The  ingratitude  I  have  met  with  from  the  officers  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Line,  after  many  and  signal  services  done  them,  has  very 
much  cooled  my  ardour  in  military  matters,  and  the  most  unwarrantable 
abuse  and  slander  in  civil  affairs  has  satisfied  me  a  private  station,  if 
not  a  post  of  honour,  is  a  post  of  comfort,  which  I  have  long  earnestly 
wished,  and  now  actually  do  enjoy.  But  self  is  a  subject  so  interesting  that 
when  begun  we  seldom  know  when  to  leave  off,  and  it  is  not  fair  I  should 
tax  you  so  heavily. 

Your  letters  are  too  agreeable  not  to  make  me  wish  a  continuance  of 
them  as  you  find  time  and  leisure,  for  I  really  think  there  is  something  con- 
genial in  our  turn  and  character,  at  least,  I  am  willing  to  flatter  myself  it 
is  so.  May  every  happiness  and  success  attend  you,  my  dear  General, most 
sincerely  wishes 

Your  truly  affectionate  and  obliged  friend  and  humble  servant. 


Lafayette's  letter.  377 

LAFAYETTE  TO  REED. 

Twelve  Miles  Stone,  November  28th,  1781. 
My  dear  Sir, 

When  I  received  your  polite  letter  of  this  day,  I  was  just  leaving  the 
city,  and  I  take  the  earliest  opportunity  to  tender  you  my  most  grateful 
thanks  for  the  expression  of  your  friendship.  The  letter  you  entrust  to  me 
shall  be  most  carefully  forwarded.  I  am  happy  it  is  in  my  power  to  oblige 
you.  I  would  be  still  happier,  my  dear  friend,  if  I  could  properly  express 
the  affectionate  regard  which  devotes  me  to  you.  I  heartily  thank  you  for 
your  good  wishes.  I  anticipate  the  pleasure  of  taking  you  by  the  hand  at 
my  return,  and  I  do  assure  you,  my  dear  sir,  that  while  I  have  a  proper 
sense  of  the  many  favours  which  this  country  has  been  pleased  to  confer 
upon  me,  and  which,  though  they  cannot  exceed  my  attachment,  have 
far  surpassed  my  services,  I  am  particularly  proud  of  the  esteem  of  such 
character  as  my  friend  General  Reed.  Adieu,  my  dear  sir;  I  am  happy 
once  more  to  assure  you  of  the  affectionate  regard  I  have  the  honour  to  be 

Your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

Lafayette. 

The  surrender  of  Cornwallis  virtually  terminated  the  war ; 
for  though  the  enemy  held  possession  of  many  prominent  posts 
for  some  time  longer,  and  the  American  army  was  kept  in  its  can- 
tonments, yet,  in  point  of  fact,  all  fears  of  adverse  action  were 
over.  The  great  danger  of  America,  in  its  social  and  political 
institutions,  was  in  the  collapse.  No  more  dreary  period  of 
our  history  is  to  be  found  than  the  interval  from  the  signing  of 
the  preliminary  articles  in  November,  1782,  till  the  adoption  of 
the  Federal  Constitution.  Its  history,  or  rather  the  greater  part 
of  it,  does  not  belong  to  this  biography.  The  following  letters 
from  Greene  show  his  opinions  and  the  actual  slate  of  affairs 
under  his  own  observation,  and  especially  to  the  Southward. 
They  are  full,  loo,  of  genuine  expression  of  affectionate  friend- 
ship that  never  abated. 

GREENE  TO  REED. 

Head-Quarters,  February  27th,  1782. 
My  dear  Sir, 

I  have  postponed  answering  your  very  polite  and  friendly  letter  of  the  1st 

of  November  last,  in  hopes  to  get  leisure  time  to  write  you  largely  upon 


378  GREENE'S  LETTERS. 

several  subjects.  But  I  am  so  continually  crovvtied  with  business  that  I  see 
but  little  prospect;  and  for  fear  you  should  think  me  guilty  of  neglect,  I 
have  taken  this  opportunity,  by  Doctor  Ramsey,  to  assure  you  of  my  friend- 
ship and  attachment,  in  whatever  walk  of  life  you  may  be.  You  are  now  in 
the  situation  that  I  have  been  wishing  for  for  years  past;  nothing  would 
give  me  greater  pleasure  than  to  become  the  humble  citizen.  You  know  1 
am  not  very  ambitious,  and  love  domestic  quiet.  The  ingratitude  you  have 
been  treated  with  by  a  party  in  Philadelphia,  and  by  some  of  the  officers  of 
the  army,  serves  but  to  disgust  me  with  public  life,  and  as  a  lesson  of  the 
inconstancy  of  human  creatures.  The  State  of  South  Carolina  have  treated 
me  very  differently.  They  have  voted  me  their  thanks  unanimously,  ac- 
companied with  a  vote  vesting  me  with  an  estate  of  ten  thousand  guineas. 
No  people,  I  believe,  ever  felt  a  stronger  impulse  of  gratitude.  Com- 
missioners are  appointed  to  make  the  purchase.  This,  with  the  shattered 
remains  of  my  little  fortune,  will  lay  a  foundation  for  a  decent  support  in 
the  decline  of  life.  The  measure  is  new  in  the  politics  of  America,  and  it 
will  soon  become  public.  Please  to  let  me  hear  what  animadversions  are 
made  upon  it,  particularly  by  the  delegates  and  people  from  New  England. 

Doctor  Ramsey  will  tell  you  all  the  news  in  this  quarter,  and  of  the  mea- 
sures taken  by  their  Legislature  with  respect  to  the  Tories  and  disaffected. 
We  are  in  anxious  suspense  for  the  news  from  Europe.  England  is  obsti- 
nate; but  if  she  can  form  no  alliance,  we  must  have  peace.  Four  great 
events  have  taken  place  last  year  to  lay  a  foundation  for  it:  the  advantages 
gained  to  the  Southward,  the  fall  of  Lord  Cornwallis,  the  exit  of  paper 
money  without  a  convulsion,  and  the  completion  of  the  Confederation.  The 
hopes  of  the  Ministry  rested  greatly  on  each  of  those  points,  and  therefore 
all  coming  together  must  distract  the  measures  of  Administration,  and  I  am 
in  hopes  will  ruin  the  Ministry.  Should  this  happen,  we  shall  have  peace : 
but  if  they  stand  their  ground,  we  shall  have  war;  and  I  confess  I  think  the 
latter  much  more  probable  than  the  former. 

It  is  a  long  time  since  I  heard  from  Philadelphia.  The  Commander-in- 
chief,  I  am  told,  spends  the  winter  with  you.  Notwithstanding  the  pros- 
perous train  of  our  affairs  in  the  Military  Department,  I  am  exceedingly  dis- 
tressed for  the  deplorable  condition  of  the  civil.  The  States  appear  to  have 
a  greater  disposition  to  quarrel  with  Congress  and  those  in  authority  under 
them  than  they  have  for  affording  their  proportion  of  the  national  expense. 
Virginia  is  murmuring,  and  complains  of  partiality.  The  Assembly  have 
left  the  Executive  without  the  least  power  upon  the  greatest  emergency. 
They  have  few  or  no  men  in  the  field,  nor  is  there  the  least  prospect  of  any 
considerable  force.  North  Carolina  is  in  much  the  same  situation.  They 
both  appear  like  two  great  overgrown  babies  who  have  got  out  of  temper, 
and  who  have  been  accustomed  to  great  indulgence.  So  little  aid  does 
either  of  those  States  give  us,  that  we  cannot  get  on  the  public  stores  for 
the  army,  and  such,  too,  as  we  are  in  the  greatest  distress  for  the  want  of. 
Was  I  to  paint  our  true  situation,  you  would  think  it  deplorable.    But  we 


Greene's  letters.  379 

have  been  so  long  accustomed  to  hardships  and  difficulties,  that  we  keep  up 
a  good  countenance.     You  know  I  am  not  subject  to  despair. 

Please  to  remember  me  affectionately  to  Mr.  Pettit  and  his  family,  and 

tell  him  I  had  not  time  to  write  you  both.     I  beg  you  will  introduce  Doctor 

Ramsey  to  him,  and  I  beg  leave  to  recommend  the  Doctor  to  your  civilities. 

I  am,  with  esteem  and  affection, 

Your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

N.  Greene. 

GREENE  TO  REED. 

Head-Quarters,  Ashley  River,  July  18th,  1782. 
Dear  Sir, 

As  I  love  and  esteem  you,  and  wish  you  not  to  forget  me,  1  cannot  deprive 
myself  of  the  pleasure  of  writing  you,  although  I  have  little  to  say.  Since 
I  wrote  you  before.  General  Wayne  has  had  two  considerable  skirmishes 
with  the  enemy,  in  both  of  which  he  dispersed  them,  and  gained  great  ad- 
vantages. Preparations  have  been  makmg  for  some  time  past  for  the 
evacuation  of  Savannah,  and  I  expect  it  to  take  place  every  hour.  Some 
preparations  are  also  making  in  Charleston  that  has  an  appearance  of  an 
approaching  evacuation,  but  it  may  be  only  to  contract  their  works.  1  have 
had  little  hopes  of  the  enemy's  leaving  the  country  since  the  defeat  of  the 
Count  De  Grasse,  unless  it  should  happen  in  consequence  of  the  new 
Ministry  in  Great  Britain.*  This  country  requires  repose,  being  ravaged 
from  one  end  to  the  other,  great  part  of  which  is  chargeable  to  the  Tories, 
who  have  been  very  numerous  in  this  State  and  North  Carolina.  Our  ope- 
rations this  year  are  as  insipid  as  they  were  important  the  last.  I  cannot 
help  feeling  mortified  at  the  change,  but  it  is  not  in  my  power  to  help  it. 
You  at  a  distance  may  think  something  is  amiss;  but  be  assured  all  is  and 
shall  be  done  that  our  weak  and  distressed  situation  will  admit.  Indeed, 
our  condition  has  been  deplorable  for  want  of  clothing  until  within  a  few  days. 
Nor  has  our  situation  been  much  more  eligible  in  the  article  of  provisions; 
what  we  have  had  being  bad,  and  frequently  without  any.  I  suppose  you've 
heard  of  the  mutiny  in  the  army.  The  symptoms  first  appeared  in  your 
Line,  and  soon  communicated  itself  to  the  Maryland  Line.  I  hung  a  sergeant 
and  sent  off  four  others,  which  totally  put  a  stop  to  it;  and  never  was  there 
a  greater  change  than  has  taken  place  among  the  troops  in  consequence  of 
it.  Not  a  murmur  or  complaint  has  been  uttered  since.  I  believe  the  first 
mutiny  which  happened  in. your  Line  originated  in  too  much  indulgence; 
and  the  froward  spirit  which  arose  from  it  had  not  been  fully  suppressed.  I 
wish  I  may  see  no  more  of  it.  There  is  nothing  like  decision  in  critical 
situations.  If  you  love  me,  write  me,  for  I  often  feel  oppressed.  The 
Southern  States  appear  generous  towards  me,  much  more  than  I  had  reason 
to  hope  or  expect.     However,  I  believe  they  feel  some  obligations  to  me. 

*  The  administration  of  the  Marquis  of  Rockingham,  which  had  succeeded 
that  of  Lord  North. 


380       Greene's  letter,  to  clement  biddle. 

I  wrote  you  from  — that  South  Carolina  had  voted  me  a  letter  of 

thanks  accompanied  with  a  present  of  ten  thousand  guineas;  since  which 

Georgia  has  voted  me  five, and  North  Carolina  twenty-five  thousand  acres  of 

land  in  the  back  country.    I  am  told  the  land  is  good  and  the  grant  valuable. 

People  that  know  it  pay  the  land  will  sell  for  at  least  30,000  dollars. 

Mrs.  Greene  joins  me  in  respectful  compliments  to  you  and  all  our  friends. 

I  wish,  if  it  was  consistent  with  your  interest  and  feelings,  that  you  was 

again  in  public  life,  but  be  assured  of  my  esteem  and  affection  in  whatever 

situation  fortune  may  place  you. 

N.  Greene. 


GREENE  TO  CLEMENT  BIDDLE. 

Head-quarters,  September  1st,  1782. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  don't  recollect  whether  I  ever  answered  your  letter  of  the  3d  of  April, 
as  I  never  keep  copies  of  private  letters,  unless  it  is  to  persons  of  doubtful 
friendship.  Captain  Hutchins,  who  was  the  bearer  of  your  letter,  is  greatly 
respected  in  the  army.  Poor  fellow,  he  has  been  at  death's  door  for  a  long 
time,  but  happily  is  now  on  the  recovery.  This  climate  is  a  trier  of  con- 
stitutions. Most  of  my  family  have  been  ill.  Morris  very  much  so.  Pen- 
dleton has  been  down  with  a  fever  at  times,  and  Pearce  is  now  laid  up  with 
it  in  Camp.  But  Mrs.  Greene,  Morris,  Pendleton,  and  Doctor  Johnston, 
are  gone  to  Kersan,  one  of  the  Sea  Islands,  one  of  the  most  healthy  places 
in  all  this  Country.  Mrs.  Greene  has  not  had  a  fever,  but  she  had  some 
symptoms  that  were  not  a  little  alarming.  I  have  been  pretty  healthy  my- 
self, and  so  has  Burnet,  until  within  a  few  days.  The  army  is  very  sickly, 
but  not  more  than  is  to  be  expected  in  this  climate.  We  have  one  of  the 
driest  and  most  healthy  positions  to  be  found  in  this  quarter  of  the  world. 
The  mortality  is  not  great  among  the  troops  for  the  number  sick.  Indeed, 
the  fevers  of  this  country  are  generally  more  troublesome  than  dangerous. 

Mr.  Pettit  writes  me  the  trade  of  Philadelphia  has  suffered  a  great  shock. 
I  wish  you  may  not  be  among  the  unfortunate.  By  his  account,  the  trade 
of  the  place  is  almost  ruined.  If  you  were  not  rich  before,  I  am  afraid  you 
are  not  so  now.  The  Southern  States  have  been  generously  disposed 
towards  me.  South  Carolina  voted  me  ten  thousand  guineas,  Georgia  five 
and  North  Carolina  twenty-five  thousand  acres  of  land,  said  to  be  valuable, 
although  it  lays  far  back  into  the  country.  This  interest  may  be  of  some 
consequence  to  me  hereafter ;  at  present  I  can  derive  no  benefit  from  it. 

Georgia,  you  have  heard,  was  evacuated.  General  Wayne  did  himself 
great  credit  in  the  conduct  of  his  command  in  that  State.  Preparations  are 
making  for  the  evacuation  of  Charleston,  and  indeed  we  are  told  New  York 
is  to  be  evacuated  also.  I  wish  it  may  be  so ;  but  I  have  my  fears,  how- 
ever;  by  Sir  Guy  Carlton's  and  Admiral  Digby's  letter  to  General  Washing- 
ton, it  would  seem  as  if  a  peace  is  not  far  distant.  I  can  place  no  confi- 
dence in  villains,  and  therefore  I  hope  we  shall  not  be  put  off  our  guard. 


CLEMENT  BIDDLE.  381 

To  neglect  the  necessary  preparations  for  war  in  expectation  of  peace,  and 
be  disappointed,  would  be  no  less  ruinous  than  vexatious,  but  if  we  are  pre- 
pared for  war,  we  can  make  a  peace  with  so  much  the  better  grace.  I  am 
afraid  the  Count  De  Grasse's  defeat  will  give  British  pride  a  new  spring,  and 
the  conditions  they  would  agree  to  before,  they  will  reject  now.  If  they 
could  only  humble  France,  how  they  would  torture  us.  Happily  for  America 
we  are  so  fortunately  leagued  where  it  is  both  the  honour  and  the  interest 
of  the  nation  to  adhere  to  it.  Was  it  otherwise,  we  might  be  left  in  dis-. 
tress,  after  all  our  efforts.  I  cannot  but  feel  apprehensive  for  our  fate, 
when  I  see  such  a  want  of  a  spirit  of  union  among  the  States,  generally, 
and  among  several,  such  factions  and  licentiousness  prevail.  These  are 
evils  which  originate  in  our  Constitution,  and  they  are  neither  purged  off 
by  the  virtue  of  the  people  or  the  wisdom  of  Government.  I  wish  the  man- 
ner of  the  people  was  more  congenial  with  our  Constitution.  Where  there 
is  neither  virtue  among  the  people  nor  vigour  in  government,  the  wheels  will 
move  on  heavily. 

I  am  told  a  letter  of  mine,  some  time  past,  gave  offence  to  Congress, 
wherein  I  portrayed  the  real  situation  of  the  army  and  the  Slates,  generally. 
When  a  man  is  largely  in  debt  and  his  affairs  in  confusion,  he  is  loth  to 
look  into  them;  but  it  is  impossible  to  apply  a  remedy  without  a  knowledge 
of  them,  and  he  that  will  not  submit  to  the  inquiry  must  soon  be  ruined.  I 
am  sure  Congress  has  not  a  faster  friend  than  I  am,  nor  has  few  done  more  to 
promote  their  interest;  but  they  had  rather  be  flattered  than  informed,  and  I 
am  too  honest  to  do  this,  and  therefore  I  shall  never  be  one  of  their  favourites. 
They  may  employ  me  because  they  find  their  account  in  it,  but  they  don't 
love  me,  and  therefore  lay  hold  of  every  little  circumstance  to  pick  a  quar- 
rel with  me.  But  I  will  not  quarrel  with  them,  nor  will  I  give  them  any 
just  ground  to  complain,  either  in  matters  of  duty  or  respect.  In  time  they 
will  be  convinced  of  the  truth  of  my  observations,  and  perhaps  discover  their 
prejudices. 

George,  Mr.  Pettit  writes  me,  is  with  Dr.  Witherspoon.  I  am  very 
happy,  for  I  am  a  great  admirer  of  the  Doctor's  plan  of  education.  Please 
to  make  my  affectionate  compliments  to  Mrs.  Biddle  and  Mrs.  Shaw,  to 
General  Wilkinson  and  his  lady,  and  Dr.  Hutchinson  and  his  lady.  I  am 
vexed  to  see  the  ingratitude  shown  to  Governor  Reed.  It  is  almost  enough 
to  put  one  out  of  conceit  of  serving  the  public. 

You  will  see  so  many  publications  of  the  death  of  poor  Laurens  that  I 
shall  not  write  you  on  the  .subject. 

Yours,  sincerely, 

N.  Greene.* 

*  For  this  letter,  hitherto  unpublished,  I  am  indebted  to  C.  C.  Biddle,  Esq.,  of 
this  City.  Colonel  Clement  Biddle  (Greene's  correspondent)  was  a  valued  friend 
of  Mr.  Reed,  and  a  fellow  Constitutionalist.  In  the  Appendix  to  this  Volume  will 
be  found  a  biographical  sketch  of  Colonel  Biddle. 


CHAPTER    XVII. 
1782. 

Party  feeling  in  Pennsylvania — Valerius  and  Mr.  Dickinson — Mr.  Reed's  contro- 
versy with  General  Cadwalader — Mr.  Reed  resumes  the  practice  of  the  law 
— Defeat  of  Count  De  Grasse  by  Rodney — Mr.  Reed's  letter  on  the  subject — 
Greene's  letter  of  29th  August,  1782,  to  Mr.  Pettit — Wyoming  Question  argued 
at  Trenton  by  Reed,  Wilson,  Sergeant,  and  Bradford — Letters  from  Trenton — 
Decree  in  favour  of  Pennsylvania — Mr.  Reed's  letter  14th  March,  1783,  to 
Greene — Peace  proclaimed — Greene's  letter  23d  April. 

The  adverse  feeling  towards  the  late  President,  to  which  Ge- 
neral Greene  alludes,  was  a  curious  feature  of  the  times.  Judg- 
ing from  the  newspapers  and  pamphlets,  the  year  1782,  which 
found  Mr.  Reed  a  private  citizen,  was  more  convulsed  by  party 
spirit,  raging  apparently  without  restraint,  than  any  preceding 
period.  The  accredited  newspaper  organs  of  the  two  parties 
were  filled  with  articles  of  extreme  ferocity,  directed  at  the  re- 
spective leaders;  and  towards  Mr.  Reed  especially,  as  one 
whose  mere  resignation  of  authority  did  not  satisfy  his  ene- 
mies, the  most  intense  animosity  was  manifested.  There  was 
no  stint  to  anonymous  defamation.  On  the  side  of  the  Constitu- 
tionalists quite  as  able  partisans  were  in  the  field,  using  their  pens 
offensively  as  well  as  defensively.  Among  them,  one  who  wrote 
under  the  name  of  Valerius,  and  whose  identity  never  was 
clearly  ascertained,  attracted  great  attention.  The  main  object 
of  his  assault,  made  with  great  bitterness  and  eloquence,  was 
Mr.  Dickinson,  who,  in  November,  1782,  had  been  elected 
President  by  a  small  majority  over  General  Potter,  the  Constitu- 
tional candidate.  So  effective  did  these  attacks  become,  that 
Mr.  Dickinson  found  it  necessary  to  answer  them,  and  to  make 
an  elaborate  defence  of  his  public  conduct  in  reply  to  this 
anonymous  assailant.     It  would  be  entirely  aside  from  the  aim 


CAD  WALADER  CONTROVERSY.  383 

of  these  volumes  to  revive  or  minutely  to  refer  to  such  contro- 
versies. They  were  in  every  way  discreditable ;  they  may  be 
consigned  to  the  oblivion  which  has  nearly  overtaken  them,  and 
may  well  be  left  for  the  congenial  research  of  a  class  of  men, 
happily  very  limited,  who  take  a  malignant  pleasure  in  defam- 
ing the  memory  of  our  revolutionary  patriots.* 

Occasionally,  controversies  of  a  graver  kind  occurred  at  this 
season  of  diseased  excitement.  Of  this  description  was  one  of 
a  very  painful  nature,  which,  in  the  fall  of  1782,  Mr.  Reed  was 
involved  in,  with  his  former  companion  in  arms.  General  John 
Cadwalader.  Pamphlets  of  great  acrimony  w^ere  published  on 
each  side.  These  pamphlets  are  nov^'  before  me,  but  it  is  most 
consistent  with  my  feelings  to  the  living  and  the  dead,  that  the 
controversy  should  be  dismissed  with  this  incidental  reference 
which  its  importance  at  the  time  seemed  to  require,  and  with 
the  expression  of  the  conviction  that  had  the  lives  of  the 
parties,  and  especially  of  him  who  made  the  assault,  been  pro- 
longed, and  opportunities  such  as  we  now  have,  been  afforded, 
of  collating  testimony,  and  allowing  transient  resentments 
to  subside,  the  fierceness  of  the  controversy  would  have  been 
succeeded  by  far  more  amiable  feelings.  But  in  less  than  three 
years  from  the  date  of  the  controversy,  both  parties  were  in 
their  graves.f 

*  There  is  a  class  of  men  in  this  country  who,  either  from  hereditary  antipa- 
thies, or  from  more  disinterested  and  speculative  malig-nity,  take  pleasure  in 
defaming  the  patriot  men  of  the  Revolution.  Books  have  been  written  and  cir- 
culated of  the  most  infamous  character,  with  no  other  object  than  such  disloyal 
disparagement ;  documents  have  been  forged — whispers  against  the  character  of 
Washington  himself  and  his  nearest  friends,  have  been  stealthily  circulated,  and 
the  slanders  have  found  wilhng  readers  and  listeners.  To  such  resurrectionists  of 
decaying  calumny,  the  following  striking  passage  from  a  recent  pamphlet,  has  a 
very  direct  application. 

"  Who  that  knows  anything  of  literary  history,  or  of  society,  cannot  recall  a 
number  of  cases,  where  slander,  however  base  and  baseless,  has  been  believed  to 
be  true,  for  no  other  reason  than  because  it  has  never  been  contradicted  ?  Nay,  a 
calumny  may  have  been  buried  in  obscurity  for  centuries  and  millenaries,  and  at 
length  some  literary  truffle  dng,  will  hunt  it  out ;  and  if  it  do  but  concern  some 
great  man,  the  vulgar  will  pelt  it  at  his  head." — Harems  Vindication  of  Niehuhr, 
p.  57,  London,  1829. 

t  General  Cadwalader  died  10th  February,  1786.     Mr.  Reed  in  March,  1785. 


384 


RODNEY  AND  DE  GRASSE. 


Mr.  Reed  on  retiring  from  the  Presidency,  resumed  the 
practice  of  his  profession,  with  all  the  zeal  which  impaired  health 
and  the  long  indulgence,  if  such  it  can  be  called,  in  political  ex- 
citement, permitted.  His  resolution  to  abstain  from  active  par- 
ticipation in  politics,  seems  to  have  been  firm,  for,  as  appears 
from  the  correspondence,  he  w^as  more  than  once  tempted 
by  bright  promises  of  preferment. 

On  the  12th  of  April,  Count  De  Grasse  was  defeated  in  the 
West  Indies  by  the  British  fleet  under  Sir  George  Rodney,  and 
the  rumour  which  reached  Philadelphia  of  this  catastrophe 
seems  to  have  produced  strange  results,  which  are  thus  de- 
scribed in  a  letter  from  Mr.  Reed  to  Judge  Bryan. 

MR.  REED  TO  GEORGE  BRYAN. 

Philadelphia,  May  23d,  1782. 
Dear  Sir, 

On  my  return  home,  I  carefully  delivered  your  letter  to  Mrs.  Bryan, 
who,  with  the  family  are  well.  I  make  no  doubt  but  the  alarming  account 
of  the  defeat  of  the  Count  De  Grasse  has  caused  speculation  with  you  as 
well  as  here.  I  do  not  recollect  any  report  on  which  there  was  greater 
diversity  of  sentiment  and  more  warmth ;  the  capture  of  Charleston  not 
e.xcepted.  Opinions  were  supported  by  considerable  bets,  or  rather  wager- 
ing policies,  in  which  the  Ville  de  Paris  was  insured,  from  a  premium  of 
ten  to  fifty  per  cent.  Yesterday  bets  were  even,  as  the  belief  of  their  de- 
feat gained  ground  hourly,  but  this  morning  we  have  been  somewhat  re- 
lieved by  an  account  (via  Boston)  from  Martinique,  which  says  that  after  a 
severe  engagement,  in  which  one  French  vessel  was  blown  up,  the  Count 
pursued  his  voyage  to  Hispaniola,  leaving  the  British  fleet  so  much  damaged 
as  to  disable  any  pursuit.  Mr.  M'Clenachan,  I  am  told,  would  have  lost 
1500  or  2000Z.,  but  has  won  400  or  500^.  Mr.  Low  and  Mr.  Bingham  were 
the  principal  wagerers  on  the  truth  of  the  report.  Considerable  sums  have 
been  made,  as  1  am  informed,  by  hedging,  as  the  gamesters  call  it.  I  can- 
not say  that  I  think  these  novel  practices  do  us  much  credit  as  a  moral  or  a 
commercial  people,  and  certainly  are  not  signs  of  that  poverty  and  distress 
which  many  do,  and  more  must  soon  feel,  if  some  favourable  alteration  does 
not  take  place.  Our  river  continues  completely  shut,  not  a  single  arrival 
since  you  left  town.  We  hear  very  little  from  New  York  since  Sir  Henry 
Clinton's  departure.  Mr.  Carlton  seems  to  be  paving  the  way  before  he 
makes  any  explicit  overtures.  You  will  see  by  the  addresses  in  the  papers 
and  the  resolves,  &c.,  that  appearances  are  not  favourable  to  his  system. 
The  affair  of  Huddy  continues  undetermined,  but  it  is  reported  the  British 


RODNEY  AND  DE  GRASSE.  385 

Captains  at  Lancaster  have,  agreeably  to  intimations  from  the  War  Office, 
cast  lots  who  shall  be  the  victim  of  retaliation,  and  that  he  is  soon  expected 
in  town.  I  presume  you  have  seen  Clinton's  letter  to  General  Washington, 
which  is  hardly  decent.*  The  Alliance  frigate  is  arrived  at  New  London, 
after  an  ineffectual  attempt  to  get  into  our  Capes  ;  the  Marquis  is  nut 
arrived  in  her,  but  our  politicians,  who  know  much  more  of  the  matter  than 
I  can  pretend  lo,  say  that  he  will  soon  come  with  a  respectable  armament 
under  the  command  of  La  Mothe  Piquet,  If  so,  and  things  go  tolerably  in 
the  West  Indies,  we  may  hope  to  add  Sir  Guy  to  the  lift  of  captured  Gene- 
rals. I  find  our  militia  have  orders  to  hold  themselves  in  readiness,  but  I 
cannot  persuade  myself  they  will  be  wanted  tor  two  or  three  months  to 
come.  It  is  proper  to  comply  with  the  General's  requisition  in  this  respect, 
but  I  doubt  very  much  whether  they  will  be  better  prepared  when  enemies 
come  than  they  would  otherwise  have  been.  Our  internal  affairs  seem 
very  quiet;  the  rage  of  abuse  has  subsided,  at  least  for  the  present.  Not 
even  a  whisper  to  be  heard,  except  the  murmurs  of  Oswald's  Chronicle 
which  in  faint. 

I  have  been  applied  to  in  order  to  attend  a  trial  at  Lancaster,  and  have 
given  some  expectations  I  would  attend,  but  there  is  so  great  an  uncertainty 
in  bringing  on  causes,  that  I  yet  hesitate.  The  cause  is  against  one  Florio 
in  ejectment  for  a  plantation  on  Susquehanna  near  Middletown  ;  if  so,  I  shall 
probably  have  the  pleasure  to  travel  home  with  you.  My  compliments  to 
the  Chief  Justice  and  Mr.  Atlee,  Mr.  Sergeant,  &c. 


GREENE  TO  CHARLES  PETTIT. 

Head-Quarters,  August  29th,  1782. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  wrote  you  in  my  last  that  appearances  favoured  a  total  evacuation  of 
this  country.  The  passing  of  the  two  fleets  to  the  Northward  leaves  every 
thing  pretty  much  at  a  stand.  The  sanguine  politicians  of  this  quarter 
think  there  will  be  an  attack  upon  New  York.  I  am  not  of  that  opinion. 
By  the  accounts  we  got,  the  French  fleet  consisted  only  of  fourteen  ships  of 
the  line,  and  some  few  frigates,  while  the  British  amounted  to  near  thirty 

*  Washington's  letter  21  April,  1782,  to  Clinton,  and  the  reply  referred  to  in 
the  text,  will  be  found  in  Sparks^  Washington,  vol.  viii.  p.  264 ;  and  Ahnon's 
Remembrancer,  1782,  Part  L  p.  156. 

A  very  striking  account  of  the  naval  battle  between  Rodney  and  De  Grasse, 
may  be  found  in  the  Appendix  lo  an  anonymous  work  published  in  London  in 
1846,  under  the  title  of  "  The  Age  of  Pitt  and  Fox."  It  is  remarkable  for 
doing  full  and  willing  justice  to  the  heroism  of  the  French,  and  especially  of  De 
Grasse. 

VOL.  11.  25 


386  Greene's  letters. 

sail.  It  would  be  rnadnrss  for  the  French  to  expose  iheir  little  fleet  to  such 
an  unequal  combat.  If  anything  can  warrant  it,  it  is  the  form  of  the  entrance 
of  the  harbour,  but  I  confess  I  have  no  expectation  of  such  a  thing,  and 
shall  be  agreeably  disappointed  if  it  happens. 

I  am  at  a  loss  how  to  interpret  the  intentions  of  the  British  administration. 
From  present  appearances,  one  would  think  they  were  going  to  quit  the 
American  War  altogether,  but  whatever  circumstances  may  favour  this 
opinion,  I  fear  it  will  not  turn  out  so.  Great  Britain  must  be  sensible  by 
this  that  it  is  in  vain  to  think  of  conquering  this  country  unless  they  can 
humble  France.  To  do  this  tliey  will  leave  us  to  ourselves  for  a  time,  and 
bend  their  whole  strength  against  the  navy  of  France.  If  they  should  be 
so  fortunate  as  to  cripple  that,  they  can  easily  renew  their  attack  upon  us, 
and  they  are  pretty  certain  of  finding  us  nearly  in  the  same  situation  as  they 
left  us,  at  best  not  improved  much.  The  want  of  a  revenue,  and  still  a 
greater  want  of  a  spirit  of  union  among  the  States,  and  further  coercive 
powers  in  Congress,  together  with  the  faction  and  parties  prevailing  among 
the  people  of  every  State,  leaves  the  enemy  much  to  hope,  and  us  more  to 
tear.  They  are  not  insensible  of  these  things,  and  as  the  game  is  great, 
they  will  push  it  to  the  last  extremity.  I  vvish  I  may  be  mistaken,  but  I 
dread  a  returning  attack.  Our  political  indolence  will  leave  us  an  easy 
prey.  J,  was  in  hopes  Congress  would  have  made  some  effort  to  have  got 
their  powers  enlarged,  but  they  seem  to  be  satisfied,  nay,  even  angry,  if  you 
give  them  a  description  of  their  situation.  I  suppose  they  are  not  yet 
pleased  with  me  for  my  letter  of  the  11th  of  March.  I  have  a  good  mind  to 
send  you  a  copy  of  it. 

Captain  Hutchins,  on  his  arrival  at  Camp,  presented  me  with  a  little 
pamphlet  on  finance  said  to  be  written  by  a  young  man  belonging  to  Lan- 
caster. Whoever  might  be  the  writer,  I  am  confident  you  was  the  dictator. 
There  was  not  a  single  feature  in  it  but  that  I  knew  the  moment  I  beheld 
It  to  have  originated  with  you,  as  the  matter  perfectly  corresponded  with 
the  substance  of  our  frequent  conversations  on  those  subjects. 

I  am  vexed  with  the  President  of  Congress  for  sending  my  letters  for  you 
to  the  post-office.  This  is  perfect  Dutch  economy,  and  betrays  so  much 
littleness  as  hardly  leaves  me  room  to  hope  that  minds  of  this  cast  can  conceive 
and  execute  anything  either  great  or  noble.  But  as  I  am  always  running 
foul  of  their  high  mightinesses,  although  I  don't  believe  they  have  got  a 
better  friend,  I  will  be  silent.  I  am  too  free  and  too  honest  in  giving  my 
sentiments  ever  to  please  a  body  who  had  rather  be  flattered  than  informed. 
I  am  sure  few  have  done  more  to  promote  their  glory  than  1  have,  and  in 
spite  of  themselves  I  will  continue  to  serve  them  with  fidelity.  I  expect 
they  will  soon  begin  to  be  dissatisfied  if  their  officers  don't  raise  pay,  and 
provide  for  an  army  without  any  support  from  government.     I  impgine  this 

had  half  its  rise  in  the  bounty  of  the  Southern  States, 

and  I  think  it  originated  with  some  of  our  Northern  gentlemen.  Col.  Car- 
rington  informs  me   Mr.   was  high  on  the  subject,  saying  General 


Greene's  letters.  387 

Greene  might  coinmanc]  their  army,  but  he  had  no  right  to  dictate  to  Con- 
gress. I  am  told,  and  never  knew  it  until  lately,  that  he  was  not  a  little 
offended  that  I  had  not  nominated  him  for  the  War  Department.  I  did  not 
know  that  he  had  a  wish  of  the  kind,  and  I  am  sure  if  he  had  taken  a  view 
of  himself,  he  could  not  have  expected  it. 

I  am  very  sorry  to  hear  that  trade  is  so  much  on  the  decline,  but  I  am 
really  unhappy  at  your  losses.  It  was  really  cruel  to  lose  a  vessel  after  she 
had  got  so  near  home.  Fortune  has  many  capricious  turns — we  often  think 
she  is  most  bountiful  where  there  is  least  merit,  but  her  Ladysliip  will  do 
as  she  pleases.  I  am  perfectly  satisfied  in  being  further  interested  in  the 
Congress.  I  will  approve  of  everything  you  do  in  the  way  of  business,  and 
in  whatever  manner  you  enter  me  on  the  books,  I  will  stand  interested. 

I  am  obliged  to  you  for  the  confidential  manner  in  which  you  communi- 
cate your  situation,  and  you  may  be  assured  I  will  favour  your  wishes  as  far 
as  lies  in  my  power,  without  exposing  myself  to  public  censure,  but,  to 
avoid  accidents  and  impertinent  curiosity,  I  will  not  mention  the  thing 
hinted  at.  You  will  understand  me  from  what  is  said.  If  Andrew  should 
go  into  business,  I  would  wish  to  unite  him  and  Burnet  in  a  house.  I  tliink 
Burnet  has  an  excellent  genius  for  trade,  and  appears  fond  of  it.  He  has 
long  had  it  in  contemplation  to  engage  in  mercantile  concerns,  and  should 
the  enemy  leave  this  country,  he  will  make  an  attempt  to  get  into 
business.  I  could  render  him  some  service.  Here  is  a  large  field,  and 
from  the  natural  indolence  of  the  natives,  I  think  a  young  man  of  good 
understanding,  with  tolerable  attention  and  great  industry  may  accomplish 
something  handsome. 

I  have  not  a  line  from  Governor  Reed  for  a  long  time.  I  suppose  he  is 
buried  in  business,  pursuing  wealth  with  avidity,  being  convinced  that  to 
have  power  you  must  have  riches.  His  letters  are  both  entertaining  and 
instructing.  The  balance  of  the  correspondence  with  me  is  so  much 
against  him  that  I  don't  wonder  he  is  desirous  of  discontinuing  of  it. 
Although  my  friend  Lincoln  is  in  the  Board  of  War,  who  I  believe  to  be  a 
very  upright  man,  and  much  my  friend,  I  cannot  help  lamenting  Mr.  Reed's 
not  getting  the  appointment.*  I  am  sure  he  would  have  added  dignity  to  the 
office,  and  done  justice  to  the  business.  I  believe  he  will  make  much  more 
money  as  a  lawyer,  but  I  am  sorry  the  public  should  lose  his  knowledge  and 
experience  when  men  of  abilities  are  so  much  wanted  at  the  head  of  our 
affairs.  I  beg  you  will  present  me  respectfully  to  him  and  his  family,  to 
Mr.  Pettit  and  the  young  ladies,  to  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Ingersoll,  and  I  give  you 
joy  upon  your  prospects  of  becoming  grandfather.  Will  you  be  able  to 
dance  sprightly  after  this  event?  I  think  you  will  puff  a  little  like  Mitchel, 
if  not  with  fat,  yet  with  the  impression  of  old  age.  I  should  feel  very  grave 
was  I  within  ten  years  of  being  a  grandfather. 

I  shall  take  care  this  letter  don't  get  into  the  post-office. 

*  General  Lincoln  was  elected  Secretary  of  War  by  Congress,  October  30, 178L 


388  WYOMING  CONTROVERSY. 

Unrelenting  as  was  the  hostility  manifested  by  a  portion  of 
the  press  and  its  instigators  to  Mr.  Reed,  it  did  not  prevent 
him  from  receiving  high  marks  of  public  consideration.  For 
a  Ions;  series  of  years  a  dispute,  well  known  to  the  historical 
student,  had  existed  between  Pennsylvania  and  Connecticut  as 
to  certain  lands  in  the  Wyoming  settlement.  It  had  been  pro- 
ductive of  bloodshed  and  much  mutual  discredit,  and  had  in- 
volved the  two  communities  more  than  once  in  relations  of 
actual  war.  An  appeal  to  a  supreme  authority  was  at  last 
found  necessary,  and  in  the  winter  of  1782,  a  Committee  of 
Congress,  the  only  body  having  jurisdiction  known  to  the  Con- 
federation, met  at  Trenton  to  make  a  final  decree  on  these 
conflicting  claims.*  The  Commissioners  appointed  to  adjudi- 
cate this  question,  were  William  Whipple  of  New  Hampshire, 
Welcome  Arnold  of  Rhode  Island,  David  Brearley  and  William 
C.  Houston  of  New  Jersey,  Cyrus  Griffin,  Joseph  Jones,  and 
Thomas  Nelson  of  Virginia.  Connecticut  was  professionally 
represented  by  Mr.  Root,  Mr.  Dyer,  and  William  Samuel 
Johnson;  Pennsylvania  by  William  Bradford,  Joseph  Reed, 
James  Wilson,  and  Jonathan  Dickinson  Sergeant.  They  were 
appointed  by  the  Executive  Council,  in  June,  1782.  In  De- 
cember the  Commissioners  met,  and  the  following  letters, 
characteristic  of  the  sanguine  and  earnest  lawyer  during  the 
trial  of  his  cause,  were  written  at  that  time. 


MR.  REED  TO  GEORGE  BRYAN, 

Trenton,  Tuesday,  December  3,  1782. 
Dear  Sir, 

The  agents  for  Connecticut  have  brought  their  testimony  down  to  their 
Indian  Deeds,  but  here  is  a  lamentable  failure ;  their  best  Deed  was  carried 
to  England,  and  a  Welsh  attorney  carried  it  down  with  him  to  that  country, 
and  there  it  stands  pledged  for  a  Counsellor  Gardiner's  debts;  the  other 
was  brought  here  and  has  been  lost  since  their  arrival.  Dyer  having  told 
us  it  was  much  blurred  and  blotted,  but  they  had  a  fair  copy.     We,  you 

*  There  is  no  better  illustration  of  the  weakness  of  the  Federal  authority  and 
its  complex  and  awkward  exercise  than  this  affair.  See  Journals  of  Congress  of 
1782,  445,  &c. 


LETTERS  FROM  TRENTON.  389 

may  be  sure,  have  our  suspicions;  Sergeant  just  now  asked  him  if  he 
had  looked  in  his  breeches.  I  suppose  you  have  heard  the  anecdote  of  the 
stockings.  Yesterday  they  attempted  to  read  the  proceedings  of  the  Dela- 
ware Company  on  the  Susquehanna,  that  is,  the  work  of  the  adventurers  on 
the  lands  in  dispute;  this  point  is  now  before  the  court  for  consideration. 
Our  cause  at  present  stands  fair  enough.  But  I  foresee  it  will  be  very 
tedious.  Colonel  Dyer  will  submit  to  no  order  ;  he  speaks  twenty  times  a 
day,  and  scarcely  ever  finishes  one  sentence  completely.  Dr.  Johnson  is 
the  ablest  man  in  the  agency,  he  is  a  good  speaker,  and  is  a  man  of  can- 
dour.    Our  court,  pretty  well  as  courts  go. 

When  you  write  be  careful  as  to  opportunities,  I  mean  don't  trust  sus- 
picious hands. 

P.  S.  Since  writing  the  above,  the  Court  determined  not  to  admit  the 
copy,  and  soon  after  the  miserable  original  was  found.  What  can  we  think 
of  these  folks  1 


MR.  REED  TO  GEORGE  BRYAN. 

Trenton,  December  13,  1782. 

We  have  now  got  to  summing  up  the  cause,  and  I  think  without  being  too 
sanguine,  we  may  justly  expect  a  full  decree  in  our  favour.  It  was  agreed 
to  speak  alternately.  Mr.  Root  began  making  use  chiefly  of  Trumbull's 
Pamphlet  as  a  brief.  It  was  very  dull,  and  much  said  of  the  policy  of 
taking  off  this  grant  for  a  new  colony,  &c.  &c.  We  expected  that  each 
would  take  up  two  days,  as  the  evidence  is  multifarious  and  prolix,  but  he 
finished  in  two  hours,  or  a  little  more.  Mr.  Sergeant  followed  him,  and 
though  he  evidently  abbreviated,  he  took  up  Wednesday  and  Thursday. 
Mr.  Wharton  came  up  here  to  give  evidence  of  the  disclaimer  of  the 
Indians  at  Fort  Stanwix,  but  the  fear  of  offending  the  Delegates  from 
Connecticut,  was  remarkably  visible  the  whole  time  he  was  here.  To-day 
Colonel  Dyer  goes  on,  and  we  expect  much  amusement,  though  little 
information ;  perhaps  we  may  be  surpri&ed,  as  indeed  we  shall  be,  if  he 
argues  with  ability  or  judgment.  Thus  we  stand  at  present,  and  have 
now  a  reasonable  prospect  of  dismission  next  week,  which  is  the  least  time 
that  has  ever  been  spent  on  such  a  cause.  The  dispute  between  New 
York  and  New  Jersey,  took  up  three  months.  We  all  grow  impatient, 
but  I  do  not  mean  to  leave  this  till  we  have  finished. 


390.  WYOMING  CONTROVERSY. 


MR.  REED  TO  MR.  BRYAN. 

Trenton,  December  20,  1782. 

I  am  to  thank  you  for  both  your  favours  of  this  week.  We  have  made 
but  little  progress  since  I  wrote  you  last;  Mr.  Wilson  could  not  be  pre- 
vailed on  to  stay  on  this  side  of  the  river  at  night,  and  on  Monday  the  storm 
brought  in  such  a  quantity  of  ice  that  it  was  impossible  or  rather  very  diffi- 
cult to  get  over.  We  by  this  means  lost  three  whole  days;  however,  he 
is  now  proceeding ;  his  argument  is  both  laborious  and  judicious,  he  has 
taken  much  pains,  having  the  success  of  Pennsylvania  much  at  heart,  both 
on  public  and  private  account.  We  now  do  not  think  of  leaving  this  before 
next  week,  perhaps  the  latter  end.  One  of  our  judges  took  sick  last  night, 
but  we  are  told  is  fit  for  business  this  mornins:. 


MR.  REED  TO  MR.  BRYAN. 

Trenton,  December  25,  1782. 

I  duly  received  your  favour  under  cover  to  Mr.  Spencer;  I  assure  you 
Mr.  M'Kean's  nomination  of  me  as  successor  to  Mr.  Livingston,  is  without 
my  knowledge,  and  by  no  means  agreeable.  Mr.  M'Kean  had  an  opportu- 
nity to  have  obliged  me,  but  as  he  did  not  make  use  of  that,  I  presume  this 
is  by  way  of  compensation ;  but  I  am  better  acquainted  with  the  circum- 
stances of  things  than  I  believe  he  imagines.  1  very  well  know  how  to 
estimate  the  value  of  his  friendship.  As  soon  as  I  return,  which  will  be  in 
a  very  few  days,  1  shall  put  an  end  to  the  nomination.  I  do  not  apprehend 
that  I  have  the  least  chance  for  such  an  office  while  present  interests  pre- 
dominate; and  if  I  could  have  it,  I  would  not  put  myself  under  the  control 
and  within  the  dependence  of  a  hostile  Colossus,  who  not  only  bestrides  all 
the  other  officers  of  Congress,  but  even  Congress  itself.  The  wild  fire 
lighted  up  by  Valerius  will,  I  hope,  be  reduced  to  regular  element,  which 
will  both  warm  and  animate  us.     We  must,  if  possible,  keep  it  up. 

We  have  last  evening  closed  the  arguments  of  our  cause,  and  it  is  now 
literally  sub  judice.  Dr.  Johnson  not  being  of  the  most  robust  constitution, 
was  obliged  to  ask  indulgence,  which  protracted  his  argument  to  three  days, 
one  day  longer  than  it  otherwise  would  have  been.  But  our  expectations 
were  not  answered.  It  was,  to  be  sure,  a  miserable  cause  on  the  part  of 
Connecticut,  but  his  argument,  instead  of  giving  plausible  colouring  and 
superficial  gloss,  was  full  of  palpable  misquotations  and  assertions,  open  to 

*  Robert  R.  Livingston  was  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs,  He  did  not  actually 
resign  till  June,  1783. 


DECREE  OF  TRENTON.  391 

the  most  easy  detection,  and  not  altogether  destitute  of  reflection  upon  the 
claim  of  Pennsylvania,  as  founded  in  ambition  and  avarice.  This  you  will 
think  extraordinary.  He  gave  up  the  Indian  title  wholly,  which  was  pru- 
dent, as  it  was  a  scene  of  the  vilest  fraud  and  grossest  forgery.  It  was  my 
lot  to  follow  him,  and  he  deprecated  our  vengeance.  However,  after  what 
had  passed,  I  did  not  think  myself  bound  to  much  indulgence.  I  took  some 
pains  to  reduce  my  remarks  into  a  narrow  compass  for  the  sake  of  the  time, 
and  finished  in  one  day,  taking  three  hours  before  dinner  and  as  many  after. 
We  have  little  doubt  of  a  favourable  decree.  Decency  and  propriety  require 
our  staying  here  till  the  affair  is  finished ;  but  wo  are  all  extremely  impatient 
to  return. 

The  notes  of  Mr.  Reed's  closing  argument,  embodying  great 
research  and  thorough  acquaintance  with  colonial  and  inter- 
national law,  have  been  preserved.  The  speech  seems  to  have 
been  in  all  respects  worthy  of  his  high  professional  position. 
The  triumph  of  the  Philadelphia  lawyers  was  complete,  and  the 
decree  of  Trenton  settled  this  ancient  and  harassing  controversy 
in  favour  of  Pennsylvania. 

In  connexion  with  this,  the  last  incident  of  Mr.  Reed's  pro- 
fessional life,  I  must  express  regret  at  my  inability  more 
fully  to  illustrate  his  career  and  character  as  a  lawyer.  The 
dockets  of  the  courts  and  his  private  papers  show  that  he 
was  in  a  large  practice;  and  there  are  many  incidental  allu- 
sions in  his  correspondence  to  duties  on  the  circuit  and  to 
heavy  and  engrossing  professional  responsibilities.  He  was  a 
thoroughly  educated  lawyer ;  and  the  inference  from  such  frag- 
ments of  his  correspondence  on  such  subjects  as  I  have  ex- 
amined is  that  he  had  all  that  readiness  and  facility  in  practice 
which  thorough  elementarj^  study  in  the  profession  alone  can 
give.  There  is  no  other  memorial  of  his  professional  distinction 
before  the  public,  or  of  his  manner  and  powers  as  an  advocate, 
than  that  which  is  contained  in  Mr.  Rawle's  slight,  but  most 
agreeable  reminiscences  of  the  Philadelphia  bar  in  the  olden 
times.     He  thus  describes  Mr.  Reed : 

"The  powers  of  Reed  were  of  a  higher  order.  His  mind 
was  perspicuous,  his  perceptions  quick,  his  penetration  great, 
his  industry  unremitted.  Before  the  Revolution  he  had  a  con- 
siderable share  of  the  current  practice.  His  manner  of  speak- 
ing was  not,  I  think,  pleasing;  his  reasoning,  however,  was 


392  PROFESSIONAL  CHARACTER. 

well-conducted,  and  seldom  failed  to  bear  upon  the  proper 
points  of  controversy.  When  he  had  the  conclusion  of  a  cause 
he  was  formidable ;  and  I  have  heard  an  old  practitioner  say 
that  there  was  no  one  at  the  bar  whom  he  so  little  liked  to  be 
behind  him  as  Joseph  Reed."* 

The  following  letters  have  reference  to  the  spring  of  1783. 


MR.  REED  TO  GENERAL  GREENE. 

Philadelphia,  March  14th,  1783. 
My  dear  General, 

Major  Burnet's  return  reminds  me  of  the  duty  and  rights  of  our  friend- 
ship, and  what  I  owe  you  for  the  various  acknowledged  marks  you  have 
given  me.  I  hope  you  will  not  suppose  it  to  have  proceeded  from  the 
least  decline  of  regard.  On  the  other  hand,  I  have  enjoyed  every  addi- 
tion to  your  fame  and  fortune  with  the  truest  sympathy,  and  if  I  could 
have  wrote  you  anything  from  hence  that  could  have  given  you  pleasure,  I 
am  sure  I  should  have  done  it,  but  my  letters  would  have  been  a  detail  of 
wearisome  complaints  of  public  ingratitude  and  private  calumny,  and  why 
should  I  disgust  friends,  who  witli  the  best  dispositions  in  the  world,  could 
not  relieve  me.     The  strange  turn  that  affairs  took  here,  about  two  years 

*  Address  before  the  Associated  Members  of  the  Bar  of  Philadelphia,  by  William 
Ravvle,  Esq.,  1824;  Hazard's  Register,  vol.  x.  p.  290. 

Mr.  Reed  was  counsel  for  the  Pine  Street  Presbyterian  Church,  in  the  once  cele- 
brated but  now  forgotten  litigation  with  the  Market  Street  Congregation.  On  the 
minutes  of  tlie  Pine  Street  Church,  which  I  have  been  permitted  to  examine,  is 
the  following  entry : 

"Tuesday  evening,  December  9th,  1783. 

"The  Committee  met  at  the  Meeting-house:  present,  William  Henry,  Elias 
Boys,  Derrick  Peterson,  Samuel  Lowrey,  Ferguson  M'llvaine,  John  M'Culloh, 
Francis  Lee,  and  Samuel  Duffield. 

"A  letter  from  Joseph  Reed,  Esq.,  was  laid  before  the  Committee,  thanking 
them  for  the  pew  which  had  been  kept  for  him,  and  at  the  same  time  informing 
them  that,  as  he  was  about  to  leave  tlie  city  for  some  time,  he  thought  it  proper  to 
give  up  the  pew  to  be  applied  to  the  use  of  the  congregation,  at  least  until  his 
return.  Upon  which  it  was  unanimously  agreed  by  the  Committee  that  the  pew 
should  remain  for  the  use  of  Mr.  Rocd  on  his  return ;  and  they  appointed  Mr. 
William  Henry,  in  the  name  of  the  Committee,  to  present  their  best  wishes  to 
Mr.  Reed  for  his  safe  voyage  and  return  to  Philadelphia,  and  also  to  assure  him 
that  the  Committee  of  Pine  Street  retain  the  most  grateful  sense  of  his  former 
friendship  and  good  offices,  and  that  his  pew  shall  be  kept  for  him  until  his  return, 
when  it  will  give  them  much  pleasure  to  see  him  occupy  it  again." 


THOMAS  PAINE.  393 

ago,  and  which  has,  in  a  good  degree,  continued  ever  since,  made  me  more 
a  misanthrope  than  I  thought  was  in  my  nature,  and  sometimes  put  me  out 
of  conceit  of  the  world,  my  friends,  and  even  myself.  If  there  was  any- 
thing which  gave  me  particular  pleasure  it  was  the  progress  you  were  daily 
making  in  the  public  esteem,  and  the  grateful  return  of  the  people,  among 
whom  you  are,  and  who,  at  least  for  the  present,  seemed  formed  of  different 
materials  from  those  with  whom  I  had  to  do.  Having  so  happily  steered 
your  bark  into  port,  I  take  it  for  granted  you  will  be  very  careful  how  you 
trust  it  again  to  the  popular  tide  of  public  favour,  with  whose  ebbs  and 
flows  you  are  not  altogether  unacquainted. 

It  would  be  too  tedious  to  enumerate  one  half  of  the  unkindnesses  I  have 
met  with  in  this  State,  and  from  Congress  you  know  I  never  had  anything 
else  to  expect.  They  are  composed  of  pretty  much  the  same  materials,  and 
under  an  influence  so  predominating  and  hostile,  that  my  principal  consola- 
tion was  that  I  have  had  very  little  concern  with  them.  Mr.  Morris  has 
been  for  a  long  time  the  Dominus  Factotum,  whose  dictates  none  dare  op- 
pose, and  from  whose  decisions  lay  no  appeal ;  he  has  in  fact  exercised  the 
power  really  of  the  three  great  departments,  and  Congress  have  only  had  to 
give  their  fiat  to  his  mandates.  I  believe  things  have  gone  better,  they  cer- 
tainly could  not  go  worse  than  before  ;  but  we  are  like  to  be  at  sea  again, 
shortly.  The  newspapers,  which  I  presume  Burnet  will  carry,  contain  his 
letters  to  Congress,  which  will  probably  be  the  subject  of  as  much  specula- 
tion with  you,  as  with  us.*  Your  old  acquaintance  Paine  is  a  hireling 
writer  pensioned  with  j£300  per  annum,  payable  by  General  Washington 
out  of  the  secret  service  money. f  In  short,  the  changes  of  this  nature  have 
been  so  many,  and  so  great,  that  they  would  greatly  surprise  you.  We 
have  been  for  some  time  flattering  ourselves  with  the  prospect  of  a  speedy 
peace,  for  which  the  inhabitants  of  this  county  of  all  complexions  and  cha- 
racters are  extremely  anxious.  It  appears  that  so  far  as  regards  America, 
it  is  settled,  but  on  provisional  articles  consistent  with  our  treaty  with  France, 
But  it  is  not  clear  to  me  that  a  real  or  supposed  obstinacy  on  the  part  of  our 
ally  will  not  greatly  diminish  our  affections  and  zeal.  We  do  not  want  pre- 
cedents for  it,  where  the  obligations  have  been  equal,  perhaps  superior.  It 
appears  to  me  the  British  have  for  once  played  the  game  of  negotiation  with 
tolerable  address — if  they  make  peace  they  attain  their  end — if  peace  fails 
through  our  allies,  we  shall  be  very  cold  in  the  prosecution  of  a  war,  no 

*  This  must  refer  to  Mr.  Morris's  Letters  of  the  24th  January,  and  26th  Febru- 
ary, 1783,  resigning  his  office  of  Superintendent  of  Finance. —  Sparks's 
Diplomatic  Correspondence,  vol.  xii.  p.  325. 

t  Paine  was  employed  not  by  Washington,  but  by  Mr.  Morris  and  Mr.  R.  Li- 
vingston. — Diplomatic  Correspondence,  xii.  95;  Washington,  viii.  345.  The 
object,  it  may  be  observed,  was,  in  every  way,  laudable.  Paine's  letters,  in  the 
Morris  MS.,  are  very  curious. — North  American  Review,  No.  cxx.  p,  40. 


394  GENEKAL  PEACE. 

longer  necessary  for  the  establishment  of  our  claims.  The  very  great  failure 
of  the  supplies  demanded  by  Congress,  only  400,000  dollars  out  of  8,000,000, 
must  be  an  alarming  circumstance  to  ourselves,  as  well  as  to  our  friends,  but 
what  is  equal  to  all  the  rest  in  the  universal  discouragement  of  the  Whigs, 
who  find  themselves  impoverished  and  even  sunk  in  credit  by  the  new  and 
rising  interests.  Their  disappointment  and  chagrin  are  inexpressible ;  al- 
most all  new  appointments,  either  State  or  Congressional,  run  in  that  line,  so 
that  most  of  those  who  were  much  distinguished,  and  known  in  times  of  our 
greatest  difficulty,  are  now  in  private  stations,  and  the  few  are  daily  falling 
in.  Our  army  is  this  winter  on  the  Hudson's  River,  not  numerous,  but  well 
disciplined,  and  of  pretty  appearance  in  clothes,  arms,  &c ,  in  very  bad  tem- 
per for  want  of  pecuniary  supplies,  which  have  been  sadly  slender  indeed. 
Old  M'Dougal  has  been  negotiating  all  winter,  but  I  believe  with  very  bad 
success. 

For  my  own  part,  I  am,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  a  private  gentleman, 
having  made  a  serious  resolution,  which  I  hope  to  have  grace  enough  to  keep, 
never  more  to  be  tempted  out  of  the  line  of  private  life,  wherein  I  find 
profit  enough  to  gratify  moderate  desires,  and  a  luxurious  ease  and  indepen- 
dence of  mind.  If  you  come  and  see  us,  as  I  hope  you  will,  I  shall  be  found 
very  poor,  with  a  great  many  enemies,  chiefly  political,  but  much  happier 
tlian  I  have  been  for  many  years,  and  if  I  am  a  competent  judge,  a  much 
cleverer  fellow  than  when  President  of  Pennsylvania,  with  numerous  wor- 
shippers. You  must  now  have  a  good  deal  of  leisure;  I  hope  you  will  em- 
ploy a  pirt  of  it  to  tell  me  what  are  your  plans.  Will  you  be  aplanter  with 
a  retinue  of  slaves?  or  will  you  come  Northward  to  enjoy  more  ease  but  less 
splendour]  If  you  have  the  least  particle  of  desire  to  be  Secretary  at 
War,  I  am  sure  it  is  at  your  service.  Lincoln  is  going  to  be  Governor  of 
Massachusetts.  Philadelphia  has  much  gaiety,  but  little  friendship  or  pub- 
lic virtue.  However,  you  will  always  find  a  few  old  friends,  who  are  fas- 
tened with  hooks  of  steel,  not  to  be  rusted  with  time  or  to  be  broken  or  bent 
with  adverse  scenes.  I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  send  you  a  pamphlet, 
which  I  wrote  midst  the  engagements  of  private  business;  the  subject  1 
dare  say  will  surprise  you,  but  I  hope  you  will  excuse  the  freedom  I  have 
taken  with  you  ;  it  was,  in  some  degree,  necessary,  for  we  think  of  you  as 
highly  as  in  Carolina,  and  if  we  can  borrow  a  little  ray  of  credit,  we  think 
we  may  do  it,  as  yoncan  so  well  spare  it.  I  need  not  tell  you  that  you  have 
our  daily  good  wishes,  as  well  after  dinner,  as  otherwise,  and  however,  in 
some  cases,  they  may  be  mere  compliments,  with  you  they  are  real  eff"usions 
of  genuine  regard  and  affection.  Tell  Mrs.  Greene  we  remember  her  with 
pleasure,  and  long  to  see  her.  Adieu,  my  dear  General,  may  you  be  as 
happy  as  you  deserve. 

Ten  days  after  this  letter  was  written,  news  was  received  in 
a  letter  from  Lafayette  of  a  General  Peace,  and  on  the  23d 
April,  Greene  writes : 


GREENE  S  LETTER. 


395 


GENERAL  GREENE  TO  MR.  REED. 

Head-Quarters,  April  23cl,  1783. 
Dear  Sir, 

Major  Burnet  has  just  arrived,  and  sets  off  again  immediately  for  Phila- 
delphia. I  have  just  a  moment  to  salute  you  upon  the  joyful  news  of  peace, 
and  the  full  establishment  of  our  Independence.  I  thank  you  for  the  pam- 
phlet you  sent  me.  I  had  read  it  before,  and  have  the  pleasure  to  assure 
you  it  is  much  admired.  Everybody  reads  it  with  pleasure  and  conviction. 
I  wish  I  had  been  at  Philadelphia;  I  would  have  given  you  all  the  support 
my  little  influence  might  have  had.  I  am  better  acquainted  with  the  his- 
tory of  your  conduct  than  any  other  person. Indeed  I  think 

Philadelphia  has  something  infatuating  in  its  air.  No  character  escapes 
abuse,  and  the  innocent  as  well  as  the  guilty  are  all  arraigned  as  party  or 
spleen  directs.  Good  God  !  what  will  this  lead  to.  I  would  sooner  be  an 
honest  ploughman  than  a  public  officer  upon  such  terms.  Distrust  and 
jealousy,  in  my  opinion,  is  just  as  baneful  in  Republican  Governments  as 
they  are  salutary  in  Monarchies.  Republics  as  naturally  tend  to  anarchy 
and  want  of  confidence  as  Monarchies  do  to  despotism,  and  an  abuse  of 
public  confidence.  No  Republic  was  ever  destroyed  for  want  of  jealousy, 
but  most  or  all  have  been  ruined  by  it.  Jealousy  and  distrust  is  as  ruinous 
to  a  spirit  of  union,  which  is  the  only  foundation  of  national  strength,  as 
poison  is  to  the  health  of  the  constitution.  The  States  are  jealous  of  Con- 
gress, and  the  army  of  both.  Everybody  must  see  this  cannot  last  long 
without  producing  what  every  good  man  would  wish  to  avoid.  Whether 
Peace  will  have  a  good  or  bad  effect  upon  the  politics  of  the  day  is 
difficult  to  determine.  We  must  wait  for  time  and  further  experience  to 
unfold  what  human  foresight  cannot  penetrate.  I  am  in  hopes  to  be  to  the 
Northward  in  the  course  of  a  couple  of  months  or  less.  The  spirit  of  the 
people  here  lead  to  an  almost  entire  independence  of  Congress,  and  I  fear 
this  disposition  will  lead  to  an  overturn  of  the  present  form  of  Government. 
The  genius  and  spirit  of  the  people  are  much  better  suited  to  Monarchy 
than  Republican  forms  of  Government,  and  the  whole  country  is  split  into 
parties  and  factions,  and  they  are  growing  more  and  more  violent  every 
day.  Those  at  the  head  of  Administration  are  weak  and  jealous  of  their 
own  consequence.  Respect  imposed  like  a  tax  will  always  be  paid  with 
the  same  kind  of  reluctance.  No  sooner  was  the  enemy  gone  than  those 
in  power  began  to  feel  jealous  of  the  army.  New  difficulties  were  created 
daily  in  obtaining  supplies,  until  at  last  we  could  get  nothing  at  all.  This 
has  obliged  us  to  go  upon  Continental  credit,  and  if  this  should  fail  we 
must  starve  or  feed  ourselves  by  force.  I  want  a  long  talk  with  you.  I 
cannot  write  with  the  same  facility  you  do.     If  1  could,  I  would  say  many 


396  Greene's  letter. 

things.  Remember  me  affectionately  to  all  friends,  and  Mrs.  Greene  joins 
me  in  affectionate  regards  to  you.  Present  me  to  Mr.  Pettit,  as  I  shall  not 
have  time  to  write  him,  having  already  detained  the  despatch-boat  half  an 
hour. 

Yours,  sincerely, 

N.  Greene.* 


*  In  the  Appendix  to  this  Volume  will  be  found  a  series  of  unpublished  and 
interesting  letters  from  Greene  to  Otho  H.  Williams. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

1784—1785. 

Revolt  in  Pennsylvania — Congress  retire  to  Princeton — Decline  of  Mr.  Reed's 
Health — His  last  visit  to  Europe — Doctor  Witherspoon's  Mission  for  Princeton 
College — Greene's  Letter  to  Lafayette — Lafayette's  Letter  in  1824 — Arrival 
in  London — Correspondence  with  Mr.  Adams  at  the  Hague — Mr.  Reed's  Letter 
to  General  Greene — Affairs  in  Great  Britain — To  Mr.  Adams,  February,  1784 
— The  Earl  of  Buchan — His  Visit  to  America — Mr.  Gerry's  Letter — Arthur 
Lee — Greene's  Letter  14th  May,  1784 — Henry  Laurens — Mr.  Reed's  Letter 
to  William  Bradford — Mr.  Reed's  Return  to  America— Illness  and  Death. 

The  summer  of  1783  was  characterized  by  entire  tranquil- 
lity, only  disturbed  by  a  new  and  outrageous  mutiny  of  a  por- 
tion of  the  Pennsylvania  recruits,  which  obliged  Congress  to 
retire  in  great  alarm  to  Princeton.  So  far  as  we  can  form 
any  judgment  from  the  letters  addressed  to  him  by  his  friends 
in  Congress,  Mr.  Reed  was  an  anxious  observer  of  the  scene 
before  him,  and  felt  deeply  the  new  dishonour  which  was  thus 
cast  upon  his  State. 

His  career  was,  however,  now  nearly  run,  and  it  was  very 
manifest  that  disease,  the  fruit  of  unceasing  mental  anxiety, 
had  made  deep  ravages  in  Mr.  Reed's  bodily  vigour. 
During  this  year  he  was  attacked  by  fainting  fits,  which 
had  become  very  alarming,  and  which,  attended  as  they 
were  by  other  symptoms,  indicating  a  general  breaking  up 
of  his  constitution,  rendered  a  change  of  scene  and  air  abso- 
lutely necessary.  Health  and  a  bodily  frame  naturally  feeble, 
were  crushed  by  the  exposure  and  anxieties  he  had  under- 
gone. Mr.  Reed  had  also  some  business  relations  connected 
with  a  land  company,  known  as  the  West  Jersey  Company, 
which  rendered  it  desirable  that  he  should  visit  Europe.  On 
the  20th  of  December,  1783,  he  sailed  from  Philadelphia  for 


398  PRINCETON  COLLEGE, 

England  in  the  ship  Washington,  Captain  Richard  Dale,  ac- 
companied by  his  mothcr-in-lavv,  Mrs.  De  Berdt,  and  his  eldest 
daughter.  Dr.  Wilherspoon  sailed  in  the  sanne  vessel,  he  and 
Mr.  Reed  being  associated  in  a  mission  to  procure  subscrip- 
tions on  behalf  of  the  College  at  Princeton.* 

*  Mr.  Reed  was  a  Trustee  of  Princeton  College  from  1781  till  his  death. 

Extracts  from  the  minutes  of  the  Trustees  of  the  College  of  New  Jersey,  Octo- 
ber, 22d,  1783.  It  was  represented  that  the  principal  object  of  tlie  meeting  was 
to  consider  of^  and  adopt  means  for  repairing  the  funds  of  the  College,  which  had 
been  so  greatly  injured  during  the  late  war. 

It  appearing  that  the  necessities  of  the  institution  could  not  admit  of  any  fur- 
ther delay,  and  that  the  favourable  dispositions  of  the  people  of  Europe  towards 
America,  afforded  a  promising  prospect  of  supplying  them,  by  applying  to  their 
generosity  :  Resolved,  that  a  mission  be  sent  thither  as  soon  as  possible,  for  the 
purpose  of  soliciting  benefactions  for  the  College.  Dr.  Witherspoon  and  General 
Reed  were  requested  to  undertake  the  mission,  to  which  they  were  pleased  to 
consent. 

Ordered,  that  a  commission  be  made  out  to  these  gentlemen  for  the  above  pur- 
pose, and  that  the  seal  of  the  corporation  be  annexed  to  it,  leaving  them  to  exe- 
cute the  object  of  the  mission  in  all  points,  in  such  a  manner  as  shall  appear  to 
them  to  be  most  expedient. 

General  Reed  was  pleased  to  offer  to  the  Board  to  serve  them  in  England  with- 
out  any  expense  to  the  Corporation.  Ordered,  that  the  thanks  of  the  Board  be 
presented  to  General  Reed  for  this  generous  proposal. 

Resolved,  that  the  Rev.  Mr.  Duffield,  and  Messrs.  John  Bayard,  Jonathan 
Bayard  Smitli,  and  Isaac  Snowden,  or  any  two  of  them,  be  a  committee  to  cor- 
respond, and  to  transact  all  business  on  behalf  of  the  corporation  with  the  mis- 
sion  in  Europe. 

The  committee  appointed  to  prepare  the  copy  of  a  commission  to  Dr.  Wither- 
spoon and  General  Reed,  produced  the  draught  of  one,  which  was  agreed  to,  in 
the  following  terms. 

The  Trustees  of  the  College  of  New  Jersey,  in  North  America.  To  the 
Honourable  and  Rev.  John  Witherspoon,  D.D.,  President  of  the  said  College,  late 
Member  of  the  Honourable  Continental  Congress,  and  Representative  in  the 
General  Assembly  of  said  State.  And  to  the  Honourable  Joseph  Reed,  Esq.,  late 
President  and  Commander-in-chief  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  Adjutant-General 
of  the  Army  of  the  United  States,  a  Member  of  the  Continental  Congress,  and  one 
of  the  Trustees  of  the  said  College.     And  to  each  and  every  of  you,  greeting  : — 

Whereas  the  College  of  New  Jersey  was  founded  by  private  liberality  for  the 
promotion  of  religion  and  learning,  and  had,  by  the  blessing  of  Heaven,  arisen  to 
an  eminent  degree  of  reputation  and  usefulness  before  the  late  unhappy  war ; 
but  being  occupied  as  barracks  by  the  contending  armies,  its  library  and  philoso- 
phical apparatus  destroyed,  the  funds  for  ihe  support  of  the  professors  and  masters, 
in  consequence  of  the  ravages  and  events  of  the  war,  sunk  and  almost  annihilated, 
the  very  existence  of  this  benevolent  and  useful  institution  is  become  doubtful, 


Lafayette's  letter.  399 

Mr.  Reed,  always  sanguine,  anticipated  the  speedy  restora- 
tion of  iiis  shattered  heahh.  His  friends,  who  knew  the  value 
of  his  life  to  his  country  and  his  helpless  family,  looked  for- 
ward to  the  experiment  with  less  cheerful  solicitude.  Gene- 
ral Greene's  active  friendship  made  him  watchful  and  attentive 
to  the  last.  Just  before  sailing,  Mr.  Reed  received  a  packet  of 
letters  to  Greene's  Continental  friends — to  Lafayette,  Rocham- 
beau,  and  D'Estaing,  from  which,  as  a  specimen,  the  following 
is  selected. 


GREENE  TO  LAFAYETTE. 

Philadelphia,  November  9th,  1783* 
Dear  Marquis, 

This  will  be  handed  to  you  by  my  good  friend  Governor  Reed,  whose 
merit  and  active  zeal  you  are  perfectly  well  acquainted  with.    Nor  can  you 

unless  some  certain  and  effectual  relief  can  be  obtained  from  the  friends  of  virtue 
and  literature,  who  have  not  been  exposed  to  such  dreadful  calamities.  For  these 
reasons,  and  confiding  in  your  abilities,  character,  and  zeal  fur  the  said  institution, 
we  have  authorized  and  appointed,  and  by  these  presents,  do  authorize  and  ap- 
point you,  and  each  of  you  to  receive  from  all  public  bodies,  and  well-disposed 
individuals,  such  benefactions  as  they  may  be  pleased  to  make  for  the  purposes 
aforesaid,  of  which  you  will  render  to  us  a  due  and  regular  account.  And  we  do 
hereby  recommend  you,  and  each  of  you  to  the  notice  of  all  generous  friends  of 
religion  and  learning,  in  every  part  of  Europe  which  you  may  visit,  for  the  bene- 
volent purposes  herein  contained. 

Given  under  the  hand  of  his  Excellency,  William  Livingston,  Esq.,  Governor 
and  Commander-in-chief  said  State  of  New  Jersey,  and  President  of  our  Board  of 
Trustees,  and  under  the  corporate  seal  of  our  said  College,  at  Princeton  this 
22d  day  of  October,  and  in  the  year  of  our  Lord,  one  tliousand  seven  hundred  and 
eighty-three. 

This  mission  in  behalf  of  the  College  failed,  as  might  have  been  expected  in 
the  existing  state  of  feeling  in  Great  Britain. 

*  These  letters  neveir  were  delivered,  Mr.  Reed's  healtli  preventing  him  from 
visiting  the  Continent.  On  Lafayette's  visit  to  the  United  States  in  1824,  he 
wrote  to  Mr,  Reed's  son,  the  late  Joseph  Reed,  Esq. 

New  York,  September  21st,  1824. 
My  dear  Sir, 

I  can  at  last  anticipate,  with  some  certainty,  the  time  when  I  will  have  the 

pleasure  to  see  you  in  Philadelphia.     My  first  plan  had  been  to  leave  New  York, 

on  my  way  to  the  Jerseys  and  Pennsylvania,  soon  after  the  15th;  when  several 

delays,  not  depending  on  me,  and  the  necessity  to  fulfil  some  engagements  up  the 


400  VISIT  TO  ENGLAND. 

be  ignorant  of  the  ungenerous  measures  which  have  been  taken  here  to  lessen 
his  public  estimation.  Every  man  who  has  the  pleasure  of  his  acquaintance 
must  feel  an  honest  indignation  at  the  unmerited  treatment  he  has  met  with, 
and  a  pleasing  satisfaction  that  his  abilities  will  triumph  over  party  and 
faction. 

He  is  going  to  Europe,  and  has  in  contemplation  to  spend  some  time  in 
France.  I  am  persuaded  you  will  take  a  pleasure  in  rendering  everything 
as  agreeable  to  him  as  possible;  and  as  he  is  perfectly  well  acquainted  with 
the  politics  of  America,  I  beg  leave  to  refer  you  to  him  for  everything  of 
this  sort  on  this  side  of  the  water. 

Present  me  most  respectfully  to  all  my  friends  in  France,  and  believe  me 
to  be,  with  esteem  and  affection, 

Your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

N.  Greene. 

The  Marquis  de  Lafayette. 

Mr.  Reed  arrived  in  London  in  January,  1784,  and  remained 
there  till  the  following  summer,  his  increasing  bodily  infirmities 
preventing  him  from  visiting  the  Continent.  How  different  the 
scene  seems  to  have  been,  how  changed  the  relations  of  govern- 
ment and  individuals,  and  how  painfully  he  was  struck  with  it, 
is  apparent  from  the  letters  which  he  wrote  home  and  to  his 
friends  in  Europe.  They  tell  their  own  tale  of  altered  feel- 
ing very  plainly;  nor  are  there  any  in  the  whole  of  his  ex- 
tensive correspondence  more  interesting  than  these  which  in 
this  new  scene,  sinking,  too,  as  he  felt  himself,  rapidly 
into  the  grave,  he  wrote  to  his  confidential  friends.  There  is 
in  them  the  same  grace  and  ease  of  diction  which  characterized 
all  he  wrote.  They,  with  such  of  the  answers  as  have  sur- 
vived, are  inserted  in  the  order  of  their  dates. 

North  River,  brought  me  to  Albany  and  Troy.  I  returned  in  haste,  expecting  to 
set  off  to-day  or  to-morrow  at  farthest;  but  the  Jersey  gentlemen  wished  to  have 
two  days  previous  notice,  and  I  understood  my  Philadelphia  friends  objected  to 
my  arriving  on  Saturday ;  so  that  this  time  the  postponement  came  from  the 
quarter  where  I  was  going.  It  was  my  duty  to  conform  to  their  intentions ;  and 
it  has  been  settled  I  should  have  the  very  high  gratification  on  next  Monday  to  re- 
visit  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  Happy  I  would  have  been  there  to  embrace  your 
dear  father,  my  excellent  friend;  but  I  have,  amidst  my  enjoyments,  many  sad 
feelings  of  mourning  to  experience.  The  sight  of  the  sons  is  a  consolation  to  my 
heart.    Receive,  my  dear  sir,  the  affectionate  sentiments  of  your  sincere  friend, 

Lafayette. 


MR.  reed's  letter  TO  ADAMS.  401 

MR.  REED  TO  JOHN  ADAMS.* 

London,  January  30tli,  1784. 
Sir, 

Considerations  partly  of  a  private  nature  having  brought  me  to  this  King- 
dom, 1  take  the  very  first  moments  to  present  your  Excellency  my  most 
respectful  regards,  and  to  regret  that  the  length  of  my  voyage  has  deprived 
me  of  the  opportunity  of  doing  it  personally,  as  1  am  informed  you  have  left 
the  City  very  lately.  I  also  take  this  occasion,  through  our  respectable 
friend,  Mr.  Laurens,  to  forward  a  packet  which  our  friend  Gerry,  vviih  whom 
I  spent  the  last  day  in  America,  entrusted  to  my  care  in  so  special  a  manner 
that  I  feel  myself  particularly  happy  in  forwarding  it  so  as  to  insure  its  safe 
arrival,  (very  uncommon  accidents  excepted.)  As  I  doubt  not  he  has  com- 
municated more  perfectly  than  I  can  pretend  to  do  the  occurrences  of 
America  deserving  your  notice,  it  would  be  superfluous  to  repeat  what  he 
has  said  so  much  better.  But  as  even  a  repetition  of  pleasing  circumstances 
is  not  wholly  ungrateful  to  those  who  feel  for  the  public  as  you  do,  I  think 
I  may  venture  to  assure  you  that  the  American  Union  has  been  strengthened 
rather  than  weakened  by  the  events  of  the  last  summer.  The  removal 
from  Philadelphia,  and  the  prohibitory  restrictions  passed  here,  have  con- 
tributed to  this  in  an  eminent  degree,  and  substituted  a  new  bond  of  union  to 
that  which  the  Peace  and  a  cessation  of  the  influence  of  common  danger 
had  in  some  measure  dissolved.  Its  operation  in  America  has  very  much 
alarmed  those  who,  though  their  bodies  are  there,  have  hearts  yet  in  Great 
Britain.  They  have,  through  our  public  papers,  treated  Congress  with  some 
indecent  abuse;  but  it  is  rather  the  ebullition  of  disappointed  local  party 
than  the  sense  of  the  people.  The  operation  of  these  events  is  also  percep- 
tible on  the  state  of  our  funds ;  and  we  had,  when  I  left  America,  more 
favourable  prospects  of  their  establishment  than  at  any  period  for  twelve 
months  past.  General  Washington  passed  through  Philadelphia  about  the 
1.5th  of  December,  on  his  way  to  Annapolis,  where  (to  use  his  own  expression) 
he  intended  to  leave  his  coat  and  cockade. 

Dr.  Witherspoon  also  arrived  in  the  same  ship,  but  not  on  any  public 
political  business.  He  prays  me  to  present  his  particular  respects;  and  if 
we  can  supply  any  information,  or  in  any  respect  be  useful  to  you,  you  will 
please  to  command  us  without  reserve,  pointing  out  the  channel  of  convey- 
ance which  your  own  discernment  and  better  acquaintance  with  the  country 
will  suggest. 

With  every  sentiment  of  respect  and   esteem,  which  I  may  with  the 
utmost  justice  assure  you  America  feels  for  your  person  and  services,  permit 

*  Mr.  Adams  was  then  at  the  Hague,  whither  he  had  returned  from  Paris 
during  the  preceding  summer. 

VOL.  II.  26 


402  JOHN  ADAMs's  LETTER. 

me  to  add  my  own  in  a  particular  manner,  and  believe  me,  with  very  great 
truth  and  regard,  dear  sir,  your  Excellency's  most  obedient  and  very  humble 
servant. 


JOHN  ADAMS  TO  MR.  REED. 

The  Hague,  February  11th,  1784. 
Dear  Sir, 

Your  kind  favour  of  the  30th  ult.  was  delivered  to  me  last  night,  together 
v.'ith  the  packet  which  our  friend  Mr.  Gerry  committed  to  your  care.  You 
give  me  great  pleasure  by  the  assurance  that  the  removal  from  Philadelphia 
and  the  prohibitory  restrictions  passed  in  Great  Britain  have  strengthened 
the  American  Union.  The  authors  of  those  restrictions  depended  upon  our 
divisions,  and  expected  to  increase  them.  I  thought  they  would  be  disap- 
pointed, and  am  very  glad  to  learn  that  they  are  so. 

The  establishment  of  funds  for  the  payment  of  our  debts  seems  to  be  the 
most  necessary  object  of  the  public  attention  at  present.  I  am  sorry  to  in- 
form you  that  the  want  of  it  has  had  very  important  ill  effects  in  Europe, 
and  has  entirely  suspended  our  public  credit  in  this  republic. 

General  Washington's  retreat  is  the  completion  of  his  character,  the 
greatest  our  country  ever  produced.  She  will  never  want  a  greater.  A 
succession  of  such  will  insure  her  felicity  and  prosperity.  May  he,  how- 
ever, live,  and  be  again  our  great  Pillar,  if  we  should  have  another  war. 
But,  my  friend,  is  the  next  generation  to  produce  such  characters'!  Are 
those  moral  sentiments  and  that  education  which  produced  such  men  to  be 
preserved,  or  are  they  in  danger?  Are  the  eyes  of  the  people  to  be  fixed, 
as  they  have  been,  upon  virtues  or  upon  ribbons'? 

Let  me  beg  of  you,  Sir,  to  present  my  friendly  regards  to  Dr.  Wither- 
spoon,  to  congratulate  him  on  the  delicious  opportunity  he  has  of  seeing  his 
friends  in  Europe  in  peace,  after  the  fatigues  of  a  service  in  which  he  has 
acted  a  very  great  and  meritorious  part.  I  feel  an  affection  and  veneration 
for  such  men,  that  will  never  wear  out.  If  the  Doctor  or  yourself  should 
find  it  consistent  with  your  affairs  to  make  an  excursion  this  way,  it  would 
make  me  very  happy  to  receive  you  at  the  Hague.  Congress  in  May  last 
resolved  to  send  a  commission  to  Dr.  Franklin,  Mr.  Jay  and  me,  to  make  a 
Treaty  of  Commerce  with  Great  Britain,  but  no  such  authority  has  arrived. 
I  am  much  in  the  dark  about  their  intentions  in  this  respect  and  some  others; 
if  the  Doctor  or  you  could  inform  me,  you  would  oblige  me. 

Among  your  ancient  acquaintances  and  correspondents  in  England  you 
will  have  an  opportunity  of  undeceiving  many  persons,  and  some  of  high 
rank.  These  ought  to  have  the  utmost  confidence  in  your  relations  and 
judgments,  as  they  have  had  a  long  experience  of  your  being  in  the  right, 
and  themselves  in  the  wrong ;  but  there  seems  to  be  an  utter  incapacity  of 
comprehending  the  truth  respecting  America.   They  goon  from  generation 


MU.  reed's  letters  from  ENGLAND.  403 

to  generation  believing  every  false  and  discrediting  every  true  account. 
Nothing  is  necessary  after  a  thousand  experiences  of  their  being  deceived, 
but  the  trouble  of  inventing  a  new  chimera  to  obtain  afresh  their  confidence. 
You  may  address  letters  to  me  at  the  Hague,  or  under  cover  to  Messrs. 
Wilhem  and  Jan  Willink,  merchants  at  Amsterdam. 


MR.  REED  TO  GENERAL  GREENE. 

London,  Feb.  12th,  1784. 
My  dear  General, 

I  arrived  safe  after  a  tolerable  passage,  and  though  I  have  not  enjoyed 
that  perfect  health  I  could  have  wished,  I  hope  I  shall  soon  have  reason  to 
speak  more  favourably. 

The  aifairs  of  this  country  are  so  connected  with  ours  that  whatever  we 
may  wish  or  fee!  towards  them,  they  must  affect  us.  I  find  we  have  flat- 
tered ourselves  too  much  in  the  belief  of  returning  cordiality,  and  also  in- 
dulged too  much  vanity  in  supposing  that  'our  conduct  in  the  war,  and 
final  success,  have  created  sentiments  of  respect  and  esteem.  It  is  not  so. 
The  war  was  a  popular  war,  and  only  ceased  to  be  so  when  all  hope  of  final 
success  ceased.  Of  course  the  real  sentiments  of  the  people  are  no  other- 
wise changed  than  as  some  partial  interests  of  commerce,  and  very  particu- 
lar connexions,  may  operate  favourably  to  America.  But  the  Court  and  its 
party,  the  army,  the  navy,  the  clergy,  and,  in  short,  the  general  class  of 
gentry,  find  the  pride  of  old  England  so  mortified  by  the  issue  of  the  war, 
that  they  cannot  speak  of  the  country  and  its  inhabitants  in  any  other  dia- 
lect than  that  of  rebellion.  False  reports  of  our  disunion,  ill-treatment  of 
their  adhei-ents,  and,  in  short,  every  other  unfavourable  sentiment. 

Their  own  affairs  are  in  great  confusion,  and  if  they  should  bring  about  a 
dissolution  of  the  Parliament,  it  is  hard  to  say  where  and  how  it  may  end. 
Rising  up  and  lying  down,  we  ought  to  congratulate  ourselves  on  our  sepa- 
ration. We  can  now  at  a  distance  contemplate  these  objects  as  matters  of 
speculation,  which  we  must  have  shared  as  of  intimate  concern. 

In  matters  of  trade,  they  seem  to  be  determined  in  their  principles  to 
treat  us  fully  as  a  foreign  nation,  and  it  will  happen  in  this,  as  the  War, 
that  nothing  but  feeling  and  dire  necessity  will  convince  them  of  their  error. 
In  the  mean  time  goods  are  going  out  to  a  very  great  extent,  far,  far  beyond 
our  necessities  or  means  of  payment.*  Should  Mr.  Pitt  continue,  which,  at 
present,  seems  most  probable,  it  will  be  happy  for  both  countries ;  his  senti- 
ments are  liberal,  and  views  extensive.    We  stand  very  low  in  France,  and 

*  There  is  among  Mr.  Reed's  papers  an  imperfect  draught  of  a  very  interest- 
ing essay  on  the  commercial  relations  and  policy  of  the  two  countries.  It  is  curious 
in  its  illustration  of  what  was  then  regarded  as  the  range  of  American  adventure 
in  the  West.     It  is  published  in  tiie  Appendix  to  this  Volume. 


404  FEELING  TOWARDS  AMERICA. 

not  very  high  in  Holland.  Almost  all  the  French  merchants  connected  with 
America  are  ruined,  and  they  speak  of  us  all  with  very  great  freedom.  I 
find  few  of  our  people  go  there,  and  those  who  do,  come  back  much  dis- 
gusted.    Our  intercourse  with  them  declines  daily. 

I  am  impatient  to  hear  from  America  on  the  return  of  Mr.  Morris's  bills 
bottomed  on  the  Dutch  Loan,  which  meets  with  unexpected  difficulties. 
It  is  a  prevailing  opinion  throughout  Europe  that  our  governments  and 
public  affairs  are  in  very  great  confusion.  Would  you  suppose  the  riot  at 
Philadelphia  last  summer  had  a  very  great,  indeed  a  most  capital  effect 
upon  our  affairs  here,  but  the  fact  is  certainly  so,  and  if  the  Dutch  Loan 
should  fail,  we  must  ascribe  it  in  some  degree  to  that  event,  I  observe  I 
have  spoken  of  Mr.  M.'s  bills  as  returned.  I  should,  perhaps,  have  said 
noted,  though  I  think  the  fact  is  that  some  of  the  bills  of  that  connexion 
have  been  returned,  founded  on  the  Dutch  Loan.  This  is  a  matter  of  so 
delicate  a  nature,  and  coming  from  me,  I  must  commit  it  to  your  well-known 
prudence.  In  consequence  of  a  hint  from  you,  I  sounded  some  persons  here 
on  the  probability  of  procuring  some  advances  of  money  on  improving  Ame- 
rican estates  in  Carolina,  but  it  was  such  a  cold  scent  I  found  it  would 
not  do.  Reasons  political  and  commercial  were  started  without  number. 
After  what  ;I  have  said,  you  will  suppose  I  do  not  find  this  country  very 
agreeable.  The  character  of  an  American  officer,  either  in  civil  or  mili- 
tary line,  is  far  from  drawing  respect ;  the  latter  would  do  well  to  leave  his 
uniform  behind  him,  and  the  other  his  official  distinction.  The  two  officers 
who  came  here  on  account  of  the  mutiny,  wearing  their  uniforms,  were  in- 
sulted in  the  streets.  This  did  not  happen  from  their  particular  conduct, 
because  it  could  not  be  known  to  the  mixed  multitudes,  but  merely  from 
what  was  called  their  presumption  in  wearing  a  rebel  coat. 

Since  the  above,  a  compromise  has  taken  place  between  Messrs.  Pitt  and 
Fox  at  the  expense  of  Lord  North,  who  retires  with  a  good  grace,  probably 
with  a  title  and  pension. 

MR.  REED  TO  JOHN  ADAMS. 

London,  February  21,  1784. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  was  duly  honoured  witli  your  favour  of  the  11th  inst.,  which  1  commu- 
nicated to  Dr.  Wilherspoon,  who  joins  me  in  reciprocating  every  mark  of 
your  polite  and  friendly  attention,  and  in  expressing  our  very  cordial 
acknowledgments. 

The  establishment  of  our  funds  in  America,  though  long  delayed  and 
occasionally  interrupted,  will,  I  flatter  myself,  take  place  this  winter,  at 
least  so  far  as  to  establish  the  impost  by  authority  of  Congress  confirmed  by 
the  States.  How  far  the  revenue  will  be  faithfully  collected,  and  the  laws 
duly  executed,  remains  to  be  seen.  Having  found  so  much  difficulty  to 
check  the  intercourse  with  the  British  during  the  War,  it  is  to  be  feared 


AMERICAN  CREDIT.  405 

the  spirit  of  smuggling  too  much  predominates  in  America,  and  that  a  com- 
petition for  the  trade  between  different  States  may  enfeeble  the  collection. 
As  a  sumptuary  regulation  it  would  now  be  very  beneficial  to  the  country, 
for  I  am  sorry  to  say,  my  dear  sir,  the  appetite  for  European,  and,  especially, 
British  manufactures  and  imports,  is  much  too  strong  for  our  weak  diges- 
tion. We  noitiier  want  nor  can  we  pay  for  the  quantities  which  this  king- 
dom is  pouring  fiirth  in  the  most  lavish  profusion.  In  this  view,  the  suspen- 
sion of  our  European  credit  may  not  be  so  great  a  misfortune  as  may  be 
apprehended.  The  good  will  of  Great  Britain  seems  to  be  manifested  in 
America  in  no  other  mode  than  giving  her  unlimited  credit,  from  which  I 
fear  both  countries  will  suffer ;  there  it  will  check  industry,  and  promote 
dissipation,  and  end  in  loss  and  complaint  here.  The  morality  of  America, 
and  the  education  on  which  it  must  be  founded,  have  not  yet  gained  that 
vigour  which  we  could  wish.  The  best  regulated  armies  are  poor  schools 
for  moral  virtue.  Our  officers  are  scattered  over  the  whole  country,  and 
will,  of  course,  influence  its  manners  in  a  considerable  degree.  Their  vir- 
tues, though  great,  are  of  a  different  species.  It  is  impossible  to  say  too 
much  of  their  perseverance,  patience  and  bravery.  They  have  created  an 
order  among  themselves  which  has  occasioned  a  variety  of  sentiment.  We 
hope,  in  this  instance,  virtues  and  ribbons  may  be  inseparably  blended. 

With  respect  to  a  commission  for  negotiating  a  treaty  of  commerce  with 
this  kingdom.  Dr.  Wilherspoon  and  myself  both  think  it  was  the  general 
opinion  there,  that  what  had  been  sent  as  instructions,  connected  with  former 
powers  was  sufficient;  but  as  to  my  own  part,  it  was  only  a  general  idea 
taken  up  in  conversation,  the  subject  never  having  been  spoken  of  authori- 
tatively. 

The  little  observation  I  have  had  in  this  City  affords  but  very  faint  hopes 
of  removing  any  prejudices  against  America,  if  my  own  abilities  were  much 
more  equal  to  such  a  task.  They  seem  to  labour  under  the  insuperable 
curse  of  never  profiting  by  experience  in  anything  which  respects  that 
country.  There  must  be  a  capacity  to  receive  information,  and  a  spirit  to 
improve  it,  before  they  learn  their  true  interest.  I  confess  I  find  myself 
much  disappointed  and  deceived  in  my  opinion  of  their  conciliatory  spirit. 
There  is  certainly  a  very  great  fund  of  bitterness  towards  America  to  be 
done  away  before  we  can  meet  with  a  general  cordiality.  Most  of  the  gen- 
tlemen of  America  are  returning  thither  with  these  sentiments,  and  will 
discourage  the  intercourse.  If  it  is  not  improper,  I  should  be  happy  to  learn 
what  prospect  there  is  of  the  payment  of  Mr.  Morris's  bills.  At  least,  I 
hope  you  will  excuse  my  freedom,  when  I  add  that  a  motive  beyond  curi- 
osity influences  me.  By  letters  just  received  from  America,  I  find  that  on 
the  18th  December  Congress  made  up  six  States,  and  single  members  from 
some  others,  so  as  to  expect  a  Congress  to  form  immediately.  If  anything 
important  should  occur,  I  shall  have  great  pleasure  in  communicating  it,  and 
shall  be  extremely  happy  to  be  honoured  with  your  occasional  favours. 

It  would  appear  from  the  following  letter  that  its  eccentric 


406  THE  EARL  OF  BUCHAN. 

writer,  with  whom  Mr.  Reed  seems  to  have  been  well  ac- 
quainied,  seriously  contemplated  a  permanent  settlement  in 
America. 

THE  EARL  OF  BUCHAN  TO  MR.  REED  * 

Edinburgh,  April  16th,  1784. 
Sir, 

I  arrived  here  on  the  11th,  and  have  been  Iiitherto  so  much  occupied 
that  till  this  moment  I  could  not  find  a  moment  to  express  the  pleasure  I 
received  at  London  from  your  agreeable  company  and  the  desire  I  have  to 
cultivate  your  acquaintance  witli  that  of  your  countrymen  who  resemble 
you,  and  those  whom  I  had  the  happiness  to  meet  with  at  London. 

I  have  determined  to  cross  the  Atlantic,  and  at  present  my  intention  is 
to  place  the  foot  of  my  compasses  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Philadelphia,  and 
afterwards  to  deliberate  concerning  the  purchase  of  new  lands. 

I  have  mentioned  these  intentions  lo  several  persons  connected  with 
North  America,  and  I  wish  to  be  directed  by  tliose  who  are  best  acquainted 
with  the  country.  My  wish  was  to  sail  from  Clyde  this  spring,  and  to 
reconnoitre  in  person  ;  whether  I  shall  be  able  to  make  this  out  must  depend 
upon  circumstances,  but  as  I  have  made  up  my  mind  on  the  subject  in 
general,  so  I  should  be  glad  to  be  directed  by  those  who  are  best  able  to 
give  me  information.  I  do  not  mean  to  import  Peerly  manners  or  to  assume 
Peerlij  pretensions  ;  I  wish  to  be  an  instrument  to  promote  the  happiness  of 
a  country  and  of  a  people,  whose  just  cause  I  have  openly  espoused  since 

*  Sir  Walter  Scott's  Diary,  20th  April,  1829,  has  this  entry  : 
"April  20. — Lord  Biichan  is  dead,  a  person  whose  immense  vanity,  bordering 
upon  insanity,  obscured,  or  rather  eclipsed,  very  considerable  talents.  His  imagi. 
nation  was  so  fertile,  that  he  seemed  really  to  believe  the  extraordhiary  fictions 
which  he*delighted  in  telling.  His  economy,  most  laudable  in  the  early  part  of 
his  life,  when  it  enabled  him,  from  a  small  income,  to  pay  his  father's  debts,  became 
a  miserable  habit,  and  led  him  to  do  mean  things.  He  had  a  desire  to  be  a  great 
man  and  a  MecEsnas — a  hon  marchc.  The  two  celebrated  lawyers,  his  brothers, 
were  not  more  gifted  by  nature  than  I  think  he  was,  but  the  restraints  of  a  pro- 
fession kept  the  eccentricity  of  the  family  in  order.  Henry  Erskine  was  the  best- 
natured  man  I  ever  knew,  thoroughly  a  gentleman,  and  with  but  one  fault — he 
could  not  say  no,  and  thus  sometimes  misled  those  who  trusted  him.  Tom  Erskine 
was  positively  mad.  I  have  heard  him  tell  a  cock-and-a-buli  story  of  having  seen 
the  ghost  of  his  father's  servant,  Jolm  Burnet,  with  as  much  gravity  as  if  he 
believed  every  word  he  was  saying.  Both  Henry  and  Thomas  were  saving  men, 
yet  both  died  very  poor.  Tlie  latter  at  one  lime  possessed  £200,000 ;  the  other 
had  a  considerable  fortune.  The  Earl  alone  has  died  wealthy.  It  is  saving,  not 
getting,  that  is  the  mother  of  riches.  They  all  had  wit.  The  Earl's  was  crack- 
brained  and  sometimes  caustic;  Henry's  was  of  the  very  kindest,  best-humoured, 
and  gayest  sort  that  ever  cheered  society ;  that  of  Lord  Erskine  was  moody  and 
muddish.     But  I  never  saw  him  in  his  best  days." — Lockhurfs  Scott,  ix.  371. 


ARTHUR  LEE.  407 

the  beginning  of  the  troubles,  which  have  terminated  in  the  independency 
of  the  United  States,  and  to  pass  the  remainder  of  my  life  philosophically 
among  men  who  are,  and  who  deserve  to  be  free. 
I  am,  sir,  with  regard, 

Your  obedient  humble  servant, 

BUCHAN. 

P.  S.  I  shall  be  glad  to  know  when  you  propose  to  leave  this  Island,  and 
shall  also  thank  you  for  informing  me  concerning^the  health  of  Mrs.  Laurens, 
whose  indisposition  has  given  me  concern.  If  I  am  prevented  from  going 
out  this  spring  to  America,  I  should  wish  to  have  a  small  purchase  made 
for  me  of  a  house  and  farm  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Philadelphia,  or  to  have 
such  advice  on  this  subject  as  might  direct  my  choice. 

A  letter  at  this  time  from  Arthur  Lee  shows  how  transitory 
and  groundless  were  the  resentments  and  suspicions  which  he 
had  once  indulged,  and  how  completely  he  returned  to  the 
friendliness  of  earlier  days.* 

ARTHUR  LEE  TO  MR.  REED. 

Annapolis,  April  5th,  1784. 
Dear  Sir, 

By  this  time  I  hope  your  health  has  been  materially  benefited  by  your 
voyage  to  Europe.  Our  latest  advices  from  London  announce  great  violence 
and  confusion  arising  from  the  contests  between  Pitt  and  Fox.  In  this 
country  we  are  more  harmonious  and  composed.  The  cession  of  all  the 
territory  northwest  of  the  Ohio,  belonging  to  Virginia,  has  been  formally 
made  by  that  State,  and  accepted  by  Congress.  Generals  Clarke,  Wolcot, 
Greene,  Butler,  and  Mr.  Higginson,  are  appointed  to  negotiate  a  treaty,  and 
purchase  from  the  Indians  their  claims,  which  will  secure  the  settlements 
in  that  country,  and  enable  us  to  satisfy  the  demands  of  the  army,  and  sink 
the  public  debt  by  the  sale  of  the  lands.  A  consummation  devoutly  to  be 
wished. 

I  expect  if  there  is  any  sense  left  in  the  English  nation,  they  will  turn 

their  attention  to  Lord  Shelburne,  who  I  believe  is  the  only  man  capable  of 

saving  their  country  from  the  ruin  that  threatens  it,  from  such  counsellors 

and  contests.     If  you  see  Lord  Shelburne,  please  to  present  to  him  my  best 

respects,  and  the  same  to  Dr.  Price.     I  beg  you  will  make  my  compliments 

to  Mrs.  and  Mr.  De  Berdt.     On  the  other  side  is  a  copy  of  the  report  on 

your  letter.     It  has  not  been  acted  upon,  from  the  number  of  public  matters 

which  have  occupied  Congress.     Farewell. 

A.  Lee. 

*  Volume  L  pp.  43,  47,  397. 


408  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 


ELBRIDGE  GERRY  TO  MR.  REED. 

Annapolis,  5tli  May,  1784, 
My  dear  Sir, 

It  gives  me  great  pleasure  to  learn  by  your  favour  of  the  4th  of  February, 
which  came  to  hand  a  few^  days  since,  that  you  had  safely  arrived,  as  the 
severity  of  the  winter  here  made  your  friends  apprehend  that  your  passage 
to  London  would  be  dangerous. 

I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  forwarding  my  letters  to  Mr.  Adams  and 
Mr.  Jay,  and  have  been  fully  impressed  with  their  disagreeable  situation; 
how  it  happened  that  the  instructions  were  sent  without  a  commission  I 
know  not ;  this,  being  a  mere  form  for  carrying  the  others  into  effect,  should, 
I  think,  have  been  prepared  by  the  Secretary  officially,  and  laid  before 
Congress.  And  if  he  neglected  it,  the  President  most  certainly  should  have 
communicated  the  matter  to  Congress  before  he  forwarded  the  instructions, 
as  ho  must  have  known  that  without  the  one,  the  others  were  useless.  I 
suppose  the  fact  to  be,  that  neither  the  one  nor  the  other  of  these  gentlemen 
were  favourable  to  two  of  our  ministers,  to  whom  the  union  are  much  in- 
debted for  an  honourable  peace.  We  have  now  before  Congress  a  report 
which  takes  up  the  matter  on  very  extensive  principles,  and  not  only 
authorizes  the  ministers  to  negotiate  and  sign  the  treaties,  but  to  extend 
their  negotiations  to  all  the  powers  which  have  made  advances  for  this  pur- 
pose. The  report  has  been  debated,  and  the  question  put,  but  miscarried 
by  the  negative  of  a  single  member,  and  is  now  delayed  in  consequence  of 
the  demand  of  an  addition  of  two  ministers  from  the  Southern  States,  to 
Messrs.  Adams,  Franklin,  and  Jay.  Congress,  I  think,  will  consent  to  one, 
and  this  will  be  Mr.  Jefferson;  but  some  of  the  States  insist  on  a  previous 
acceptance  of  the  resignation  of  Doctor  Franklin's  commission  for  the 
reasons  he  has  offered,  his  advanced  years,  &c.,  but  there  are  not  seven 
States  I  think  which  will  vote  for  this  measure,  perhaps  six  would  agree  to 
it.  I  trust  that  neither  Mr.  Adams  nor  Mr.  Jay  will  think  of  returning  until 
this  matter  is  brought  to  an  issue,  which  must  be  soon,  nor  until  the  nego- 
tiation of  the  treaties,  in  consequence  of  these  new  instructions,  if  adopted, 
shall  be  complete.  Pray  communicate  this,  and  inform  them  I  have  deferred 
writing  in  order  to  give  them  full  information  on  the  subject. 

Congress  have  resolved  to  adjourn  the  3d  of  next  month,  to  meet  at 
Trenton  the  30lh  of  October  next,  for  the  despatch  of  public  business,  and  in 
the  interim  to  leave  a  Committee  of  the  States  for  the  conduct  of  such  matters 
as  shall  be  assigned  to  them.  We  have  passed  two  resolutions  recommending 
to  the  States  an  addition  to  the  powers  of  Congress  respecting  commerce. 
We  have  also  passed  the  requisition  for  this  year,  a  copy  of  which  I  inclose, 
and  are  taking  measures  for  making  the  back  lands  a  sinking  fund. 

E.  Gerry. 

Pray  excuse  this  scrawl,  for  I  have  but  a  moment  to  write  it. 


THE  CINCINNATI. 


409 


GENERAL  GREENE  TO  MR.  REED. 

Newport,  May  14th,  1784. 
Dear  Sir, 

My  plan  and  intentions  have  been  so  altered  since  we  parted  at  Phila- 
delphia, that  I  have  not  had  it  in  my  power  to  go  where  I  expected,  and 
where  you  wished  to  hear  from  me.  On  my  return  home  last  fall,  I  found 
Mrs.  Greene  far  advanced  in  a  state  of  pregnancy.  That,  and  the  severity 
of  the  weather,  which  has  exceeded  anything  known  since  my  time,  has 
prevented  my  going  to  the  Southward.  So  little  communication  was  there 
between  this  and  Piiiladelphia,  that  I  did  not  hear  of  your  sailing  until  the 
middle  of  February.  Since  Mrs.  Greene  has  been  in  bed,  I  have  been  too 
unwell  to  travel.  My  breast  is  constantly  affected  with  a  disagreeable  pain. 
Within  a  few  days  past  I  have  got  a  little  better,  and  intend  to  go  to  Phila- 
delphia in  a  few  days,  and  to  Charleston  in  about  a  month,  or  a  little  more, 
where  I  hope  to  have  the  pleasure  of  meeting  you. 

Since  you  left  America  I  think  the  spirit  and  temper  of  her  politics  are 
mending.  In  New  England  there  has  been  great  commotion  respecting  the 
commutation.  That  is  now  subsiding,  and  the  current  of  public  prejudice 
is  directed  against  the  Cincinnati.  The  people  in  the  Northern  States  are 
much  enraged  against  it.  General  Washington  is  much  alarmed  at  it.  The 
Order  is  now  sitting  at  Philadelphia ;  what  will  be  the  result  of  their  meeting 
1  know  not.  Many  wish  an  alteration  of  the  Order,  but  more  a  dissolution. 
Honorary  members  are  much  objected  to,  and  the  hereditary  descent  more 
so.  Burke's  address  has  sounded  the  alarm,  and  the  Order,  Itowever  inno- 
cent the  plan  and  benevolent  the  design,  is  thought  to  contain  dangerous 
designs,  pregnant  with  mischief,  and  may  be  ruinous  to  the  people.*  Ge- 
neral Washington  wanted  me  to  be  at  the  meeting,  and  sent  letter  after 
letter;  but  my  health  prevented  my  going.  Congress  has  said  nothing  on 
the  subject,  but  they  are  not  less  displeased  with  the  Order  than  other 
citizens. 

I  had  a  letter  from  your  brother-in-law,  Mr.  Dennis  De  Berdt,  and  shall 
be  happy  to  render  him  every  service  in  my  power.  I  could  wish  to  hear 
from  you  on  the  subject  of  a  loan,  if  you  are  not  likely  to  be  in  America 
soon.  But  I  am  afraid  our  public  affairs  are  unfavourable  to  private  loans. 
Property  will  be  thought  unsafe  in  the  hands  of  people  pretty  much  out  of 
the  reach  of  law.  Most  of  the  States  have  agreed  to  the  impost,  and 
this  State  will  come  into  it  at  their  next  meeting.  New  York  has  been 
much  convulsed  by  faction;  but  it  is  dying  away.  Congress  have  laid  out 
a  great  number  of  new  States,  and  Mr.  Morris  has  or  will  resign.  These 
are  the  great  political  matters  on  our  side  of  the  water. 

I  am,  with  esteem,  dear  sir. 
Yours, 

N.  Greene. 

*   Mr.  Burke,  a  Member  of  Congress  from  North  Carolina. 


410  HENllY  LAURENS. 

HENRY  LAURENS  TO  MR.  REED. 

Falmouth,  June  15th,  1784. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  not  words  for  expressing  the  sensibility  of  my  heart  upon  perusing 
your  very  polite  and  friendly  letter,  received  since  n>y  arrival  here.  You  will 
do  me  justice,  sir,  in  believing  I  feel  myself  very  highly  flattered  and  obliged 
as  well  by  the  repeated  tenders  of  your  private  friendship,  as  by  your  favour- 
able sentiments  respecting  my  public  conduct.  That  I  have  with  a  single 
eye  endeavoured  to  serve  my  country,  is  a  fact  testified  by  my  own  con- 
science, and  for  the  truth  of  which  I  appeal  to  that  Being  from  whom  no 
secrets  are  hid.  How  far  my  labours  have  been  beneficial,  is  for  the  judgment 
of  that  country;  and  although  I  know  too  much  of  the  world  to  expect  an 
entire  escape  from  the  shafts  of  envy,  I  feel  perfect  tranquillity  under  an 
assurance  that,  as  I  have  not  merited,  I  shall  not  incur  the  censure  of  wise 
and  good  men.  To  retire  quietly  from  the  bustle  of  life  on  these  terms  is 
as  much  as  a  public  servant  of  common  experience  can  reasonably  wish  for; 
it  is  the  height  of  my  humble  ambition. 

I  have  seen,  with  much  regret,  the  manner  in  which  more  eminent  ser- 
vices than  mine  have  been  rewarded ;  what  then  can  I  hope  for,  who  am  no 
intriguer,  who  have  also  put  my  face  against  peculators  and  plunderers, — 
against  every  one  who  has  served  his  country  or  suddenly  retired  from  its 
service,  as  the  wind  of  self-interest  directed?  Such  men  may  be  pecking 
and  carping  in  private  whispers,  but  they  dare  not  come  forth  nor  speak 
aloud.  I  say,  what  have  I  to  expect  1  Have  I  not  heretofore  found  it  ne- 
cessary— have  I  not  been  called  upon  to  be  the  advocate  of  a  Washington, 
a  Franklin,  and  a  Reed  ? 

Although  I  have  not  the  vanity  to  expect  the  "  well  done,"  I  defy  the 
utmost  malevolence  to  support  a  contrary  charge  ;  at  the  same  time  I  am 
totally  unapprehensive  of  an  attempt  from  any  quarter, 

I  thank  you  sincerely,  sir,  for  your  concluding  good  wishes,  and  beg  leave 
to  make  a  return  of  mine  with  equal  fervour,  assuring  you  that  with  very 
great  friendship  and  regard, 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  dear  sir. 

Your  faithful  and  obedient  servant, 

Henry  Laurkns. 

One  of  the  last  letters  which  Mr.  Reed  probably  ever  wrote, 
was  from  London  to  his  friend  William  Bradford.  There 
is  in  it  a  seriousness  of  tone,  especially  in  the  retrospect  of  his 
public  career — wasting,  as  it  had  been,  in  its  cares,  thankless 
in  its  apparent  honours — which  is  very  touching.     William 


LETTER  TO  MR.  BRADFORD.  411 

Bradford  had  been  his  early  and  his  congenial  friend.  He  had 
always  done  him  justice ;  and  no  one  can  read  this  letter,  the 
last  to  which  the  reader's  attention  will  be  called,  and  doubt 
the  sincere  devotion  of  the  writer  to  what,  in  the  honest  exercise 
of  judgment,  he  thought  his  country's  highest  interests.  It  is  to 
be  much  regretted  that  Mr.  Bradford's  letter,  to  which  this  is 
an  answer,  has  been  lost. 


MR.  REED  TO  WILLIAM  BRADFORD, 

London,  May  2d,  1784. 
My  dear  Friend, 

1  have  to  thank  you,  which  I  do  very  sincerely,  for  your  favour  of  the  15th 
February,  which  contains  more  information  from  America  than  all  ray  other 
letters  united.  But  this  is  of  far  less  value  than  the  sentiments  of  friendship 
it  breathes,  and  which  I  cordially  reciprocate.  Accept  my  warm  return, 
and  be  assured  they  flow  from  the  heart  which  has  long  learnt  to  love  and 
esteem  you.  Your  picture  of  our  political  affairs  is  more  complete  than  any 
I  have  received,  for  except  a  few  lines  from  Mr.  Ingersoll,  I  have  little  on 
the  subject.  It  is  a  subject  in  which  I  must  necessarily  take  some  concern, 
though  I  have  been  some  time  endeavouring  to  divest  myself  of  anxiety 
about  it.  I  was  thrown  into  turbulent  times,  which  did  not  leave  me  so 
much  at  liberty  to  speculate  merely  as  my  own  judgment  directed.  I  was 
obliged  to  act,  and  too  often  without  time  to  consider  or  advice  to  guide  me. 
My  reward  you  know.  May  your  political  path,  if  you  must  tread  one,  be 
happier. 

It  was  easy  to  foresee  that  theState  must  be  much  convulsed  this  year; 
and  I  fear  it  will  be  long  before  it  acquires  the  tranquillity  its  neighbours 
possess.  Under  any  form  of  government  it  must  be  disturbed.  The 
mixture  of  people  and  of  religions  must  produce  a  mixture  of  interests,  which 
clash  too  much  to  suffer  it  long  to  be  at  rest.  That  the  constitutional  inte- 
rest, as  it  is  called,  should  regain  some  of  its  weight,  I  always  expected, 
because  I  never  could  see  that  it  was  fairly  lost.  Oppression  or  avarice 
never  marked  its  rule,  and  its  misfortunes  only  fell  on  those  who  conducted 
it.  They  have  suffered  in  their  peace  of  mind  and  temporal  interest,  but 
the  people  certainly  prospered.  Corruption  or  caprice  only  then  can  account 
for  what  has  passed,  and  they  will  have  their  reign.  But,  my  dear  friend, 
what  man  that  values  his  peace  of  mind  or  the  interests  of  his  family,  will 
embark  again  in  the  political  ocean  of  Pennsylvania  and  risk  a  second  ship- 
wreck] Some  of  the  events  which  you  have  recited  were  natural  and  to 
be  expected,  such  as  the  division  of  the  Council  of  Censors,  discord  among 
leaders  of  party,  and  the  extravagant  proceedings  of  the  Assembly.     The 


412  MRS.  SIDDONS. 

latter  I  think  more  founded  in  design  tiian  passion  or  ignorance ;  it  was  the 
most  effectual  mode  to  convince,  by  making  people  to  feel  the  defects  of  a 
single  branch.  But  the  union  of  interests  and  principles  in  forming  a  new 
bank  is  truly  wonderful,  and  shows  what  a  mutable  world  this  is.  I  am  at 
too  great  a  distance  to  comprehend  the  subject  in  its  full  extent,  but  I  have 
seldom  known  such  coalitions  lasting  or  useful,  and  I  fear  some  of  our 
friends  will  be  the  dupes  at  last. 

I  am  perfectly  astonished  at  the  alterations  proposed  by  the  Council  of 
Censors,  and  should  suppose  they  could  hardly  meet  with  general  approba- 
tion even  from  those  who  agree  to  some  clianges.  By  aiming  at  too  much, 
they  will  probably  lose  the  opportunity  of  doing  anything.  I  expected  the 
particulars  propounded  by  the  Assembly  in  1778  would  have  been  the 
groundwork  of  the  present  fabric  ;  to  extend  them  farther,  was  endangering 
the  whole.*  I  begin  to  think  with  you  that  the  more  temperate  will  pre- 
fer waiting,  and  submit  to  present  inconveniences,  than  go  on  to  great 
changes.  Perhaps  it  will  be  best,  but  then  the  work  must  be  in  good 
hands,  there  must  be  more  good  humour  and  mutual  conciliation  than  I  have 
ever  yet  seen  in  Pennsylvania,  to  do  anything  effectual.  What,  my  dear 
friend,  is  a  good  man's  duty  in  such  times'?  I  think,  as  far  as  he  can,  to  for- 
bear meddling  when  there  is  no  prospect  of  doing  good,  which  there  cer- 
tainly is  not  when  there  is  so  much  warmth.  I  am  sorry  for  our  friend 
Bayard,  as  a  few  lines  dated  after  yours,  but  received  by  the  same  opportu- 
nity, informs  he  is  ousted.  This  is  hard  upon  a  good  public  servant,  with  a 
large  family,  against  whom  there  is  no  complaint.  The  dispute  about 
theatres  is  a  very  uninteresting  one  to  me.  I  enjoy  them  very  little 
here,  where  there  are  some  capital  performances.  They  have  an  actress 
here,  who  I  think  comes  up  to  my  idea  of  eloquence.  She  is  irresistible  ; 
the  old  and  young,  grave  and  gay,  all  sink  in  the  soft  distress  together.  Lord 
Mansfield  will  cry  like  a  girl  of  fifteen. f  But  whatever  the  subject,  the  mode 
of  argument,  as  described  between  Clymer  and  Gray,  is  convincing. 

Removing  the  seat  of  Government  is  a  measure  which  must  affect  so 
many  interests  that  however  it  may  be  thought  of  in  an  angry  moment,  I 
cannot  think  it  will  take  effect.  As  a  farmer  of  Pennsylvania  I  should  be 
for  it.  The  Assembly  is  not  the"  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  but  of  Phila- 
delphia, and  that  the  most  corrupt  part  of  it,  and  I  think  it  would  be  a  hap- 
pier place  if  both  Congress  and  the  Legislature  sat  elsewhere.  I  suspect 
Congress  will  not  long  relish  their  new  residence,  after  all.  Trenton  will 
be  the  spot,  or  I  am  mistaken.  I  am  sorry  in  some  respects  to  learn  that 
the  Bill  for  the  Administration  of  Justice,  and  raising  the  Judge's  salaries, 
will  fall  through.  The  justice  of  the  State  is  at  a  low  ebb,  and  very  incon- 
venient to  the  practitioners,  but  whether  this  would  mend  it,  I  don't  know. 

*  The  Council  of  Censors  began  its  session  on  10th  November,  1783,  and  ad- 
joumed  11th  September,  1784. 
t  Mrs.  Siddons. 


PENNSYLVANIA  AFFAIRS.  413 

Though  the  Chief  Justice  does  not  always  please  me  in  law  or  politics,  I 
should  be  sorry  he  should  leave  the  Bench,  and  be  succeeded  by  Mr.  Wil- 
son. The  Chief  Justice,  I  think,  will  repent  his  descent  if  he  should  actu- 
ally make  it.  These  things  are  easier  in  contemplation  than  action.  I 
cannot  but  wonder  at  Mr.  Wilson.  His  age  and  ascent  in  life  are  not 
such  as  to  justify  a  retreat  from  actual  weariness,  but  there  is  something  in 
public  life  which  always  indisposes  a  man  to  resume  former  business,  and 
in  settled  times  this  kind  of  seduction  should  be  well  considered  before  it  is 
complied  with.  The  appointment  of  public  agent,  with  a  large  salary,  is 
new  and  unexpected,  but  novelties  are  not  objections,  and  it  must  be  allowed 
that  £3000  per  annum  is  comfortable.  I  fear  our  blundering  politicians  will 
bring  Connecticut  upon  us  at  last.  It  certainly  was  in  a  good  train  when 
we  left  it.  I  am  not  fond  of  the  provisions  you  mention,  and  had  rather  Mr. 
Rittenhouse  should  be  enabled  to  get  the  necessary  assistance  to  perform 
his  office  than  take  a  pension.  However,  if  they  are  never  worse  bestowed, 
the  evil  may  be  borne. 

's  delinquency  is  extraordinary,  but  I  think  his  interest  is  too  good 

to  let  him  suffer,  be  the  fact  as  it  will.  After I  despair  of  ever  see- 
ing justice  take  place  on  powerful-  individuals.  Other  republics  grow  cor- 
rupt by  degrees  as  riches  and  luxury  advance;  we  have  neither,  and  yet 

are  corrupt.    Poor 1  think  must  fall  a  sacrifice  ere  long ;  his  honesty 

must  destroy  him  in  Pennsylvania  if  he  was  an  angel.  I  have  more  than 
once  contemplated  the  sketch  you  have  drawn  of  the  new  coalition,  and 
confess  I  am  lost  in  wonder.  What  will  not  interest  do  1  But  the  particles 
I  suspect  are  too  repellent  to  hold  long  together.  Quaker  and  Presbyte- 
rian, Whig  and  Tory,  Col.  Bayard  and  Tom  Fisher,  are  loo  heterogeneous 
for  permanent  union.  The  Whig  Representation  seems  to  be  too  weak  in 
this  new  Bank,  and  must,  I  think,  fall  under  influence,  if  not  absolute 
government.  However,  if  it  tends  to  check  that  enormous  influence  which 
absorbs  every  principle  of  good  government,  it  may  do  some  good.  As  yet 
we  have  made  a  poor  hand  to  govern  ourselves  in  many  respects.  Mr. 
Morris  has  had  all  the  efiective  powers  of  government  in  his  own  hands,  as 
it  was  easy  to  foresee  he  would  ;  it  was  the  misfortune  of  the  times,  and 
even  good  men  were  obliged  to  concur  in  it  as  the  lesser  evil. 

Your  ideas  of  an  approaching  Revolution  of  the  Government  founded 
upon  a  change  of  sentiment  may  possibly  be  very  just,  but,  my  dear  friend, 
who  that  has  experienced  the  tumultuary  tossings  of  such  waves,  and  got 
into  a  smooth  harbour,  would  venture  out  a  second  time  to  be  again  ship- 
wrecked ]  Philosophers  and  moralists  are  ever  recommending  to  us  to  ob- 
tain a  proper  estimate  of  human  life,  but  of  what  value  is  it  if  we  do  not 
apply  it  to  use ;  and  a  people  vi'ill  ever  find  difficulty  to  obtain  good  servants 
who  know  experimentally  that  gratitude  and  justice  are  not  to  be  found  in 
the  public  walks  of  life.  I  would  not  have  you  suppose  I  am  complaining. 
I  assure  you  I  often  think  with  pleasure  tiiat  I  gained  this  knowledge  of 
mankind  at  so  early  a  period — all  my  errors  are  not  irretrievable,  and  if  I 


414  ENGLISH  POLITICS. 

ever  embark  again  in  public  affairs,  I  do  it  forewarned  and  forearmed.  But 
it  is  not  my  intention  at  present,  and  therefore  I  consider  Mr.  Rush's  ad- 
vancement to  the  Bench  as  an  unpleasant  circumstance.  He  will  probably 
carry  his  passions  and  prejudices  with  him,  and  make  a  practiser  sometimes 
uneasy.* 

As  to  this  country,  though  I  have  been  kindly  received  by  some  part  of 
it,  I  do  not  find  it  what  it  was  formerly — neither  the  country  nor  my  feelings 
towards  it  are  the  same,  and  I  wish  to  return  with  all  convenient  expedi- 
tion. The  earliest  conveyance,  which  will  land  me  in  September,  or 
sooner,  will  carry  me  from  this.  The  heat  of  the  weather  only  detains  me 
so  long,  or  I  should  embark  in  a  kw  weeks.  It  would  be  a  great  disap- 
pointment to  me  to  be  unhoused,  and  more  especially  from  so  agreeable  a 
neighbourhood.     I  trust  to  your  friendship  and  to  Mr.  Wallace's  courtesy. 

The  events  of  our  passage,  after  which  you  so  kindly  inquire,  are  now 
almost  lost  in  the  contemplation  of  a  new  one,  but  I  assure  you  no  ladies, 
except  Mrs.  De  Berdt  and  my  Patty,  had  any  share  in  the  last,  and  I  shall 
return  as  unfettered  as  I  came.  From  your  understroking  some  of  your 
words,  I  find  some  person  has  been  so  good  as  to  cater  for  me ;  but  it  was 
rather  unlucky  that  the  lady  to  whom  I  suppose  a  reference  is  intended, 
was  then  and  has  been  ever  since  in  America.  Your  situation,  indeed,  de- 
mands more  sympathy,  and  has  mine  most  cordially.  I  was  preparing  some 
hymenial  congratulations,  but  your  letter  has  undone  them.  May  you  be 
happy  when  you  engage  in  it  as  you  wish,  and  will  deserve  to  be.  My 
hour  is  past.     I  am  not  unreasonable  in  my  claims  upon  human  life. 

With  respect  to  this  country,  its  politics  are  not  now  very  interesting  to 
us.  They  have  had  a  new  Parliament,  from  which  they  expect  a  restora- 
tion of  all  things,  but  as  the  tree  is,  so  will  be  the  fruit.  The  most  open 
bribery,  universal  corruption  of  manners  and  barefaced  venality  have  been 
displayed  in  every  part  of  the  kingdom.  The  contest  for  power  between 
Messrs.  Pitt  and  Fox  has  terminated  in  favour  of  the  former,  but  the  opposi- 
tion is  very  formidable,  consisting  of  a  union  of  the  three  greatest  families 
and  interests.  Mr.  Pitt  has  set  out  in  life  with  great  splendour  of  abilities 
and  integrity,  is  powerfully  supported  by  the  king,  and  if  any  man  can  save 
them,  he  will  do  it;  but  a  mild  despotism  is  the  euthanasia  they  will  pro- 
bably look  for  and  meet  with.  As  to  its  connexion  with  America,  it  is  not 
very  easy  to  form  a  proper  judgment.  The  war  was  certainly  a  popular 
war,  and  only  relinquished  from  necessity.  The  peace  of  course  brought 
with  it  no  cordiality;  on  the  other  hand,  there  is  a  great  deal  of  mortifica- 
tion on  giving  up  a  favourite  point.  Sullenness  and  ill-humour  towards  that 
country  and  all  its  interests  of  a  political  nature.  The  sameness  of  language 
and  necessary  intercourse  of  trade,  present  some  appearances  of  good  will, 

*  Jacob  Rush  was  appointed  a  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  26th  February, 
1784.  He  was  afterwards  President  Judge  of  the  Common  Pleas  for  Philadelphia 
County. 


MK.  EEED  RETURNS  TO  AMERICA. 


415 


but  we  are  all  of  opinion  that  there  is  ten  times  more  conciliation  in  America 
than  here.  I  do  not  know  an  American  who  wishes  to  see  either  Minister  or 
Consul  here  at  present,  but  fears  he  would  be  neglected,  if  not  insulted. 
My  own  senses  alone  could  have  persuaded  me  how  thoroughly  a  general 
enmity  to  America  has  pervaded  all  ranks  of  people,  and  how  hard  it  is  to 
appease  those  who  have  injured  you.  A  few  individuals  are  to  be  excepted 
from  this  description,  who  are  friendly  in  the  extreme,  but  it  is  strictly  ap- 
plicable to  the  bulk  of  the  nation.  I  am  only  sorry  we  must  have  so  much 
to  do  with  them  for  our  own  sakes. 

You  see,  my  dear  friend,  you  asked  for  a  line,  and  I  have  given  you  a 
volume.  Continue  to  esteem  nie ;  it  forms  no  inconsiderable  part  of  ray 
happiness.     My  best  wishes  ever  attend  you. 

Yours,  most  affectionately  and  sincerely, 
Joseph  Reed. 

My  compliments  to  your  sister. 

Mr.  Reed  sailed  from  England  in  August,  and  arrived  at 
Philadelphia  on  the  29th  Septenaber,  1784.  His  friends,  far 
from  finding  an  appearance  of  improved  health,  saw  symptoms 
of  rapid  decay.  It  was  very  apparent  that  in  the  ordinary 
calculation  of  chances,  his  recovery  could  not  be  anticipated. 
He  is  said  to  have  been  tranquil  and  cheerful ;  his  chief  anxiety 
being  on  account  of  the  interruption  of  his  active  professional 
duties,  and  his  helpless  family. 

One  further  mark  of  public  confidence,  and  that  of  a  most 
gratifying  kind,  was  reserved  for  him.  On  the  16th  of  Novem- 
ber, the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania  elected  him  to  represent  the 
State  in  Congress.  But  this  honour,  the  reward  for  public 
service,  the  tribute  to  justice,  came  too  late.  The  hand  of 
death  was  upon  him  ;  and  after  an  illness,  the  severity  of  which 
continued  for  about  two  months,  and  which  assuming  a  para- 
lytic character,  successively  deprived  him  of  motion  and 
speech,  he  breathed  his  last  at  his  residence,  in  Chestnut  Street 
below  Fourth,  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  on  the  5th  of  March, 
1785,  at  the  early  age  of  forty-four  years.* 

*  James  A.  Bayard,  afterwards  a  distinguished  citizen  of  Delaware,  was  a 
student  in  Mr.  Reed's  office,  and  was  with  him  when  he  died.  In  a  letter  from 
General  Richard  Butler  to  his  family,  dated  Philadelphia,  9th  March,  1785,  he 
says,  "  Mr.  Reed  died  on  Friday  last,  and  was  buried  on  Sunday,  I  believe  there 
never  was  so  great  a  number  of  people  at  one  flineral  in  America.  I  liad  the 
honour  to  be  one  of  the  Pall  Bearers." 


416  DEATH  OF  MR.  REED. 

The  highest  respect  was  paid  to  his  memory.  All  orders, 
classes,  and  parties  united  in  paying  him  the  last  honours. 
The  officers  of  the  army,  the  militia  of  the  city,  the  Assembly 
and  Executive  Council,  with  the  President,  Mr.  Dickinson, 
and  a  larger  concourse  of  citizens  than  ever  was  seen  in  this 
city  on  a  similar  occasion,  followed  his  remains  to  the  grave. 
They  were  buried  in  the  Presbyterian  ground,  in  Arch  Street 
above  Fifth,  by  the  side  of  his  wife.  On  his  tomb  is  the  fol- 
lowing inscription,  written  bv  his  friend  Mr.  Bradford. 

In  Memory 

Of  the  virtues,  talents,  and  eminent  services  of 

General  Joseph  Reed. 

Born  in  the  Stnte  of  New  Jersey 

On  the  27Ui  August,  1741, 

He  devoted  himself  to  the  pursuit  of  knowledge. 

And  early  engaged  in  the  study  of  the  law ; 

By  his  erudition,  learning,  and  eloquence, 

He  soon  rose  to  the  highest  eminence  at  the  bar; 

But  at  the  call  of  his  country, 

Forsaking  all  private  pursuits,  he  followed  her 

Standard  to  the  field  of  battle. 

And  by  his  wisdom  in  council  and  conduct  in  action 

Essentially  promoted  the  Revolution  in  America. 

Distinguished  by  his  many  public  virtues. 

He  was,  on  the  1st  December,  1778,  unanimously  elected 

President  of  this  State. 

Amidst  the  most  difficult  and  trying  scenes,  his  Administration 

Exhibited  disinterested  zeal,  firmness,  and  decision. 

In  private  life. 

Accomplished  in  his  manners,  pure  in  his  morals, 

Fervent  and  faithful  in  all  his  attachments, 

He  was  beloved  and  admired. 

On  the  5th  of  March,  1785, 

Too  soon  for  his  country  and  his  friends,  lie  closed 

A  life,  active,  useful,  and  glorious.* 

*  General  Reed  left  five  children.  Martha  died  unmarried  at  Burling-ton,  N.  J,, 
1821.  Josepli,  born  at  Philadelphia,  11th  July,  1772,  died  4th  March,  1846,  (Mr. 
Reed  was  for  many  years  Recorder  of  PJiiladelphia.)  Esther,  still  living-.  Dennis 
De  Berdt,  died  at  sea,  5th  January,  1805 ;  and  George  Washington,  died  at  Jamaica, 
4th  January,  1813.  By  his  will,  Mr.  Reed  appointed  as  its  executors  and  the 
guardians  of  his  children,  the  oldest  of  whom  was  but  fourteen  years  of  age,  liis 
three  friends,  William  Bradford,  Jarcd  Ingersoll,  and  Charles  Pettit. 


CHARACTER.  417 

Of  Mr.  Reed's  public  character,  the  reader  has  now  the  ma- 
terials for  a  fair  judgment.  His  ability,  accomplishments,  and 
popular  manners,  his  devotion  to  the  public  cause,  disinterested- 
ness,— for  he  died  a  poor  man, — his  integrity  of  purpose,  which 
no  allurement  or  intimidation  swerved  from  the  true  balance, 
his  ardour  of  temperament,  sometimes  impelling  to  hasty  action 
and  harsh  judgment,  are  developed  in  these  volumes ;  or  my 
hope  to  do  him  justice  has  been  disappointed.  No  one  knew 
his  errors  better  than  himself, — and  there  is  in  the  last  letter 
he  ever  wrote,  a  single  sentence  that  I  am  tempted  to  refer  to, 
not  by  way  of  apology,  for  none  is  needed,  but  as  an  intimation 
of  that  consciousness  which  ever^  intelligent  man  has  of  his 
own  peculiarities.  "  I  was  thrown,"  said  he,  "  into  turbulent 
times,  which  did  not  leave  me  at  liberty  to  speculate.  I  was 
obliged  to  act,  and  too  often  without  time  to  consider,  or  ad- 
vice to  guide  me."  His  life  was  eminently  a  life  of  action, 
under  exigencies  and  responsibilities  rarely  exceeded. 

In  his  private  relations,  Mr.  Reed  deserves  something 
more  at  the  hand  of  his  biographer.  In  these  relations, 
no  whisper  but  of  willing  praise  was  ever  heard,  and,  if 
it  had  been  deemed  expedient  to  make  further  disclosures 
of  private  intercourse,  his  domestic  character  would  have 
appeared  still  brighter.  His  first  familiar  duty  was  watch- 
ing over  and  sustaining  an  aged  father ;  his  last,  the  care 
of  his  helpless  and  desolate  children.  To  the  latest  hour 
of  his  married  life,  he  looked  to  his  young  and  gentle 
wife  as  to  the  mistress  of  an  early  love;  and  when  prema- 
ture death  snatched  her  away,  his  grief  was  a  fearful  ele- 
ment in  the  decay  of  which  he  was  so  soon  the  victim.  It  is 
the  tradition  of  his  family,  that  never  or  rarely  after  Mrs. 
Reed's  death,  did  he  partake  of  social  intercourse  in  Philadel- 
phia out  of  his  own  family,  giving  as  a  reason  for  seclusion, 
that  he  could  not  leave  his  little  children,  who  now  had  no 
other  friend  and  companion  left.  And  there  have  been  those 
lately  living,  who  can  remember  the  agonized  look  which  the 
dying  man,  paralytic  and  deprived  of  voice  and  motion, — for 
such  were  the  penalties  of  his  life  of  active  service, — bestowed 
VOL.  II.  27 


418  MR.  reed's  character. 

on  the  little  ones  brought  for  his  farewell.  These  are  slight 
traits,  but  strong  and  clear  enough  to  mark  the  character — bet- 
ter worth  having  than  all  the  high  honours  of  his  public  career, — 
of  the  pure-minded  Christian  husband  and  father.  These  trials 
of  a  civil  war,  these  privations,  the  separation  of  families,  and 
the  desolation  of  home,  are  not  often  commemorated.  But  they 
are  worth  some  notice.  The  fair  inference  from  private  to 
public  virtue  need  not  be  disclaimed;  and  the  often-quoted 
lines  of  the  poet  may  be  cited  again  and  again  in  behalf  of 
that  principle,  which  connects  with  the  virtues  of  the  fireside, 
the  high  qualities  of  the  patriot  statesman : 

"  For  when  was  public  virtue  to  be  found 
Where  private  was  not  1    Can  he  love  the  whole 
Who  loves  no  part?     He  be  the  Nation's  friend, 
Who  is  in  truth  the  friend  of  no  man  there? 
Can  he  be  strenuous  in  his  country's  cause 
Who  slights  the  charities,  for  whose  dear  sake 
That  country,  if  at  all,  must  be  beloved  ?"* 

There  is  one  other  surviving  memorial  of  Mr.  Reed,  a  por- 
tion of  which,  as  illustrative  of  his  character  and  feelings,  es- 
pecially to  his  friends  and  family,  and  his  peculiar  views  on 
education,  I  am  tempted  in  conclusion  to  quote.  It  is  his  Will, 
made  before  his  last  visit  to  Europe,  when  in  extremely  ill 
health,  and  with  little  prospect  of  restoration.  It  is  dated  the 
2d  of  December,  1783,  at  Philadelphia.  It  refers  to  a  previous 
will  in  1776,  in  which  Mr.  Cox  and  Mr.  Pettit  had  been  ap- 
pointed executors. 

"  Whereas  I  did,  some  time  in  the  year  1776,  make  and  execute  a  last 
will  and  testament,  and  deposited  the  same  with  my  esteemed  friend,  John 
Cox,  Esq.,  now  of  Bloomsbury,  but  the  death  of  my  dear  Mrs.  Reed,  and 
sundry  other  events,  having  made  material  alterations  in  my  family,  it  be- 
comes necessary  to  alter  the  disposition  of  my  affairs.  I  do,  therefore,  now 
direct  and  order  as  follows : — 

"  Istly.  Considering  the  education  of  my  children  of  more  importance  than 

*  Cowper's  Task,  Book  v.  See  also,  for  a  beautiful  application  of  these  familiar 
lines,  Quarterly  Review,  vol.  iv.  p.  208,  in  an  article  on  William  Pitt,  attributed 
to  Mr.  Canning. 


MR.  reed's  character.  419 

giving  thera  fortunes,  and  being  unable  to  do  both,  I  direct  that  all  my 
estate,  both  real  and  personal,  be  sold  in  some  convenient  time  after  my 
decease,  and  the  proceeds,  after  debts  paid,  put  out  to  interest  on  good  real 
security,  or  in  some  public  fund  approved  by  the  majority  of  my  executors, 
and  the  interest  applied  to  the  education  of  my  children,  and  if  the  interest 
is  not  sufficient,  then  to  take  of  the  principal,  but  two  of  my  executors  to 
agree  to  this  at  least,  and  in  case  of  the  death  of  either,  I  substitute  my 
valued  friend,  William  Bradford,  Junior,  Esq.,  in  place  of  him  so  dying." 

After  some  specific  and  unimportant  legacies,  it  continues. 

"5thly.  As  my  views  of  education  differ  widely  from  the  common  mode, 
I  desire  that  my  boys  may  be  taught  writing,  arithmetic,  mathematics,  and 
the  German  and  French  languages,  in  preference  to  all  other  learning,  and 
on  no  account  to  meddle  with  the  dead  languages  till  they  arrive  at  the  age 
of  fifteen,  nor  then  unless  they  discover  remarkable  genius.  My  present 
intentions  are  that  Joseph  be  bred  to  trade,  but  not  sent  abroad  till  he  has 
served  his  apprenticeship  to  the  age  of  twenty ;  Dennis  to  be  bred  to  the 
law,  under  the  care  of  my  good  friends  Mr.  Ingersoll  or  Mr.  Bradford ; 
Washington  is  of  too  tender  an  age  yet  to  say  anything  of  him,  but  that  I 
would  have  the  same  mode  of  education  as  to  him,  and  that  they  go  to 
Bethlehem  at  proper  ages  to  learn  the  German — to  Canada,  to  learn  French, 
if  practicable,  but  on  no  account  to  go  out  of  America  till  twenty.  These 
are  my  sentiments,  but  I  do  not  direct  it  so  as  not  to  leave  a  discretion  in 
my  executors  to  alter  it  if  they  should  think  it  necessary," 

The  last  paragraph  in  this  Will  has  direct  reference  to  the 
ghastly  controversies  of  the  previous  year,  when  every  kind  of 
imputation  had  been  heaped  on  the  writer.  He  seemed  to 
think  it  worth  while,  for  the  sake  of  those  who  were  to  come 
after  him,  to  record  a  solemn  denial  of  them  all.  It  thus  con- 
cludes. 

"My  situation  in  life  has  made  me  an  object  of  much  envy,  calumny, 
and  reproach ;  I  therefore  on  this  solemn  occasion  declare  that  any  charge 
of  infidelity  to  my  Country,  correspondence  with  the  enemy,  injustice  to  the 
State  or  individuals,  which  has  been  made  against  me  is  false.  I  served 
my  Country  with  fidelity  and  usefulness,  as  General  Washington's  and 
General  Greene's  numerous  letters  will  testify.  1  served  Pennsylvania  in 
particular,  to  the  very  great  injury  of  my  family,  but  with  equal  integrity, 
disclaiming  all  offers  and  opportunities  of  serving  myself.  If  the  State  will 
allow  for  the  depreciation  of  my  salary  during  my  administration,  and  also 
£193  which  I  forfeited  as  a  purchaser  of  a  State  Island  lot,  but  which  was 


420  CHARACTER. 

never  exacted  from  any  other  purchaser  who  failed  in  payment,  I  shall  be 
obliged  to  it.  I  desire  that  there  may  be  no  pompous  funeral,  but  quite 
plain,  as  nearly  like  those  in  1776  as  possible,  and  to  be  laid  by  my  wife. 
If  I  am  of  consequence  enough  for  a  funeral  sermon,  I  desire  it  may  be 
preached  by  my  old  friend  and  instructor,  Mr.  Duffield,  in  Arch  Street,  the 
next  Sunday  after  my  funeral. 

"  And  ijpw  I  close  this  serious  business,  and  shall  meet  death  with  com- 
posure, having  no  other  concern  than  for  my  children,  whose  interests  I 
have  too  much  neglected  for  the  service  of  the  public ;  however,  I  recom- 
mend them  to  the  care  of  Providence  and  kindness  of  friends." 


APPENDIX 


APPENDIX. 


No.  I.— Page  153. 

THE  FORT  WILSON  RIOT. 

Statement  of  Charles  Wilson  Peale. 

The  rapidity  of  the  depreciation  of  the  Continental  money  was  at  this 
period  such  that  those  who  retained  it  a  few  days  could  not  purchase  near 
the  value  which  they  had  given  for  it. 

This  being  a  grievance  greatly  felt  by  those  who  had  been  most  active  in 
favour  of  the  Revolution,  and  among  them  those  who  had  on  every  occasion 
rendered  their  personal  service  in  the  militia,  many  of  whom  thought  that 
this  continual  depreciation  of  their  favourite  paper  was  brought  about  by 
the  machinations  of  their  internal  enemies.  Very  few  indeed  could  trace  the 
real  or  principal  cause  to  its  true  source,  viz.  that  of  too  great  a  quantity 
being  issued  and  put  into  circulation.  Taxation  being  too  slow  to  obtain 
the  necessary  supply  for  the  support  of  an  army,  Congress  were  continually 
obliged  to  be  issuing  more,  although  there  was  already  so  much  in  use  as  to 
have  totally  banished  gold  and  silver  in  common  dealings. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  militia  of  Philadelphia  on  the  commons  in  1779,  a 
number  of  those  active  Whigs  whose  zeal  would  carry  them  any  length  in 
their  favourite  cause,  and  whose  tempers  had  now  become  soured  by  the 
many  insults  they  had  met  with  from  the  Tories,  assembled  at  Burns'  tavern, 
and  after  they  had  come  to  some  resolutions,  more  passionate  than  judicious, 
that  of  sending  away  the  wives  and  children  ^of  those  men  who  had  gone 
with  the  British,  or  were  within  the  British  lines,  was  adopted.  After  these 
zealots  had  formed  this  design,  they  then  began  to  devise  the  mode  of  carry- 
ing it  into  execution,  and  proposed  to  put  themselves  under  some  com- 
mander, and  accordingly  sent  a  messenger  to  request  Captain  Peale  to  attend 
them.  But  so  soon  as  he  was  made  acquainted  with  the  business,  he  told 
them  that  he  could  not  approve  of  the  measure,  as  it  would  in  the  practice 
be  found  a  difficult  and  dangerous  undertaking;  that  the  taking  of  women 
and  children  from  their  homes  would  cause  much  affliction  and  grief,  that, 
when  seen,  the  humanity  of  their  fellow-citizens  would  be  roused  into  an 
opposition  to  such  a  measure ;  that  such  attempts  must  of  course  fail.    But 


424  FORT  WILSON. 

all  his  arguments  were  in  vain;  Ihey  could  not  see  these  difficulties  with  a 
determined  band.  He  then  told  them  that  the  danger  in  case  of  a  failure  in 
such  an  attempt  would  be  imminent  to  the  commander  of  such  a  party.  The 
reply  was  that  General  Washington  could  not  take  his  command  without 
running  some  risks,  and  that  they  in  this  undertaking  would  sacrifice  their 
lives  or  effect  it.  Captain  Peale  was  at  last  obliged  to  refuse,  and  made 
the  excuse  that  he  was  applied  to  by  some  of  his  friends  to  stand  as  a  can- 
didate at  the  then  approaching  election  for  members  of  the  General  As- 
sembly; after  which  all  further  entreaty  ceased,  and  he  left  them,  and  did 
not  hear  anything  further  of  their  proceedings  until  the  Thursday  following, 
when  he  received  a  notice  that  desired  him,  with  Col.  Bull,*  Major  Boyd, 
and  Dr.  Hutchinson,  to  meet  the  militia  on  the  Monday  following  at  Mrs. 
Burns'  tavern  on  the  common.  Those  persons  so  noticed  having  consulted 
together,  all  of  them  disapproved  of  the  violent  proceedings  of  the  militia. 
Dr.  Hutchinson  said  he  would  not  attend  the  meeting;  Peale  and  the  other 
gentlemen  conceived  that  they  as  good  citizens  were  in  duty  bound  to  go 
and  use  their  best  endeavours  to  restrain,  as  far  as  they  might  be  able,  any 
violent  and  improper  proceedings,  and,  in  duty  to  themselves,  at  least  to 
remonstrate  in  a  public  manner  against  having  any  part  in  the  business. 

After  further  consideration,  Dr.  Hutchinson  agreed  to  meet  them ;  Col. 
Bull  being  dangerously  ill,  could  not  attend. 

Accordingly,  on  that  memorable  Monday  Dr.  Hutchinson,  Major  Boyd, 
and  Captain  Peale  went  to  Mrs.  Burns'  tavern,  (where  great  numbers 
of  the  militia  had  already  assembled,)  and  they  did  use  every  argument  in 
their  power  to  prevent  any  further  proceedings  in  that  vain  and  dangerous 
undertakintT.  They  represented  the  difficulty  of  selecting  such  characters 
as  all  could  agree  to  be  obnoxious  amongst  such  a  body  of  the  people ;  that 
in  such  an  attempt  they  must  infallibly  differ  as  to  the  object, — of  course  no 
good  purpose  could  be  answered. 

Among  the  militia  were  many  Germans,  whose  attachment  to  the  Ame- 
rican cause  was  such  that  they  disregarded  every  danger,  and  whose  resent- 
ment at  this  time  was  most  violently  inveterate  against  all  Tories.  They 
only  looked  straight  forward,  regardless  of  consequences. 

In  short,  to  reason  with  a  multitude  of  devoted  patriots  assembled  on  such 
an  occasion  was  in  vain ;  an(J  after  Peale  finding  all  that  could  be  said 
availed  nought,  he  left  them  and  went  to  his  home,  and  afterwards  to  the 
President's,  General  Reed,  whom  he  found  was  preparing  to  go  out  in  order 
to  prevent  mischief,  which  hs  said  was  to  be  feared  from  the  tidings  then 
brought  him.  Captain  Peale  immediately  returned  to  his  home,  where  he 
had  not  long  been  before  he  heard  the  firing  of  small  arms.  He  then  began 
to  think  that  he  ought  to  prepare  himself  by  getting  his  fire-arms  in  order, 
in  case  he  should  be  under  the  necessity  of  making  use  of  them ;  for  no  man 
could  now  know  where  the  affair  would  end :  and  finding  his  wife  and  family 
very  uneasy,  he  determined  to  stay  within  his  own  doors  for  the  present  time, 

*  Colonel  John  Bull,  of  Montgomery  County. 


FORT  WILSON.  425 

Shortly  that  tragical  scene  was  ended,  and  very  fortunately  no  more  lives 
were  lost. 

The  militia,  having  taken  two  men  who  they  conceived  were  inimical  to 
the  American  cause,  they  were  parading  them  up  Walnut  Street,  and  when 
they  had  got  opposite  James  Wilson,  Esq.'s  house,  at  the  coiner  of  Third 
Street,  where  a  considerable  number  of  gentlemen  to  the  number  of  about 
thirty  had  collected  and  had  armed  themselves,  amongst  them  Captain 
Campbell,  commander  of  an  invalid  corps;  this  unfortunate  person  hoisted  a 
window  with  a  pistol  in  his  hand,  and  some  conversation  having  passed  be- 
tween him  and  the  passing  militia,  a  firing  began,  and  poor  Campbell  was 
killed;  a  negro  boy  at  some  distance  from  the  house  was  also  killed,  and 
four  or  five  persons  badly  wounded.  The  militia  had  now  become  highly 
exasperated,  and  had  just  broke  into  the  house,  and  most  probably  would 
have  killed  every  one  assembled  within  those  walls;  but,  very  fortunately 
for  them,  General  Reed  with  a  number  of  the  light  horse  appeared  at  this 
fortunate  juncture,  and  dispersed  the  militia.  Numbers  of  them  were  taken 
and  committed  to  the  common  jail,  and  a  guard  placed  to  prevent  a  rescue. 

The  next  morning  the  officers  of  the  militia,  and  numbers  of  the  people, 
assembled  at  the  Court  House  in  Market  Street,  and  the  minds  of  the  citi- 
zens generally  seemed  to  be  much  distressed. 

The  militia  of  Germantown  were  beginning  to  assemble,  and  General 
Reed  had  sent  Mr.  Matlack,  the  Secretary  of  Council,  to  the  officers  of  the 
militia,  then  assembled  in  Market  Street,  as  above  mentioned,  to  endeavour 
to  keep  them  waiting  until  he  could  address  the  militia  of  Germantown, 
after  which  he  would  be  with  them. 

Peale,  hearing  of  this  meeting  at  the  Court  House,  went  there,  and  found 
that  the  officers  were  exceedingly  warm,  and  full  of  resentment  that  any 
of  the  militia  should  be  kept  in  durance  in  the  jail ;  they  appeared  to  be 
ripe  for  undertaking  the  release  of  the  prisoners,  and  all  Mr.  Matlack 's 
arguments,  perhaps,  would  have  been  insufficient  to  keep  thera  much 
longer  from  being  active. 

Several  of  the  magistrates  were  present,  and  Peale  whispered  Mr.  Mat- 
lack  to  know  if  he  did  not  think  it  would  be  prudent  to  propose  the  taking 
bail  for  the  persons,  and  let  thera  be  released  by  the  magistrates  then  pre- 
sent. This  opinion  was  approved  of,  as  the  most  certain  means  to  prevent 
disorder,  and  perhaps  a  further  shedding  of  blood.  This  measure  beino- 
offered  to  the  officers  of  the  militia,  they  readily  entered  security  for  the 
personal  appearance  of  the  militia  then  confined,  at  any  future  time  for  trial, 
and,  in  consequence,  the  prisoners  were  released  by  the  magistrates'  orders. 

General  Reed  having  succeeded  in  preventing  the  Germantown  militia 
from  entering  the  city,  came  expecting  to  find  things  in  the  situation  he  had 
left  them,  and  was  not  a  little  mortified  to  find  that  Mr.  Matlack  could  not 
do  as  he  had  ordered.  The  people  were  assembled  at  the  State  House,  and 
he  publicly  harangued  them,  after  which,  amongst  a  number  of  the  officers 


426  FORT  WILSON. 

and  his  particular  acquaintance,  he  was  blaming  Mr.  Matlack  for  not  doing 
as  he  had  requested  him.  Peale  then  told  the  General  that  Mr.  Mat- 
lack  ought  not  to  suffer  blame,  for  if  the  measure  was  wrong,  that  he  was 
the  unlucky  person  who  had  proposed  that  measure,  which  he  then  con- 
ceived was  the  best  expedient,  as  it  had  the  appearance  of  being  a  judicial 
act.  C.  W.  P. 

Philip  Hagner''s  Narrative. 

On  the  morning  of  the  4th  October,  1779,  I  was  walking  down  town  with 
Captain  Bankson,  who  remarked  to  me  that  he  thought  there  would  be  a 
row  that  day  ;  on  my  expressing  my  doubts  of  it,  he  said  that  numbers  of  the 
militia,  &c.,  were  assembled  on  the  commons.  We  walked  up  Second 
Street ;  near  the  present  Coffee-house,  at  Sharps  Delany's  door,  I  saw  be- 
tween twenty  and  forty  gentlemen  parading  on  the  pavement,  among  whom 
were  S.  Delany,  John  Schaffer. 

While  they  were  there,  General  Mifflin  came  up  Walnut  Street  from 
Front :  they  were  glad  to  see  him,  and  explained  the  object  of  their  meet- 
ing, upon  which  he  advised  them  to  send  up  word  to  the  President,  Mr. 
Reed;   they  approved  the  advice,  and  sent  one  Helm  upon  horseback  to 
give  the  information.     They  asked  me  to  fall  in  with  them,  which  I,  how- 
ever, was  not  willing  to  do,  and  leaving  them,  went  to  my  home  in  Front 
near  Market  Street.     The  other  party,  militia,  &c.,  came  down  Arch  and 
then  down  Front  Street,  and  in  passing  our  house,  where  I  was  standing  in 
the  porch,  they  also  asked  me  to  fall  in,  which  I  refused  to  do.     They 
marched  down  Front  to  Chestnut,  where  they  halted :  I  followed  to  see  the 
result :  they  proceeded  up  Chestnut  to  Second  Street,  being,  I  suppose, 
about  two  hundred  in  number.   They  here  gave  three  cheers,  on  which  the 
other  party,  who  were  at  the  Coffee-house,  retreated  round  into  Walnut 
Street,  and  were  followed  by  the  others,  who  halted  again  near  the  Coffee- 
house, and  gave  three  cheers.   Delany  and  the  rest  went  up  Walnut  Street 
into  the  house  of  James  Wilson,  Esq.,  wliich  stood  at  the  Southwest  corner 
of  Walnut  and  Third  Streets.     The  mob  marched  up  Walnut,  and  as  they 
passed  Mr.  Wilson's  house  gave  three  cheers ;  the  rear  of  them  had  passed 
the  house,  when  Captain  Campbell,  who  had  but  one  arm,  shook  his  pistol, 
and  discharged  it  from  the  third  story  window ;  the  party  in  the  street 
immediately  faced  about,  and  opened  a  brisk  fire  into  the  house,  and  Camp- 
bell fell  mortally  wounded.     I  then  stood  at  the  Northeast  corner  of  the 
streets.     Several  shots  were  fired  from  the  house ;  some  of  the  mob  scat- 
tered, and  coming  round  into  Third  Street  commenced  firing  there.   During 
the  heat  of  the  firing.  General  Mifflin,  who  was  in  the  house,  opened  a 
window  in  the  second  story  in  Third  Street,  and  attempted  to  harangue 
them.    I  crossed  to  the  Southeast  corner.   While  Mifflin  was  endeavouring 
to  make  himself  heard,  a  man  near  me  fired  at  him,  and  though  the  ball  did 
not  hit  its  aim,  it  struck  the  sash  near  Mifflin's  body,  and  broke  it. 


FORT  WILSON.  427 

The  General  immediately  discharged  both  his  pistols  into  the  street. 
Upon  my  asking  the  man  if  he  knew  who  he  had  fired  at,  he  replied,  "  he 
supposed  some  damned  Tory,"  and  when  I  informed  him  that  it  was 
General  Mifflin,  he  expressed  his  surprise  and  regret. 

They  then  made  an  attempt  to  force  the  door,  but  failing,  they  sent, 
as  I  heard,  to  the  arsenal  for  cannon.  In  the  mean  time,  however,  two 
men,  one  named  Huler,  and  the  other  an  old  German,  having  procured 
a  sledge,  succeeded  in  breaking  the  door,  and  were  mounting  the  stairs. 
I  had  crossed  the  street  in  order  to  prevent  Huler.  Colonel  Chambers,  from 
Lancaster,  a  member  (I  believe)  of  the  Executive  Council,  coming  part  way 
down,  discharged  his  pistol  down  the  stairs,  by  which  I  believe  the  German 
was  wounded  in  the  arm :  he,  together  with  Huler,  instantly  rushed 
forward,  and  pulled  Chambers  by  the  hair  down  stairs,  and  wounded  him 
with  bayonets  ;  I  interfered,  and  succeeded  in  pulling  them  off  of  him.  I 
then  endeavoured  to  bring  the  Colonel  off,  but  he  being  too  heavy  for  me, 
old  Colonel  Mifflin  came  up  to  assist  me,  and  we  carried  him  nearly  to 
Mr,  Willing's  house.  Having  returned,  leaving  Chambers  under  the 
care  of  Colonel  Mifflin,  I  saw  General  Reed  coming  on  horseback  very 
fast  down  Third  Street  with  two  horsemen  dressed  in  white  uniform. 
I  think  they  were  not  members  of  the  City  Troop;  he  was  in  citizen's 
dress,  and  appeared  as  if  he  had  just  risen  from  bed,  as  1  afterwards 
learnt  was  the  case,  his  knee-buttons  being  unfastened,  and  his  boots 
down.  He  had  a  pistol  in  his  hand,  but  no  sword  that  I  saw.  When  he 
got  near  the  corner  he  gave  his  horse  the  spur,  and  turned  up  Walnut 
Street,  waving  his  pistol ;  immediately  the  cry  was  from  the  house  "  The 
President!  the  President!"  General  Reed  was  at  the  corner,  and  in 
Third  Street.  Soon  after,  several  horsemen  came  down,  among  whom 
was  Major  Lenox,  in  his  shirt-sleeves ;  they  rode  in  among  the  mob,  and 
helped  in  dispersing  them.  After  the  riot  was  quelled,  and  General 
Reed  had  left  ihe  ground.  General  Arnold  came  down  Third  Street  in  his 
carriage,  and  stopped  at  the  door  of  Mr.  Wilson's  house.  Some  of  the  gen- 
tlemen from  the  house  assisted  him  out  of  his  carriage,  he  being  lame;  in 
getting  out  I  heard  him  say,  "  Your  President  has  raised  a  mob,  and  now 
he  cannot  quell  it."  He  then  went  up  stairs  into  the  house,  and  showed 
himself  at  the  window  with  a  pair  of  pistols;  of  these  circumstances  I 
speak  with  certainty.  All  those  who  were  seized  by  the  cavalry,  (fee,  were 
taken  to  jail. 

The  next  day  the  militia  officers  held  a  meeting  at  the  old  Court 
House,  in  uniform ;  a  majority  of  whom  were  in  favour  of  discharging 
the  prisoners,  though  some  opposed  this  measure,  being  in  favour  of 
leaving  them  in  jail  for  the  civil  authorities.  A  large  majority  insisted 
on  the  party  in  the  house  going  to  prison,  as  a  kind  of  retaliation,  for  tvveniy- 
four  hours.  The  Tory  or  rather  republican  party  thought  the  next  day  they 
had  the  ascendency, and  paraded  the  streets,  insulting  the  Whigs;  they  had 
cannon  at  the  corner  of  Third  and  Market  Street.    Sharp  Delany,  who  had 


428  PHILADELPHIA  CONTIIIBUTIONS. 

been  in  the  house,  offered  to  go  to  prison  if  it  would  satisfy  his  fellow-citi- 
zens. Some  officers  of  the  militia,  among  whom  I  was  one,  went  up  to  the 
prison,  and  procured  the  discharge  of  those  who  had  been  imprisoned  irre- 
gularly, we  might  discharge  them.  The  day  after  the  riot  General  Reed 
called  a  meeting  of  the  citizens  in  the  Supreme  Court  Room;  most  of  both 
parties  present.  Many  of  the  clergy  were  present,  among  others  Dr.  Ewing, 
which  was,  I  believe,  to  produce  an  imposing  effect;  the  Judges  were,  I 
think,  absent  on  the  circuit.  I  am  nearly  certain  that  R.  Morris  and  S. 
Delany  were  present.  The  President,  Mr.  Reed,  harangued  the  meeting, 
during  which  great  excitement  and  alarm  prevailed.  Both  parties  were 
held  to  bail ;  high  bail  was  required.  Shortly  after,  an  act  of  oblivion  was 
passed,  the  salt  stores  were  shut,  and  the  keys  were  placed  in  the  hands  of 
the  Supreme  Executive  Council. 

Philip  Hagneb. 


No.  II.— Page  262. 

FEMALE  CONTRIBUTIONS  FOR  RELIEF  OF  THE  SOLDIERS 
IN  1780. 

The  originals  of  the  following  subscription  papers  are  in  my  possession. 
I  am  tempted  here  to  insert  them,  in  order  to  perpetuate  the  individual 
munificence  of  the  times. 


CONTRIBUTIONS. 


429 


NO.  I. ACCOUNT  OF  DONATIONS  BKCEIVED  BY  THE  LADIES  IN  THEIR  SEVERAL 

DISTRICTS  FOR  THE  SOLDIERS  OF  THE  AMERICAN  ARMY. 


Districts. 


1.  Northern  Liber- 
ties. 

2.  From    Vine     to 
Race  Streets. 

3.  Race    to    Arch 
Streets. 


4.  Arch  to  Market 
Streets. 


5.  Market  to  Chest- 
nut Streets. 


6.  Chestnut  to  Wal. 
nut  Streets. 

7.  Walnut  to 
Spruce  Streets. 

8.  Spruce   to   Pine 
Streets. 


9.  Pine    to     South 
Streets. 

10.  Southwark. 


Germantown     and 
Bettlehausen. 


By  whom  collected. 


Mrs.  G.  B.  Eyre,  Coates, 
and  Mrs.  J.  B.  Smith 

Mrs.  F.  Wade.      .     . 


Mrs.  Hutchinson,  Ha- 
senclever,  Mrs.  Hille- 
gas,  Mr.  and  Mrs 
Clarkson 

Mrs.  Thompson,  Rich- 
ards, Mrs.  J.  Blair, 
and  Mrs.  T.  Smith. 

Mrs.  R.  Bache,  T.  Fran- 
cis, Mrs.  J.  Mitchell, 
Mrs.  J.  Caldwell,  and 
Mrs.  B.  M'Clenachan 

Mrs.  S.  Caldwell,  B 
Rush 

Mrs.  J.  Mease,  and  Mrs. 
James  Wilson. 

Mrs.  T.  M'Kean,  J 
Searle,  J.  Mease,  Mrs. 
Dr.  Shippen,and  Mrs 
R.  Morris.    .     .     . 

Mrs.  W.  Turnbull,  and 
J.  Benezet.    .     .     . 

Mrs.  Marsh,  Ord,  Blew 
er,  Knox,  and  Pen- 
rose  

Mrs.  H.Hill, Mrs. Hille- 
gas,  M.  Clarkson,  T. 
Hasenclever,and  Mrs. 
R.  Bache,      .     .     . 

Countess  de  Luzerne. 

Sundries 

Marchioness  de  Fayette. 


69 


13| 
11 

13 

14J 


3 
100 

182i 


15   5 

"Iff 


46i 


34 


3g; 


20J 

Gi 


1192? 


17 


17 


16   59 


19 


6,645,69 
6,600 


13,095} 
19,959i 

30,629J 
16,925 
63,561  i 

14,300 
9,220 

10,145 

3,603|T 
6,000 

201,583 


430 


CONTRIBUTIONS. 


NO.   II. A  SUBSCRIPTION    TO    BE    ENTERED  INTO    BY    THE    LADIES    OF    PHILADELPHIA, 

AS    A    DONATION    TO    THE     SOLDIERS    OF    THE    AMERICAN    ARMY,    TO    WHICH    THEY 
ARE    SOLICITED    TO    CONTRIBUTE.       JUNE  15,   1780. 


Specie. 

Q 

Specie. 

o 

Mrs.  Benezet    .... 

cj 

Amount  bro't  forward   . 

6 

11. 

10s.  Od. 

24Z.     7s.  6d. 

8182 

Mrs.  Turnbull  .... 

1200 

Miss  Robins     .... 

30 

Mrs.  Bankson  .... 

6 

0    0 

Mrs.  Perkins  .     , 

30 

Blrs.  Peterson  .... 

400 

Caty  Hoover    . 

30 

3Iiss  Barber      .... 

1 

15     0 

Mrs.  Endergarset 

40 

Rachel  Hood     .... 

150 

Mrs.  Dugan     . 

30 

I\Irs.  Humphreys  .     .     . 

0 

7     6 

120 

Mrs.  Crawford 

40 

Mrs.  Harris      .... 

60 

Mrs.  Kirkpatrick 

30 

I\Irs.  Truxton   .... 

1500 

Mrs.  Hamilton 

20 

A  Lady 

1 

10     0 

Mrs.  Logan     . 

30 

Mrs.  Gralz 

0 

15     0 

Mrs.  Donne     . 

60 

Miss  Maynor    .... 

60 

Sarah  Snowden 

50 

Mrs,  Musgrave      .     .     . 

1 

15     0 

Mrs.  Peltz  .     . 

80 

Mrs.  Young      .... 

300 

Mrs.  Rinneld   . 

30 

Mr^.  M'Call      .... 

100 

Mrs.  Price  .     . 

20 

Mrs.  M'Call,  Jr.    .     .     . 

98 

Mrs;  Mecock    . 

5 

Lady  Christiana  Griffin . 

2000 

Mrs.  Bardon    . 

20 

Mrs.  Homes      .... 

20 

Miss  Baker 

0      7     6 

Mrs.  Moulder    .... 

100 

Mrs.  Mullin     . 

0      2    0 

Mrs.  Hamit 

24 

Mrs.  Flin    .    . 

30 

Mrs.  Craft 

100 

A  Lady  .     .     . 

30 

A  good  Whig   .... 

300 

Mrs.  M'Caughen 

13 

Mrs.  Hogland  .     .     .     . 

100 

Mrs.  Harlin     . 

60 

Mrs.  Snowden  .... 

100 

Mrs.  Kennedy 

20 

Mrs.  Young      .... 

100 

Mrs.  Eckland  . 

60 

Mrs.  Bingham  .... 

960 

Mrs.  Hubly      . 

1       8    0 

Mrs.  Stamper    .... 

3 

0     0 

Mrs,  Mecoud  . 

20 

Mrs.  Hazlevvood    .     .     . 

100 

Mrs.  Orsburn  . 

60 

Miss  Montgomery     .     . 

30 

A  Lady  .     .     . 

0     15     0 

Miss  Montgomery,  Jr.    . 

30 

A  Friend     .     . 

6      0     0 

Miss  Shutc 

200 

Mrs.  Fishbourn 

200 

Mrs.  Wood 

Mrs.  Martin      .... 

1 

15     0 

30 

Mrs.  Barney    . 

1     15    0 

34     15    0 

9220 

24 

7     6 

8182 

CONTRIBUTIONS. 


431 


NO.  III.— A  SUBSCRIPTION   ENTERED  INTO  BY  THE  LADIES  OF  PHILADELPHIA  AS 
A  DONATION  TO  THE  SOLDIERS  OF  THE  AMERICAN  ARMY. 


From  whom  received. 


Mrs.  Wade  .  .  . 
Miss  Fanny  Wade . 
Mrs.  HofFner . 
Mrs.  Minick  . 
Mrs.  Delap  . 
Widow  Kaur 
Mrs.  Valentine 
Mrs.  Frances  Mitchell 
Mrs.  Reid  .... 
Mrs.  Catherine  Sirge 
Miss  Jane  Rauley  . 
Mrs.  Sarah  IMillar  . 
Mrs.  Eliza  Boig-n  . 
Mrs.  Mary  Patterson 
Mrs.  Mary  Gentory 
Mrs.  Ann  Fordam  . 
Mrs.  Sarah  Jones  . 
Mrs.  Edith  Ross  . 
Mrs.  Mary  Bright  . 
Mrs.  Bright  ,  .  . 
Mrs.  Eliza  Faring  . 
Miss  Hester  Duncan 
Miss  Ann  Bright  . 
Miss  Ann  Duncan  . 
Mrs.  Duncan .  .  . 
Mrs.  Rogers  .  .  . 
Mrs.  Eliza  Rush  . 
Mrs.  Glenworth .  . 
Mrs.  Hannah  William 
Mrs.  Hannah  Love . 
Mrs.  Elinor  Schnes 
Mrs.  Taport  .  .  . 
Mrs.  Enich  .  .  . 
Mrs.  Juland  Ridge . 
Mrs.  Eliza  Banning 


100 

2 

6 

80 

30 

10 

60 

21 

9 

3 

10 
3 
5 

60 
60, 
20 
7] 
2 
10 
10 
30 
30 
30 

30 
2 


647    5 


From  whom  received. 


Amount  bro't  forward 
Mrs.  Mary  TuU 
Mrs.  Walker . 
William  Hall,  for  a  lady 
Eliza  Larkey 
Cash      .     .     . 
Mrs.  Wilkison 
Sarah  Taney . 
Mary  Phillips 
Mary  Johnes . 
Mary  Saville . 
Mary  Lape    . 
Sarah  White  . 
Miss  Betty  Bryan 
Mrs.  Sarah  Fling 
Widow  Dior  .     . 
Mary  Lawrence 
Catherine  Braddin 
Mrs.  Parker  .     . 
Mary  Willing    , 
Mary  Dickinson 
Mary  Fenton 
Kitty  Henglinton 
Rebecca  Hardy  . 
Hetty  Haughtman 
Catherine  Stroops 
Mrs.  Ann  Waters 
Mrs.  Fox  .     .     . 
Mrs.  Stroops  .     . 
Ann  Florentine  . 
Mrs.  Jane  Robison 
Widow  Fox  .     . 
Mrs.  Kincase 
Mrs.  Dolby    .     . 
Christiana  Kreible 


1)  4 


647 

4 

5 
20 

2 

3 

3 
20 
10 
10 
10 
10 

4 

23 
9 

20 

16 
3 

10 
6 
21 
51 

3 

30 

30 

20 

21 

40 

7 

8 

4 

10 


1026i  5 


1;  5 


432 


CONXraBUTIONS. 


From  whom  received. 


Amount  bro't  forward 
Mary  Kemp  . 
Hannah    .     . 
Catharine  Peck 
Ann      ,     .     . 
Catharine  Billy  Baker 
Elizabeth  Slater 
Mary  Lap      .     .     . 
Charlotte  Millar     . 
Christiana  Haught 
Catharine      .     .     . 
Mrs.  Phule    .     .     . 
Catherine  Myers     . 
Mrs.  Dunah  McClean 
Christiana  Beekly  . 
Charlotte  Bush  .     . 
Sophia  Sivert     .     . 
Mrs.  Earle     .     .     . 
Catharine  Gilbert  . 
Christiana  Gilbert 
Mrs.  Crosse  .     .     . 
Barbara  Smith  .     . 

Cash 

Mrs.  Eliza  Lehman 
Catharine  Pough  . 
Mrs.  Mary  Hay  . 
Miss  Nancy  Hay  . 
Mrs.  Boshart  .  . 
Mrs.  Sergeant  .  . 
Rebecca    .... 

Cash 

Catharine  Lyons  . 
Catherine  Misery  . 
Elizabeth  Trout  . 
Distress  .... 
Mary  Lup  .  .  . 
Barbara  Vinder 
Cash  from  two  persons 
Catherine  Grim 
Barbara  Weiss 
Kain  .  .  . 
Sarah  Nelson 
Mary  Bartleson 
Cash     . 

Margaret  Fister     . 
Margaret  Hane 
Hannah  Buckhurst 
Catherine       .     .     . 


10261 

8 

5i 
20 
24 

7 

7 

5 

4 
10 

60 

20 

20 

6 

6 

8 

100 

7 

7 

20 

4 

15 

30 

8 

40 

20 

6 

10 

3 

f 
3 
1 

3 

9 


7 
10 
60 

o 

Ih 
2k 
5 
65 


1600?-    5 J    2 


From  whom  received. 


Amount  bro't  forward 
Elizabeth  White 
Sylvia  Smith 
Hannah  Gibert  . 
Elizabeth  Fogle 
Mary  Harper 
Widow  Hart 
Miss  Fritz     .     . 
Eve  Frazier  .     . 
Polly  Fritz,  a  little  girl 
Kitty  Detz     .     . 
Barbara  Detz     . 
Catherine  Suther 
Susanna  Nail     . 
Mary  Beise  .     . 
Nancy       .     .     . 
Eliza  Robins 
Mrs.  Gurland     . 
Eve  Shilling      . 
Mary  Russel 
Margaret  Francis 
Mary  Corra 
Eliza  Baker  .     . 
Lucy  Bingham  . 
Catharine  Black 
Cash     .... 
Mrs.  Collyday    . 
Kitty  Coleman  . 
A  little  girl   .     . 
Mrs.  Benezett    . 
Mrs.  Freibert    . 
Mrs.  Boland 
Miss  Davis    .     . 
Mary  Colilar 
Mrs.  Woodside  . 
Cash     .... 
Mary  Britt    .     . 
Sukey  Britt  .     . 
Mrs.  Howwalker 
Mrs.  Jacobi  .     , 
Mrs.  Linnington 
Mrs.  Buddin      . 
Mrs.  Marker     . 
Agnes  Reabir    . 
Mrs.  Hausman  . 
The  Miss  Schlossers 
Mrs.  Hayrick 
Mrs.  Peters  .     . 


16002 

35 

12 

100 

20 

20 

2 

30 

5 

5 

5 

5 

2 

2 

15 

m 

60 

8 

15 

15 

2 

35 

1 

70 
60 

2 

130 

12 

4 


50 
2 

100 

100 

8 

5 

5 

20 

120 

45 

20 


5|    2 


2 
1 


2767|    11^    2 


PHILADELPHIA  CONTRIBUTIONS. 


433 


S 

k4 

c 
c 

B 

a 

o 

a 

01 

s 

6S 

From  whom  received. 

Q 

1 

Id 

'3 

a 
o 

1 

From  whom  rece  ved. 

"o 
Q 

a 

'5 
C5 

o 

>-5 

s 

K 

■a 

a 

•a 

c 

a 
o 
o 

3 

33 

X 

> 

c 
O 

3 

7 

3 

jn 

Amount  bro't  forward 

2767| 

m 

2 

1 

8 

Amount  bro't  forward 

38535 

14| 

8 

Mrs.  Christie     .     .     . 

2 

1 

Mrs.  Straney      .     ,     . 

13^ 

Susanna  Morse 

15 

Widow  Claypoole  .     . 

60 

Catharine  Lehman 

15 

Barbara  Luberham     . 

7 

Mrs.  Baker  .     . 

80 

Mrs.  Midsummer  .     . 

50 

Children    .     .     , 

2 

Eliza  Crawford       .     . 

1 

Mrs.  Detrick     . 

15 

Cash    ...... 

1 

Ann  Will      .     . 

V 

Rachel  Lewis    .     .     . 

2 

Widow  Sybert  . 

100 

Mary  Coulter     ,     .     . 

5 

Margaret  May  . 

80 

Barbara  Rouen .     .     . 

1 

Catharine  Learn 

10 

Mary  Boorke     .     .     . 

8 

Kitty  Reed    .     . 

30 

Catharine  Konn     .     . 

10 

Hannah  Boyer  . 

60 

Mary  Foster      .     .     . 

9 

Polly  Wager      . 

100 

Magdalen  Hyster  .     . 

18 

Mrs.  John  Morris 

1 

Cath.  Leonard  .     .     . 

5 

Mary  Farmer    . 

1' 

Mary  Grubb      .     .     . 

4 

Mrs.  GraiF    .     , 

100 

Dolly  Ensminger  .     . 

2 

Barbara  Hollar , 

6 

Betsey  Corn       .     .     . 

4 

Mrs.  Hartford    . 

1 

Margaret  Hodge    .     . 

Mrs.  Collins  .     . 

40 

Catharine  Cameron    . 

30^ 
10 

Mrs.  Ricoston    . 

5 

Mary  Karcher  ,     .     . 

Cash  from  sundries 

142 

Polly  Smith  .... 

20 

Mrs.  Saunders   . 

150 

Catharine  Oldham 

20 
20 

Mrs.  Channell    . 

12 

Mrs.  Mary  Savill  .     . 

Esther  Channell 

30 

Catharine  Switer   .     . 

2 

Mrs.  Tatnall      . 

50 

7 
14 

Mrs.  Thompson 

i 

Chra  Neise  .... 

Ann  Savage  .     . 

30 

Cash 

100 

Mrs.  Craig    .     . 

3 

Mrs.  Margaret  Hare  . 

2000 
100 

Mrs.  Lesley  .     . 

6 

Miss  Peggy  Murphy  . 

Mrs.  Crofts   .     . 

8 

7 

3 

8 

Mrs.  Mary  Dudley     . 

100 

38535. 

14? 

64751 

15| 

9 

3 

9 

VOL.  II. 


28 


434 


PHILADELPHIA  CONTRIBUTIONS. 


NO.  IV. THE  LADIES  OF  PHILADELPHIA  AS  A  DONATION  TO  THE  SOLDIERS 

OF  THE  AMERICAN  ARMY,  TO  WHICH  THEY  ARE  SOLICITED  TO  CONTRIBUTE. 


Mrs.  Meclenachan 
Mrs.  Caldwell  ,  . 
Mrs.  M.  Irwin  .  . 
Mrs.  T.  Irwin  .  . 
Mrs.  Marks  .  .  . 
Mrs,  Ann  Reed  .  . 
Mrs.  Roberts  .  . 
Mrs.  Campbell  .  . 
Mrs.  Goggin  .  . 
Mrs.  Boyd  .  .  . 
Mrs.  Scott  .  .  , 
Bell  M'Elvain  .  . 
Mrs.  Bar  .  .  ,  . 
Mrs.  Woodhouse  . 
Sarah  Benninghoof 
Lucy  Fitzdelsby  . 
Mrs.  Risk  .  .  . 
Mrs.  Myrtilus  .  . 
Mrs.  Magill  .  .  . 
Mrs,  Myers  .  .  . 
Hester  Williams  . 
Mrs.  Edgecomb 
Mrs.  Allen  .  .  . 
Amelia  Taylor  .  . 
Mrs.  Reynolds  .  . 
Mrs.  Aitkin  .     ,     . 

Cash 

Mrs.  Tricket .  .  . 
Mrs.Shee.  .  .  . 
Mr.  Humphreys 
Mrs.  Humphreys  . 
Mrs.  Stansbury  .  . 
Mrs.  Beck  ,  ."  . 
Amelia  Judah  .  . 
Mrs.  C.  Morris  .  . 
Miss  Struttle  .  . 
Mrs.  Jenkins      .     . 

Cash 

Mrs.  Philips  .  .  . 
Mrs.  Barry  .  .  . 
Elizabeth  Thomas  . 
Mary  Adcock  .  . 
Mrs.  Gallagher .  . 
Mrs.  Brooks  .     .     . 

Cash 

Mrs.  Kennedy  .  . 
Mrs.  Streton  .  .  . 
Cash 


Dollars. 


4000 

2000 

2000 

2000 

120 

120 

200 

400 

25 

150 

100 

7 

30 

40 

20 

14 

60 

8 

9 

16 

3 

20 

60 

40 

30 

200 

50 

100 

60 

300 

65 

564 

20 

30 

800 

500 

41 

30 

100 

8 

40 

120 

100 

60 

100 

200 

30 

17 

ISfiOl 


Brought  forward    .     .     . 

Mrs.  Benson 

Mrs.  Manson     .... 

Mrs.Yeldall 

Mrs.  Sullivan  .... 
Mrs.  Weaver  .... 
Casli  for  sundries  .  ,  . 
Mrs.  Bradford  .... 
Mrs.  Matthews  .... 

Mrs.  Frazer 

Mrs.  Delaplain  .... 
Mrs.  Falconer   .... 

Mrs.  Smith 

Mrs.  W.  Cealbay  .  .  . 
Miss  Patty  M'Clenachan 

Mrs.  Blair 

Mrs.  Sparhawk .... 
Mrs.  Footman  .... 

Mrs.  Pole 

Mrs.  M'Cree 

Cash 

Mrs.  Forsyth     .... 

Mrs.  Phile 

Miss  Phile 

Miss  Phile 

Mrs.  Ballard,  2 J  Joes.     . 

Cash 

Mrs.  Woodhouse    .     .     . 

Mrs.  Levins 

Mrs.  Wultbager      .     .     . 

Mary  Ingles 

Mrs.  Govet 

Mrs.  Finley 

Mrs.  Womer 

Mrs.  Suler     ..... 

Mrs.  Bird 

Mrs.  Taylor 

Mrs.  Reynolds  .... 

Mrs. .... 

Mrs.  Turner 

Mrs.  Falconer  .  .  .  . 
Mrs.  S.  T.  .  :  .  .  . 
Mrs.  Duffield     .     .     .     , 

John  Lyon     

Toney  

Sylvia 

Lizzey 


Dollars. 


15,007 

50 

16 

20 

30 

30 

270 

115 

30 

100 

30 

30 

50 

480 

800 

480 

200 

280 

100 

200 

100 

1.33 

480 

100 

100 

960 

110 

20 

200 

40 

20 

10 

40 

12 

60 

480 

60 

12 

20 

145 

30 

500 

280 

25 

7 

30 

60 


22,352 


PHILADELPHIA  CONTKIBUTIONS. 


435 


NO.  V. A  SUBSCRIPTION  ENTERED  INTO  BY  THE  LADIES  OF  PHILADEL- 
PHIA AS  A  DONATION  TO  THE  AMERICAN  SOLDIERS.  COLLECTED  BY 
MRS.  A.  CALDWELL    AND    MRS.    PETERS. 


Mrs.  Huntington 
Mrs.  A.  Caldwell 
Miss  Wagner . 

Miss ,     . 

Mrs. .     . 

Miss ,     . 

Mrs.  Tyl  .  . 
Mrs.  Flahavan 
Mrs.  Baker  . 
Mrs.  Anything 
Miss  Aitidn  . 
Miss  Cobler  . 
Cash.  .  .  . 
Mrs.  Henderson 
Mrs.  Rhea  .  . 
Miss  Tilton  . 
Several  Ladies 
Mrs.  Markoe  . 

Mrs. .     . 

The  three  Miss  Rheas 

Mrs.  &  Mr. 

Mrs.  Galloway  , 
Mrs.  More  .  .  . 
Mrs.  Lilly  Brown 
In  Carter's  Alley 
Mrs.  Corners 

Mrs. 

Four  Misses 

Mrs. . 

Mrs. . 

Mrs. . 

Mrs. . 

Mrs.  &  Miss 
Mrs.  Wood 
Mrs. . 


100 
100 
125 


Mrs.  Graham  .... 
Mrs.  Dick  ..... 

Mr.  &.  Mrs. .    .     . 

Mrs.  Beck 

Mrs. 

Mrs.  Mrs.  &,  Mrs.    .     . 

Mrs.  Cleian     .     .     .     . 

Mrs.  Hood 

Mrs.  Baxter  .... 
Mrs.  Welsh  .... 
Mrs.  Bevan  .... 
Mrs.  Coran  .  ,  .  . 
Mrs.  Armstrong  .  .  . 
Mrs.  Oxly  ..... 
Mrs.  Burden  .... 
Mrs.  Feeling  .... 
Mrs.  Goodness  .  .  . 
Miss  Kitty  Caldwell  . 
Miss  Eliza  Mitchell      . 

Mr.  Roney 

Mrs —  in  Grip  Alley 


Mrs.  Duffield  . 
Miss  Good  Girl 
Mrs.  Peters .  . 
Mrs.  Humanity 

Mrs.  Rambler  . 

Miss .     , 

Mrs. .     . 


specie. 


1  Guinea. 

1  Dollar. 

4  Guineas, 

2  half  Joes  and 
1  half  Johann. 
1   Dollar. 

h  Dollar- 
1  Guinea. 


NO.  VI. — GIVEN    TO    THE    AMERICAN    SOLDIERS    BY 


Mrs. 
Mrs. 
Miss 
Miss 
Mrs. 
Mrs. 
Miss 
Mrs. 
Mrs. 
Mrs. 
Mrs. 
Mrs. 
Mrs. 


Bond    ,     .     .  . 

Price    .     .     .  . 

Lilly  Bond  .  . 
S.  R.  Lawrence 
Sarah  Morris 

Prost    .     .     .  . 

Bond    .     .     .  . 

James  .     .     .  . 

Delany      .     .  . 

Long    .     .     .  . 

Collins .     ,     .  . 

Beaks  .     .     .  . 


Con. 
Dolls. 

Hard 
Dolls. 

500 
60 
20 

200 
40 
12 
30 

8 
5 
1 
1 

1 

161 

Brought  forward .     .     . 

Mrs. .... 

Mrs.  Lavadge .  .  . 
Mrs.  Tin  ...  , 
Mrs.  Glishe  .  .  . 
Mrs.  Sourwall  .  . 
Mrs.  Wilson    ... 

Mrs. .... 

Mrs. .... 

Mrs.  Clingan  .     .     . 
Mrs.  Scheiger      .     .     . 
Mrs.  Greenwood  &,  Co. 
Mrs.  Shippen  .     .     .     . 


1587 


436 


PHILADELPHIA  CONTRIBUTIONS. 


NO.  VII. A  SUBSCRIPTION    ENTERED  INTO    BY  THE    WOMEN    OF    PHILADELPHIA    AS    A 

DONATION    TO    THE    SOLDIERS    OF    THE    AMERICAN    ARMY.       THE    FOLLOWING    SUMS 
WERE  COLLECTED,  BY  MRS.  TENCH  FRANCIS,  MRS.  JOHN  MITCHELL,  AND  MRS.  BACHE. 


Subscribers'  Names. 


Cash 

Mrs.  Bass 

Miss  Bass 

Miss  M'Nair 

Mrs.  Baily 

Mrs.  Peale 

Mrs.  Jenkins 

Miss  Jenliins 

Cash 

Cash 

Cash 

Mrs.  Davidson 

Mrs.  Facuritlas 

Mrs.  Bickham 

Mrs.  Clamper 

Mrs.  Bitten 

Mrs.  House 

Mrs.  Frist 

Mrs.  C<  ipper 

MissKinsey 

Mrs.  Foulke 

Mrs.  Roussen 

Mrs.  Shoemaker 

Mrs.  Lackland 

Mrs.  Searchlan 

Miss  Syhel  Matlack 

Miss  Kitty  Matlack 

Miss  Patty  Matlack 

Mrs.  Mathews 

Mrs.  Emmerick 

Mrs.  Blaine 

Mrs.  D.  RundelandMrs.R.  Rundel 

Mrs.  Clynier 

Mrs.  Bugson... 

Mrs.  Cumings 

Mrs.  Houseman 

Master  Cumings 

Miss  Bryson 

Mrs.  Richards,  (a  pair  of  leather 
breeches) 

Mrs.  Ayle 

Mis.  Clopper 

Mrs.  Seward 

Mrs.  Chevalier 

Cash , 

Mrs.  Gratr. 

Mrs.  !■  toneuieitz 

Mrs.  lieily 

Mrs.  Hendricks 

Mrs.  Gribbln 

Mrs.  German 

Mrs.  Swing 

Mrs  Donnanns  

Mrs.  Pendleton 

Mrs.  Stokes , 

Mrs.  Wiilcher 

Miss  Wright 

Mrs,  Sykes 

Cash 


Carried  forward 3n24l  4)  2    1      17 


100 
300 
100 
100 


346 
105 

60 
20 
100 
112 

eo 


10 

60 

70 

10 

3J 

7 

10 

800 


30 

3J 

500 

11 

150 
55 
100 


50 

3 

150 

f.5 
200 


Subscribers'  Names. 


Brought  forward 

Miss^M'Vaugh  and  Miss  Worrell 

Miss  Anna  Kandolph 

Mrs.  Rogers 

Mrs.  Draper 

Mrs.  Little..^ 

Mrs.  Lee 

.Mrs.  Marten 

Mrs.  Dickenson 

Miss  Rachel  Dickenson 

Miss  Sally  Dickenson 

,Vlrs.  Shrier , 

Miss  >hrier 

Miss  Caruthers , 

Miss  Hall 

Cash 

Mrs.  Clews 

Mrs.  Barbara  Jones 

Miss  Rutler 

Miss  Scull 

Miss  Alexander 

Miss  Bruce 

Cash 


Mrs.  Blakely 

Mrs.  Moore 

Mrs.  Thorn 

Mrs.  Hannah  Polke 

Mrs.  Ball 

Mrs.  Wealherly 

Mrs.  Davis 

Mrs.  Irwin  

Mrs.  Keen 

(?ash 

Mrs.  Stiltzhimer 

Mrs.  Estlen 

Mrs.  Jones 

Mrs.  Cahoun 

Mrs.  Cunningham 

Mrs  Ogden 

Miss  D^  Williams 

Mrs .  Neigle 

Mrs.  Mitchell 

Mrs.  Martin 

Mrs   Bache 

Miss  Hache 

Miss  Brackenridge 

Cash 

Mrs.  Facundus 

Mrs    Richard's   leather  breeches 

sold  for 

Cash 

A  young  lady  by  the  hands  of  Mr, 

Bates 

Miss  Randolph 

Mrs.  Young 

Mrs.  Incle 

Mrs.  Hedman 

Mrs.  Francis  and  daughters. . . . . 


[Total 9662   817  2     30 


3924 
100 
100 
60 
20 


15 
15 
15 

20 
50 

1000 
1000 
50 
300 
100 

660 


1000 
140 


150 
50 
40 
30 

500 


PHILADELPHIA  CONTRIBUTIONS. 


437 


NO.  Vril. ACCOUNT  OF  CASH  RECEIVED  BY  MRS.  SAMUEL  CALDWELL  AND 

MRS.  RUSH,  OF  THE  LADIES  OF  PHILADELPHIA  AS  A  DONATION   TO  THE 
SOLDIERS  OF  THE  AMERICAN  ARMY.       JuNE,   1780. 


Of  whom  received,  &;c. 


Mrs.  Hill,  3  half  Johannes    . 

Cash 

Mrs.  Jones 

Cash 

do 

Mrs.  Davies,  half  a  guinea  . 

Mrs.  Fudge 

Mrs.  Whitehead     .... 
Cash 

do 

do 

Mrs.  Ten 

Cash 

do 

Mrs.  Pierce 

Mrs.  Tonglopt 

Mrs.  M'Knight 

Mrs.  F. 

Mrs.  Walnut  Street,   1  half 

Johannes    

Mrs.  Main 

Mrs.  Clark 

Mrs.  Front  Street  .... 
Mrs.  Boiteaux,  1  Guinea 

Cash 

Mrs.  M'Lane,  1  Guinea  .     . 

Cash 

Mrs.  Worthlittle    .... 

Mrs.  Tharp 

Cash 

Mrs.  Brown 

Mrs.  Courtney 

Mrs.  Pinching 

Cash 

Mrs.  Rush,  1  half  Johannes 
Mrs.  S.  Caldwell,  1  Moidore 

Cash 

Mrs.  Evans 

Miss  Franks,  2?  Guineas     . 

Mrs.   J.  Dunlap,   (this  lady 

paid  in  another  ward)  .     . 


24 


65 

280 

20 


24 

22 
120 

200 

40 
40 
120 
50 
30 
80 
40 
80 


80 
130 


61    1778 


Of  whom  received,  &;c. 


Brought  over 

Mrs.  Bartram,  1  Guinea  .     . 

Mrs.  Stewart 

Cash 

Mrs.  Nixon 

Cash 

Mrs.  Sword,  1  Moidore  .  . 
Cash 

do 

do.  1  Guinea 

Mrs.  Dunlap 

Mrs.  Kieth 

Miss  Liberty 

Miss  Nobody 

Miss  Who  you  please  .     .     . 

Mrs.  Cross 

Miss  Nobody 

Mrs.  Smith 

Mrs.  Hamilton,  1  Guinea  and 

a  half 

Cash  1  Dollar 

do 

Mrs.  Lupes 

Miss  Becky  Wharton,  1  half 

Johannes    

Miss  Somebody,  1  do.  .  . 
Mrs.  M'Allister      .... 

Miss  Quinn 

Mrs.  Front 

Mrs.  Delany,  1  half  Johannes 

Mrs.  Dugget 

Mrs.  Waid 

Mrs.  Berry 

Mrs.  Budden 

Mrs.  Patton 

Cash 

Mrs.  White 

W.  Barton 

Miss  Somebody,  additional . 


.• 

^. 

ID 

Q. 

o. 

.. 

c 

•— 

•"• 

^ 

2 

a 

^ 

o 

Q 

O 

61 

1776 

4* 

120 

t-t 

10!; 

8( 

6 

70 

15 

4^ 

100 

50 

120 

150 

150 

100 

150 

80 

7 

1 

70 

li 

8 

8 

200 

120 

300 

8 

46 

1 

2 

60 

60 

440 

1000 

100 

14 

68 

5515 

438 


PHILADELPHIA  CONTRIBUTIONS. 


s 

>H 

m 

^ 

>^ 

g 

« 

< 

^ 

5^ 

iJ 

O 

<! 

r/j 

H 

iz; 

Z 

Ul 

Hk 

^ 

H 

H 

13 

25 

w 

O 

O 

r/V 

w 

oi 

K 

rt 

H 

w 

C:H 

g; 

o 

•< 

w 

> 

Q 

M 

►J 

hJ 

O 

u 

^ 

w 

w 

f/.' 

w 

C/J 

H 

< 

OO  O  «fl  O  O  to  O  O  O  <B  ID  o  o  o  ^      oooo 


^  §  S  °-.2i  i  J^  i>>i^  c-§  S-  S  «-^^S-2  S'S  ^^-^  S    ■ 


O  Tj<        O  ^  O  O  O 


O'OOOOOOtJ^OOOOOOO 
pC}J^C<1000t^OOOOOt~05 


0  0^3 

o  in  i^ 


SF3 


>_2  > 


ea  tn  C 


J3   C-S 
ai  cs  -J;^ 


O^ 


c   p   p»  ^   CO   m   >- 


OCTJ 
en  .l-r  m  w  f3  ^   yj  CO 


J2J2  .  ST  .^  .  M 
o)  bniX;  a:;      c      i:      c  nj 


;^gwS<;gS 


PHILADELPHIA  CONTRIBUTIONS. 


439 


O  O       <S1  o  o 

C5  ITS  r-l  ^  00 


00<i300000000tSOOO<000    I  o 

oo(NO>no>nomi^>o(N>oinm(MOio   I  o 

in  r^  irj  i-i  in  t^  00  r~- n  o  ■<*' >-i  o  (N  in  (M  c»  o   |  vo 
t^  CO                      •-I  CO                                           (Ml 


o 

o  o  o  o 

o 

in 

o  o  O  m 

in 

CO 

rt  01  CO  O 

o 

oSeqeajcccMOHg     U     cQ<pHQQa(:Ql>Wlz;iz;o;>Dia:3fficoajWM 


ot^oc<!mt^MOin      CJ 


O  O  ^D         O  O  !£> 

o  in  c*      mom 
eo  m  rH      1-1  m  o 


^o  o      o  o  o  o  to 
t^  m      m  m  m  o  t^ 

O  i-H  rt  i-H  ,-1  p} 


i^      i^  t-  t^m 


03  a 


>"SiJ  j;  >> 


^  ^  S 

c8  eo  « 


gc«—  c::^go.i:>.>,' 


— -2  D  J: 


tlDJ=   ^  JJ 


440 


PHILADELPHIA  CONTRIBUTIONS. 


OOVDOOVOO       o 

oqMOor-;Q      o 


ooooots<aot£iooootaO!AOoo 


p      o  o 


M    - 

5  o 


«;  r«  »;  w  «;  ^  r^  «;  ,.«  ^  r/ 


CO   CO   (/}  CO   n 


sss 


COmOOFftC'lmCOCOWmtommWtDCOcoWWWj,^,.    ..      _       _,,     „ 


O  VO  O  O  O  O  O  O  O  O       O  <JD  O  O  tD  VO  o  o  o  <a  o  o  o  o  «  «>  <o  o  o  o 


._,.T3.bo.O'r!>>S2'''z2 

^  Jiri  *-•  OT    C    b^    C  Tt 

"^cucococoracocowcoincncocQcdcocn^cotncocotnnriffi 


PHILADELPHIA  CONTRIBUTIONS. 


441 


O  O  O  <0  O  <i  <0  O  <£i  VO  o  o  o 

>o  >n  o  c*  »n  w  N  o  00  00  o  o  o 

•-I  rt  1-1  (M  rt         rt 

o  o  >n  r-i  o  rH  ■>*' i^  •*  o  t^  CO  CO 


o  o  o  o 
o  o  >n  o 

O  (N  ■-!  OO 
»0  0<         i-i 


ooooo^ooo 

N-^CO.-lt^i-lC<)0O 


<N   r-1 


« "-H 


o  vo 


vo  o  o 
e»  o  «n 


^    s 


QJ    C3    t.    (8    C 


■^    **    ^    s^ 


-.2  •  S^^Q^^  sii 


"2     2      5^ 


5  ■= 


"5  =  ca 


s 
o 

oo 

tooooo 

oo 

o  oo  o  o 

tfl  o  VO  o 

to-oooinooo 

o  o 

i^  o  o  m  o 

o  o 

o  o  o  o  o 

N  01^>0 

WTfvrtioi^mtNO 

1 

CO  Tf 

O  m  CO  o  « 

rH  CO 

lO  CT  O  N  f^ 
r-  (N  (N  -^  CO 

N.-<r-(00 

i-HOOOOONl^ 

o 

o 

o 

o 

O 

s 

lO 

o 

o 

o 

to 

1 

o 

CO 

CO 

CO 

i^ 

•   •  m  a  W)^ .5   •  i._:   •   *   •   •  (- 

i^^-2%of  g  g^  gl^^f  :s  §  S^  g-£  £J  S:^  s  g  I  g  ^^ 


442 


PHILADELPHIA  CONTRIBUTIONS. 


NO.  X. A  SUBSCRIPTION    ENTERED  INTO  BY  THE  LADIES  OF  PHILADELPHIA 

AS  A  DONATION   TO  THE  SOLDIERS  OF  THE  AMERICAN  ARMY. 
The  Ward  between  Walnut  and  Spruce  Streets. 


Paper 

Dolls. 

Specie. 

Paper 
Dolls. 

Specie. 

Mrs.  Wilson 

1000 

£    s.     d. 

Mrs.  Mease    .... 

](l()() 

Cash 

200 

J.  M.  Nesbitt      .    .     . 

loon 

Mrs.  Copper 

30 

Mrs.  Nichols  .... 

1000 

10110 
100 
125 

Cash 

20 

10 

480 

120 

Mrs.  Kaner 

Mrs.  Ball 

Cash . 

Mrs.  Stuart    .... 

Mrs.  Kennedy    .     .    . 

Mrs.  Cunningham  .    . 

GOO 

Cash  ......    ^. 

Mrs.  Wharton    .    .    . 

400 

Cash r  . 

15    0 

Mrs.  Simmons    .    .    . 

100 

Mrs.  Audihert     .... 

1    10    0 

Mrs.  Purden   .... 

65 

Mr.  Auriibert 

15    0 

Mrs.  Pennell  .... 

3      0    0 

Mrs.  Wright 

7    6 

James  McCulloch   .    . 

3    10    0 

Mrs.  Hill,  of  Roxbury     . 

8000 

Mrs.  Shields   .... 

1     15    0 

Mrs.  Morris 

10000 

Mrs.  Purviance  .     .    . 

6      0    0 

Mrs.  J.  Willing  .... 

3      0    0 

Mrs.  Andrew  Purvianc 

e 

3    10    0 

Miss  T.  Willing     ,     .    . 

3      0    0 

Mrs.  Laurence   .    .    . 

170 

Cash 

200 

Mrs.  Lownds .... 

CO 

Miss  Bullock 

3      0    0 

Mrs.  Newark.     .     .     . 

20 

Cash 

7    6 

Mrs.  Bryan     .... 

200 

Mrs.  Margaret  Harper    . 

30 

Miss  Bryan     .... 

120 

Cash 

20 

Mrs.  Francis  Lewis    . 

320 

Cash 

7    6 

Mrs.  Buckraan    .    .    . 

660 

Cash 

Mrs.  Cox 

3    10    0 

Cash •    .    . 

11 

Mrs.  Snowden    .     .    . 

30 

Mrs.  Cox 

Mrs.  Collier    .... 

20 

Mrs.  Shoemaker     .    .    . 

15    0 

Mr.  Collier     .... 

20 

Cash 

12    6 

Mrs.  J  Snowden    .    . 

400 

Cash 

12    6 

Mrs.  Warner  .... 

40 

Mrs.  Barker 

7    6 

Mrs.  McCroskey     .    . 

20 

Cash 

7    6 

Mrs.  Butler     .... 

50 

Cash 

5 

Mrs  Dingwell     .     .     . 

11 

Cash 

300 

Mrs.  Holland  .... 

1 

Mrs.  Bringhurst     .    .    . 

15    0 

Mrs.  Sands     .... 
Mrs.  Wane     .... 

200 
63 

Cash 

8 
50 

Cash 

Mrs.  Stineford    .    .    . 

20 

Mr.  Wharton      .... 





Mrs.  J.  Crawford    .    . 

1000 

Mrs.  Leiper 

3      0    0 

Mrs.  Braskenberry .    . 

1     15    0 

Mr.  N.  Hands     .... 

200 

Cash 

15    0 

Mrs.  Sparrin 

100 

Cash 

CO 

Mrs.  Spence 

40 

Mrs.  Donaldson  .    .    . 

1000 

Mrs.  Mathew     .... 

— 

Mrs.  Perrot    .... 

3    3 

Cash 

100 

Mrs.  Irvine     .... 

400 

Cash 

6 

Mrs.  Burns     .... 

140 

Cash 

68 

Mrs.  Co.x 

500 

Cash 

40 

Mrs.  Woodward     .    . 

15    0 

Cash 

8 

Mrs.  Ramsay.    .    .    . 

150 

Mrs. 

100 

Mr.  A.  Nesbitt   .    .    . 

3    10    0 

Mrs.  Middleton  .... 

50 

Cash 

60 

Mrs.  Hunt 

60 

Mr.  W.  Erskine  .    .    . 

3    10    0 

Mr.  H.  Osborn    .... 

100 

15    0 

Mr.  A.  Holmes   .    .    . 

250 

Mrs.  Mlllbank    .... 

600 

Mrs.  Front  Street   .    . 

3      0    0 

Mrs.  Peniberton      .    .    . 

7    6 

Mr.  B.  Dean   .... 

3      0    0 

Mrs.  J.  Pennell  .... 

500 

Cash .     •    

100 

Mrs,  Robertson  .... 

40 

Mr.  Jackson   .... 

20 

Mrs.  Powell 

1200 

Mrs.  Dunn      .... 

35 

Mrs.  Foreman    .... 

3    10    0 

Mrs.  Wilson  .... 

200 

Mrs.  Mickle 

50 

Mrs.  Paschall     .     .    . 

60 

Cash 

3 

Cash 

20 
40 

Mrs.  Clymer 

Mrs.  Emlen 

3200 

6      0    0 

Cash  ...;... 

Mrs.  Frankleberry .    . 

40 

Mrs.  Arnold 

6      0    0 

Cash . 

4 

Mrs.  Mead 

3      0    0 

Cash 

20 

Cash 

13 

Mrs.  Baker     .... 

105 

Cash 

4 

Mrs.  Pidgeon .... 

30 

Cash 

8 

Cash 

30 

Cash 

21 

Mrs.  Comely  .... 

— 

— 

Cash 

9 

Cash 

200 
100 

Cash 

Cash 

6 
3 

Mrs.  Cunninghame    . 

Cash.    ...     .     .    . 



— 

Mrs.  Farley 

15    0 

Cash 

15    0 

Mrs.  Meredith     .... 

5000 

Cash 

7    6 

Mr.  Brown 

— 

1    15 

Mrs.  Gibbons .... 

15    0 

Mrs.  Roberts 

120 

Mrs.  Fuller    .... 

20 

Mr.  Morris  and  daughter 

1000 

1 

PHILADELPHIA  CONTRIBUTIONS. 


443 


NO.    XI. LIST    OP     SUBSCRIPTIONS     COLLECTED     BETWEEN     PINE     AND 

SPRUCE    STREETS,    BY    MRS.    m'kEAN,    MRS.    SEARLE,    MRS.  J.    MEASE, 
AND    MRS.    I.    MORRIS. 


Mrs.  M'Kean  . 
Mrs.  Walker  . 
Miss  Pollard ;  . 
Mrs.  Sutter  .  . 
Mrs.  Ralston  . 
Mrs.  Boyd  .  . 
Mrs.  Sawyer 
Mrs.  Hall .  .  . 
Mrs.  Wainwright 
Mrs.  Bussy  .  . 
Cash  .... 
Cash  .... 
Mrs.  Barett  .  . 
Cash  .... 
Mrs.  Massey 
Mrs.  Miller  .  . 
Mrs.  Vellier  .  . 
Cash  .... 
Mrs.  Blackston . 
Cash  .     .     . 

Mrs.  Doz  .  .  . 
Cash  .... 
Mrs.  M'Kinsey. 
Mrs.  Pryor  .  . 
Mrs.  Batchelor  . 
Mrs.  Ashmead  . 
Mrs.  January  . 
Mrs.  Marshall  . 
Mrs.  Pancake    . 


Cont. 
Dollars. 


•1200 

600 

480 

100 

60 

60 

30 

100 

30 

60 

50 

45 

20 

20 

60 

170 

800 

90 

100 

20 

260 

200 

61 

60 

60 

300 

180 

60 

30 


Mrs.  Richmond 

Mrs.  Hawkins 

Mrs.  Britton 

Mrs.  Butler 

Mrs.  A.  Robinson    .     .     .     . 

Mrs.  Fitzgerald 

Cash 

Mrs.  Stout 

Miss  B.  Bridges 

Mrs.  Clarson 

Miss  Sims 

Mrs.  Searle 

Mrs.  Darrah 

Mrs.  Mease 

Miss  Nancy  Myers .     .     .     . 
Mrs.  Phillips 

Mrs.  Ralston 

Cash  received  from  sundry 
persons 

Miss  Haynes 

Mrs.  Leman 

Mrs.  Brenner 


SUBSCRIPTIONS    RECEIVED    IN    HARD    MONEY. 


Cont. 
Dollars, 


15 

75 

20 

300 

300 

80 

800 

100 

400 

300 

100 

1000 

100 

500 

150 

500 


10,046 
100 

1054 


11,200 

1000 
300 
300 


Mrs. .     . 

Mrs.  Inglis .  . 
Mrs.  Nixon  . 
Miss  Davis  .  . 
Mrs.  Davis  .  . 
Mrs.  Barclay  . 
Mrs.  Bell  .  . 
Mrs.  Plumsted 
MissM'Call  . 
Mrs.  Barry .  . 
Mrs.  F.  Gurney 
Mrs.  Silver.  . 
Mrs.  Angus 
Mrs.  Gravius  . 
PHILLIS  .  . 
Mrs.  Robinson 
Mrs.  Rigby  . 
Mrs.  Henessy  . 
Mrs.  Porter  . 
Cash  .... 
Miss  Darrah  . 
Cash  .... 


8s.  8d. 

5  0 

0  0 

0  0 

17  6 

15  0 

15  0 

0  0 

0  0 

15  0 

0  0 

15  0 

11  3 

15  0 

7  6 

10  0 

17  6 


15     0 
15    0 


Mrs.  Coobin    . 
Mrs.  Shoemaker 
Cash  .... 
Mrs.  Morris     . 
Mrs.  Morgan  . 


Mrs.  Murray   . 


1  Piece  of  Gold 
10  Half  Joes    . 
7^  Guineas,  35s. 
3  Dollars     .     . 


Change 


3  9 

1  0 

0  0 

0  0 


1     15     0 


46 

19 

8 

3 

0 

0 

49 

19 

8 

5  8  0 

30  0  0 

13  2  6 

1  2  6 


49     13    0 
6       8 


444 


PHILADELPHIA  CONTRIBUTIONS. 


NO.  XII. LIST  OF  MONEY  COLLECTED  BY  MRS.  HILLEGAS,  MRS. 

CLARKSON,  MRS.  HASENCLEVER,  AND  MRS.  HUTCHINSON. 


Dollars. 

HARD  MONEY. 

Brouglit  forward, 

44|  dollars.          £16  2s.  9<i. 

7612^ 

26  Bills  of 
31      " 

1 

2 

26 
62 

32      " 

3 

96 

8   haifJoh's         24-    - 

25      " 

4 

100 

12    Guineas,           21 

51      " 

5 

255 

2    Eng.  shiU.,       —  3    4 
1    copper,              1 

15      " 
29      " 
29      " 

6 

7 
8 

90 
203 
230 

9889  J 

61  16  2  is 

35      " 
35      " 
12      " 

20 
30 
40 

700 

1050 

480 

Received  since  the  above  of 

$175011 

3      " 

45 

135 

Mrs.  Walker, 

4000 

19      " 

50 

950 

Of  sundries,     . 

16 

2      " 

55 

110 

Mrs.  H 

600 

17      " 

60 

1020 

Mrs.  Hasenclcver,  a  half  Jo- 

9     " 

65 

585 

hannes,  £3  0  0. 

480 

9      " 

70 

630 

Mrs.  H., . 

500 

10      «' 

80 

800 

Mrs.  W 

420 

Small  money  ? 

IS  per  list 

Mrs.  P.,  . 

30 

on  the  other 

side   . 

88,1 

235472 

7612^ 

LIST  OF  SMALL  MONEY. 

1  bill  of         4 

Os.              J 

C4       C 

s.  Od. 

Brought  forward,       .         88 

8     8 

4     "               2 

0 

8      C 

0 

2     "             .3                  0 

6    0 

4     "               2 

0 

4      C 

0 

2     »                16            0 

3     0 

3    "              ) 

6 

2      8 

0 

5    "                13            0 

6    3 

2     "              1 

2 

I       4 

0 

1     "                0    0            0 

1     0 

3     »              1 

0 

1     IC 

0 

2     »                      6            0 

1     0 

1     " 

8 

0     e 

0 

3    "                      4            0 

1     0 

2    " 

6 

0     IS 

0 

2     "                     3            0 

0     6 

16    " 
2    " 

5 

4 

4      C 

0 

0     e 

]    0 

Carried  to  the  other  side,  33 

2     6 

21     " 

3     9d. 

3     It 

9 



14    " 

2     6 

1     U 

0 

i;33  2s.  6cZ.  =  $88J. 

-1^^  -1 


PHILADELPHIA  CONTRIBUTIONS. 


445 


NO.    XIII. — women's    donations    for    the    army,    in    the    northern 

LIBERTIES.        collected    BY    MRS.    G.  B.    EYRE,    MRS.    COATES,    AND    MRS. 
J.    B.    SMITH.       JUNE,    1780. 


Dolls. 

Dolls. 

Mrs.  Geo.  Geddes      .     800 

300/. 

Os. 

Qd. 

JVliss  Bowers     .     .     . 

20 

7 

10 

0 

Mrs.  Houck .... 

30 

HZ. 

5s.  8d. 

Mrs.  Bowers     .     . 

80 

30 

0 

0 

Mrs.  Mary    .     .     . 

9 

3 

7    6 

Miss  Bowers     .     . 

20 

7 

10 

0 

Mrs.  Shive   .     .    . 

20 

7 

10    0 

Mrs.  Baker  .     .    . 

24 

9 

0 

0 

Mrs.  Miers   .     .     . 

20 

7 

10    0 

Mrs.  Tauzer      .    . 

8 

3 

0 

0 

Mrs.  Miller  .    .    . 

20 

7 

10    0 

Mrs.  Turner     .     . 

27 

10 

2 

6 

Miss  Cline    .     .     . 

11 

4 

2    6 

Mrs.  Rice     .     .     . 

15 

5 

12 

6 

Mrs.  Beck    .    .    . 

3 

1 

2    6 

Mrs.  Poet     .     .     . 

.30 

11 

5 

0 

Miss  Sellers.     .     . 

20 

7 

10    0 

Mrs.  Newton;  .     . 

70 

26 

5 

0 

Miss  Wallace    .     . 

200 

75 

0    0 

Mrs.  Hoffman  .     . 

20 

7 

10 

0 

Mrs.  Thos.  Brit  ton 

200 

75 

0    0 

Mrs.  Hill.    .    .    . 

50 

18 

15 

0 

Mrs.  JNaglee 

50 

18 

15    0 

Cash 

7 

2 

12 

6 

Mrs.  Phillips     .    . 

30 

11 

5    0 

Mrs.  Serick  .     . 

17 

6 

7 

6 

Mrs.  Deal      .     . 

20 

7 

10    0 

Mrs.  Cramp .    . 

21 

7 

17 

6 

Mrs.  Prowell    .     . 

20 

7 

10    0 

Cash 

22 

8 

5 

0 

Mrs.  Shephard .     . 

6 

7 

5    0 

Mrs.  Donnally  . 

35 

13 

2 

6 

Mrs.  Smith   .     . 

20 

2 

10    0 

Mrs.  Ommansetter 

21 

7 

17 

6 

Mrs.  Croscup    . 

10 

3 

15    0 

Mrs.  Isburn  .     . 

30 

11 

5 

0 

Mrs.  Clinton     . 

60 

22 

10    0 

Mrs.  Cooper.    . 

50 

18 

15 

0 

Mrs.  Collins      .     . 

100 

37 

10    0 

Mrs.  Piper    .    . 

11 

4 

2 

6 

Mrs.  Thomson  .     . 

50 

18 

15    0 

Mrs.  Bice      .     , 

50 

18 

15 

0 

Mrs.  Wells  ,    .    . 

20 

7 

10    0 

Mrs.  Barket .     . 

16 

6 

0 

0 

Mrs.  Vanciver  . 

100 

37 

10    0 

Mrs.  Liishet.    . 

10 

3 

15 

0 

Mrs.  Sowder     . 

50 

18 

15    0 

Mrs.  Kern    .    . 

3 

1 

2 

6 

Mrs.  Andrews  . 

40 

15 

0    0 

Cash    .... 

7 

2 

12 

6 

Mrs.  Backster  . 

50 

18 

15    0 

Mrs.  Craft    .    . 

30 

11 

5 

0 

Mrs.  Stouse  .    . 

8 

3 

0    0 

Cash    .... 

200 

75 

0 

0 

Mrs.  Wolpar     . 

28 

10 

10    0 

Cash    .... 

2i 

1 

0 

0 

Mrs.  Grace  .    .    . 

8 

3 

0    0 

Mrs.  Sober  .    . 

2 

15 

0 

Mrs.  Storts   .     .     . 

30 

11 

5    0 

Mrs.  Randolph 

40 

15 

0 

0 

Mrs.  Warsham . 

30 

11 

5    0 

Mrs.  Harow 

5 

1 

17 

6 

Mrs.  Keemhle  .    . 

i     60 

22 

10    0 

Mrs.  Ogboiir     . 

115 

43 

2 

6 

Mrs.  Kessuder  . 

14 

5 

5    0 

Mrs.  Merrell     . 

40 

15 

0 

0 

Mrs.  Cooper     .    . 

60 

22 

10    0 

Cash    .... 

5 

1 

17 

6 

Cash    .... 

46 

17 

5    0 

Mrs.  King    .     . 

13 

4 

17 

6 

Mrs.  Pearcy.    . 

50 

18 

15    0 

Mrs.  Drinker    . 

60 

22 

10 

0 

Mrs.  Mill  right  . 

5 

1 

17    6 

Miss  Read    .     . 

8 

3 

0 

0 

Mrs.  Griffin  .    . 

40 

15 

0    0 

Mrs.  Coals    .     . 

80 

30 

0 

0 

Mrs.  Snyder 

11 

4 

2    6 

Miss  Marshall  . 

80 

30 

0 

0 

Mrs.  Deal     .     . 

40 

15 

0    0 

Mrs.  Tregkle    . 

40 

15 

0 

0 

Mrs.  Harrison  . 

100 

37 

10    0 

Mrs.  Foiice  .    . 

20 

7 

10 

0 

Mrs.  Burris  .    . 

140 

52 

10    0 

Mrs.  Newman  . 

120 

45 

0 

0 

1    Cash    .... 

100 

37 

10    0 

Mrs.  Lamar.    . 

15 

5 

12 

6 

Mrs.  Irvin    .    . 

40 

15 

0    0 

Cash    .... 

8 

3 

0 

0 

Mrs.  Snope  .    . 

i     16 

6 

0    0 

C.ish    .... 

8 

3 

0 

0 

Mrs.  Brell     .     . 

I     60 

22 

10    0 

Mrs.  Rush    .    . 

20 

7 

10 

0 

Mrs.  Stornfeis  . 

1     30 

11 

5    0 

Mrs.  Yorick.    . 

100 

37 

10 

0 

Mrs.  Hester .    . 

40 

15 

0    0 

Cash    .... 

11 

4 

2 

6 

Mrs.  Loughead 

55 

20 

12    6 

Mrs.  Anilurey  . 

40 

15 

0 

0 

Miss  Loughead 

!     35 

13 

2    6 

Mrs.  Fifer    .    . 

40 

15 

0 

0 

Mrs.  Tfoughtvvint 

;      30 

11 

5    0 

Miss  Fifer    .    . 

20 

7 

10 

0 

Mrs.  Baker  .     . 

107 

40 

2    6 

Mrs.  Crowell    . 

30 

11 

5 

0 

Mrs.  Cling    .    . 

1  100 

37 

10    0 

Mrs.  Matereen . 

30 

11 

5 

0 

Mrs.  Irvin    .    . 

8 

3 

0    0 

446 


PHILADELPHIA  CONTRIBUTIONS. 


Dolls. 

Dolls. 

Miss  Irvin    .... 

16 

Gl 

Os 

.  Od. 

Mrs.  More    .... 

8 

31. 

O.s 

Od 

Mrs.  Wood  . 

16 

6 

0 

0 

Christeen  Rush 

8 

3 

0 

0 

Mrs.  Gilbert 

1 

7 

6 

Mrs.  Testure     . 

5 

1 

17 

6 

Mrs.  Riglin  . 

7 

2 

12 

6 

Cash     .    .     . 

72 

27 

0 

0 

Mrs.  Henry  . 

3 

1 

2 

6 

Mrs.  Lowser 

30 

11 

5 

0 

Mrs.  Miller  . 

3 

1 

2 

6 

Mrs.  Weaver 

100 

37 

10 

0 

Mrs.  Heft      . 

7 

2 

12 

6 

Mrs.  Reemer 

9 

3 

7 

5 

Mrs.  Horn     . 

2! 

1 

0 

0 

Cash    .     .     . 

120 

45 

0 

0 

Mrs.  Miner  . 

5 

1 

17 

6 

Cash    .     . 

12 

4 

10 

0 

Mrs.  Inder    . 

60 

22 

10 

0 

Cash    .    . 

16 

6 

0 

0 

Mrs.  Holry    . 

2 

15 

0 

Cash    .     . 

5 

1 

17 

6 

Mrs.  Horse   . 

18 

6 

15 

0 

Cash    .     . 

10 

3 

15 

0 

Mrs.  Stock    . 

30 

11 

5 

0 

Cash    .     . 

200 

75 

0 

0 

Mrs.  List .     . 

30 

11 

5 

0 

Mrs.  Evans 

8 

3 

0 

0 

Mrs.  Scull     . 

20 

7 

10 

0 

Mrs.  J.  B.  Smith 

400 

150 

0 

0 

Mrs.  Fioler  . 

50 
30 

18 
11 

15 

5 

0 
0 

Mrs.  A 1  burg 

Miss  A 1  burg 

30 

11 

5 

0 

2468 

15 

0 

Mrs.  Brice    . 

3 

1 

2 

6 

N.  B.    Mrs.  Cooper's 

Mrs.  Hensil . 

10 

3 

15 

0 

sixty    dollars    was 

Stofellhonkle 

10 

3 

15 

0 

not  sent  as  expect- 

Mrs. Scriver 

30 

11 

5 

0 

ed,  and  is  to  be  de- 

Mrs. Duweas 

100 

37 

10 

0 

ducted 

60 

22 

10 

0 

2446 

5 

0 

Mrs.  Pister.  .  . 
Mrs.  Miller  .  . 
Mrs.  Hill  .  .  . 
Mrs.  Baker  .  . 
Mrs.  Earnest  .  . 
Mrs.  Bovvlman  . 
Mrs.  Pisier  .  . 
Mrs.  Kenny  .  . 
Mr.  Keen  .    .    . 

Cash 

Mrs.  Lieb  .  .  . 
Mrs.  PVrguson  . 
Mrs.  Miller  .  . 
Mrs.  Cheesennan 
Mrs.  Smith  .  . 
Mrs.  Warsham  . 
Mrs.  Weigham  . 
Mr.  Isenhut  .  . 
Mrs.  Shoemaker 
Mrs.  R.  Farmer  . 
Miss  Harmon 
Mrs.  Done .  .  . 
Mrs.  INevill    .     . 

Cash 

Mrs.  G.  B.  Eyre  . 


Two  shillings  in  specie 

Three  shillings  and  four  pence  .    .     . 

Two  shillings . 

Three  shillings  and  four  pence  .    .    . 

Two  shillings 

Three  shillings  and  nine  pence.  .  . 
Three  shilling  and  nine  pence   .     .     . 

Four  shillings 

Seven  shillings  and'  six  pence    .    .    . 

Cash 

Twenty-two  shillings  and  six  pence  . 
Four  shillings  and  three  pence  .  .  . 
Seven  shillings  and  six  pence  .  .  . 
Eighteen  shillings  and  nine  pence.  . 
Two  shillings  and  six  pence  .... 
One  shilling  and  ten  pence    .... 

Haifa  guinea 

Three  shillings  and  nine  pence  .     .     . 

Six  pence 

Two  English  crowns 

Six  shillings  and  three  pence      .     .     . 

One  guinea 

One  dollar 

One  English  shilling  and  one  pistareen 
Two  guineas 


0/. 

2.^ 

Od. 

3 

4 

2 

0 

3 

4 

2 

0 

3 

9 

3 

9 

4 

0 

7 

6 

0 

11 

1 

2 

6 

4 

3 

7 

6 

17 

6 

2 

6 

1 

0 

17 

6 

3 

9 
6 

15 

0 

3 

6 

1 

15 

0 

7 

6 

2 

10 

3 

10 

0 

CONTRIBUTIONS. 


447 


NO.     XIV. SUBSCRIPTION    TO    BE     ENTERED     INTO    BY    THE    GOOD    WOMEN    OF 

GERMANTOWN,  AS  A  DONATION    TO    THE  SOLDIERS  OF  THE  AMERICAN  ARMY, 
TO  WHICH  THEY  ARE  SOLICITED  TO  CONTRIBUTE. 


M 

Q 

0 

V. 

c 

5 

0 

0 
0 

0 
Q 

Q 

m 

0 
c 

. 

0 

B 

""C 

.= 

^ 

0 

"2 

1^ 

■c 

.= 

<_ 

0 

rs 

O 
O 

a: 

(5 

a 

£ 

'0 

0 
0 

a 

5 

rt 

£ 

c 

Mrs.  Losh    .... 

16 

Cash 

4 

Mrs,  Cordeil     , 

20 

Isabel  Berry     .     .     . 

5| 

Mrs.  Bay     , 

8 

Mrs.  Hubaker  .     .     . 

12" 

Mrs,  Haus  . 

20 

Mrs.  Hazell      .     .     . 

50 

Cash   ,     ,     , 

30 

Miss  Hazell      .     .     . 

11 

Mrs,  Keiser 

5 

Mrs.  Bringhurst   .     . 

15 

Mrs,  Weaver 

Mrs.  Sharply  promised 

Mrs,  Painter 

and  not  paid      .     . 

1 

Mrs,  King   , 

Mrs.  Home .... 

4 

Mrs,  Chesnut 

Mrs.  Reiger      .     .     . 

70 

Mrs,  Chesnut 

Mrs.  Nices  .... 

5 

Miss  Wrim , 

Mrs,  Summers      .     . 

40 

Mrs,  Fraley 
Mrs,  Razer  . 

Mrs.  Flachenstins 

2 

Mrs.  Gilbert     .     .     . 

1 

Mrs,  Fry      , 

Mrs.  Nuts    .... 

20 

Mrs,  Donohom 

Mrs.  Shuster    .     .     . 

4 

Mrs,  Fryhaffer 

Mrs.  Mechlen  .     .     . 

100 

Mrs,  Ferree 

A  young  lady,  by  Mr. 

Mrs,  Falconer  . 

Mechlen  .... 

30 

Mrs,  Duy     .     . 

Mrs.  Miller .... 

i 
2 

Cash  .     .     ,     , 

Mrs.  Reese  .... 

30 

Mrs,  Feries .     . 

Mrs.  Wolf  .... 

8 

Cash  ,     .     ,     , 

Mrs.  Dadeas     .     ,     . 

45 

Mrs,  Remer 

Mrs.  Kime  .... 

0 

Mrs,  Gravenston 

Mrs.  Uste     .... 

2 

Mrs.  Meyer 

Mrs.  Salter  .... 

100 

Mrs,  Neale  ,     , 

Mrs.  Dover  .... 

120 

Miss  Neale  .     , 

Mrs.  Lesher     .     .     . 
I.  T.  L.   .     .     .    .     . 

60 
44 

Barbary  Neale, 
Mrs,  Canb    ,     , 

Mrs,  Bockius    .     ,     , 

22 

Mrs,  Axe     .     . 

Mrs.  Townshend  ,     , 

50| 

Mrs,  Fellte  ,     . 

Mrs.  Hommerighouse 

H 

Mrs,  Bach    .     . 

Mrs.  Shubert    .     .     , 

2  A 

Mrs,  Hall     .     . 

Mrs.  Epiey  ,     .     ,     , 

Mrs,  Greene 

7 

Mrs,  Crout  .... 

Mrs,  Ingle  ,     , 

150 

Mrs.  Bringhurst   .     , 

40 

1 

Miss  Stoneburner 

300 

Mrs.  Shute  .... 

1 

Mrs,  Schneider 

100 

Mrs.  Obersheimer 

20 

Mrs.  Wreod      . 

30 

Mrs.  Clymy      .     ,     , 

2 

Mrs,  Adams     , 

1 

Mrs.  Hartman .     .     . 

3 

Mrs,  Hoy     .     . 

J 

Mrs.  Fullniore .     .     . 

2 

Miss  Grimes    , 

3 

Mrs,  Atyen ,     .     .     , 

6 

Mrs,  Nice    .     . 

14 

Mrs,  Peshten    .     ,     , 

8 

Mrs,  Ox  ,     ,     . 

4 

Mrs,  Hartshough  .     , 

1 

Mrs,  Gotshall   , 

2 

Mrs,  Guilenger     .     , 

i 

Mrs,  Keyser     . 

16 

Mrs.  Gardiner  ,     .     . 

5 

Mrs,  Summerslut 

6 

Mrs,  Justis  ,     .     .     . 

85 

Mrs,  Nice    ,     . 

10 

Miss  Wintercast  ,     , 

1 

— 

— 

- 

— 

— 

Mrs.  Moyer 

60 

— 

- 

— 

1 

448 


CONTRIBUTIONS. 


Mrs.  Moyer 
Mrs.  Engle  . 
Mrs.  Oliver . 
Mrs.  Warner 
Mrs.  Keyser 
Mrs.  Reives 
Mrs.  Will  . 
Mrs.  Brower 
Mrs.  Lamb  . 
Mrs.  Haas  . 
Mrs.  Strouse 
Mrs.  Huter  . 


13 


2 
]0 


12 

20 


3 

20 


Mrs.  Adams,     ,     . 

Miss  Hinderman  . 

Cash 

Cash  from  several  per- 
sons ill  Beggarstown 
as  psr  account  . 

Mrs.  Satton  paid  $16; 
Mrs.      Rose,       M 
McCulloch,        Miss 
McCuUoch,        Miss 
Tuston     .     .     . 


21 


500J 


29631 


10   2    1 


A  SUBSCRIPTION  FOR  BETTLEHAUSEN,  NEAR  GERMANTOWN. 


Mrs.  Smith  .  .  .  . 
Mrs.  Jacoby    .     .     .     . 

Mrs.  Beck 

Mrs.  Frize 

Mrs.  Simon  .  .  .  . 
Mrs.  Somers  .  .  .  . 
Mrs.  Hesser  .  .  .  . 
Mrs,  Hanover      .     .     . 

I  Mrs,  Deal 

Katy  and  Sukey  Beck , 


4j 
15 
10 
80 
30 
40 
40 
30 
102 
20 

407 


Brought  forward 
Mrs.  Wolf .  .  . 
Mrs.  Hope .  .  , 
Mrs.  Nunguesser 
Mrs.  Crout  ,  , 
Mrs.  Adwolf  ,  . 
Mrs.  Keysell  .  . 
Mrs.  Mathews  . 
Mrs.  Snovel    ,     . 


407 

2 
30 
20 

4 
15 
11 

9 

n 


500  J 


CONTRIBUTIONS. 


449 


INVOICE  OF  THE  CONTINENTAL  CASH  RECEIVED. 


Cont.  Dollars. 

3  bills  of  80  dollars  each   ,         .         .         .         , 

240 

240 

1       «        70       " 

70 

70 

2       "        65       » 

130 

130 

3       "        60       " 

180 

180 

11       »        50       " 

450 

550 

1       «       45      » 

45 

45 

6      "       40       " 

240 

240 

12       "       30      » 

360 

360 

5      "       20       " 

100 

100 

20      «         8      " 

160 

160 

21       "         7       « 

147 

147 

9       "         6      " 

54 

54 

7       "         5       »          " 

85 

85 

13      "         4      » 

48 

52 

18      »         3       "          "     , 

54 

54 

24      "         2      " 

48 

48 

16      »         1       « 

16 

16 

22      «         §      « 

14^ 

14f 

15      "         ^      "          «     , 

Ti 

u 

16      "         i       " 

5-k 

5h 

10       "         ^      " 

H 

1| 

143      »         G(?. 

iHI 

mh 

2475|^ 

95792.1 

2      »         8      "       1  of  5 

21 

21 

1  Guinea  instead  of  a  Pistole    .... 

107 

10  silver  dollars  wanting 

3603fi 

VOL.  II. 


29 


450  MR.  searle's  mission. 


No.  III.— Page  286. 

MR.  SEARLE'S  MISSION  TO  EUROPE. 

In  Council,  Philadelphia,  Monday,  July  10,  1780. 

State  of  Pennsylvania,  in  North  America. 

His  Excellency,  Joseph  Reed,  Esquire,  President  and  Commander  in 
Chief, — the  Honourable  John  Bayard,  Esquire,  Speaker  of  the  General 
Assembly  of  the  said  State, 

To  all  Christian  Kings,  Princes,  Powers,  States,  Republics,  Cities  and 
Companies,  and  to  all  others  to  whom  these  presents  shall  come,  greeting — 

Whereas  the  Legislature  of  the  said  State  of  Pennsylvania,  in  their  late 
Session  held  at  the  State  House  in  the  City  of  Philadelphia,  did,  on  the 
29th  day  of  May  last,  resolve  and  declare  as  follows,  viz., 

Whereas  the  present  just  and  necessary  War  was  entered  into  for  the 
attainment  of  the  inestimable  blessings  of  liberty  and  secure  enjoyment  of 
property,  the  benefits  whereof  will  extend  not  only  to  the  present  but  future 
generations,  and  it  is  therefore  highly  reasonable  that  posterity  should  bear 
a  proportion  of  the  expenses  which  have  already  accumulated  upon  us  with 
considerable  inconvenience.  And  as  the  fluctuation  of  the  medium  of  com- 
merce has  proved  one  of  the  greatest  sources  of  the  present  evils,  which  it 
is  our  duty  and  desire  to  remedy  as  soon  as  possible — Resolved,  that  the 
President  or  Vice  President  in  Council,  together  with  the  Speaker  of  this 
House,  be  authorized  to  procure  upon  loan  from  such  persons  as  may  be  dis- 
posed to  lend  the  same,  and  upon  the  most  advantageous  terms,  a  sum  not 
exceeding  two  hundred  thousand  pounds  sterling  in  specie. 

Resolved,  that  the  faith  and  honour  of  this  State  be  most  solemnly 
pledged  to  ratify  any  agreement  to  be  made  with  the  authority  aforesaid  for 
the  purpose  aforesaid,  and  also  for  the  honourable  and  faithful  repayment  of 
the  sums  so  lent,  with  the  interest  as  aforesaid,  according  to  the  tenor  of  the 
contract  or  agreement  so  to  be  made  in  behalf  of  this  State. 

Resolved,  that  this  House  at  their  next  session  will  provide  by  law  spe- 
cific funds  for  the  immediate  payment  of  the  interest  of  the  money  so  bor- 
rowed or  to  be  borrowed  or  contracted  for,  and  also  for  the  repayment  of  the 
principal  thereof,  as  the  same  shall  hereafter  become  due. 


MR.  searle's  mission.  451 

We,  therefore,  the  said  President,  the  said  Supreme  Executive  Council, 
and  Speaker  of  the  said  House  of  Assembly,  being  dulj'  and  fully  authorized 
as  aforesaid,  do  nominate,  constitute  and  appoint,  the  Honourable  James 
Searie,  Esquire,  one  of  the  delegates  of  this  Slate  in  the  Honourable  the 
Continental  Congress  of  the  United  Slatesof  North  America,  late  Chairman 
of  the  Commercial  Committee  of  the  said  Congress,  one  of  the  Trustees  of 
the  University  of  the  said  State,  and  Lieutenant  Colonel  of  the  militia 
thereof,  to  be  our  Agent  to  negotiate  and  act  in  the  most  effectual  and  effi- 
cacious manner  as  possible  can  be  done  for  the  executing  the  Act  and  reso- 
lution hereinbefore  recited,  and  for  that  purpose  and  effect  do  promise  and 
engage,  in  the  name  and  on  behalf  of  the  said  State,  that  every  contract  and 
engagement  into  which  he  may  enter  for  procuring  the  said  sum  of  money, 
or  any  part  thereof,  and  also  in  fixing  the  yearly  interests  and  terms  of  re- 
payment of  the  capital  or  principal,  shall  be  performed  with  all  good  faith, 
honour,  and  punctuality.  And  to  the  end  that  he,  the  said  James  Searie, 
may  give  and  pass,  under  his  hand  and  seal,  such  obligatory  Acts,  Bills  of 
Exchange,  or  any  other  deed  or  instrument  as  maybe  deemed  necessary  and 
proper  by  the  several  contracting  parties.  By  these  presents  most  solemnly 
and  inviolably  binding  and  obliging  this  State  to  fulfil  and  acquit  the  same 
agreeable  and  in  strict  conformity  to  the  conditions,  terms  and  stipulations 
therein  expressed. 

In  testimony  whereof,  we,  the  said  President,  Members  of  the  said 
Supreme  Executive  Council,  and  the  Speaker  of  the  General  Assembly  of 
the  said  State,  have  respectively  signed  these  presents,  and  caused  the 
great  seal  of  this  Commonwealth  to  be  hereunto  affixed  at  Philadelphia,  this 
eighth  day  of  July,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1780,  and  in  the  fifth  of  the  In- 
dependency of  these  United  States. 

Attest,  Joseph  Reed,  President. 

Ty.  Matlack,  Secretary.  William  Moore,  Vice-President. 

Joseph  Gardner,  "^  nr      > 

'  /  Members 
Jacob  Arndt,         f  ^^, 

'         S       ofthe 

John  Hambright,  (  ^         •, 

\  Council. 
John  Lacey,          J 

John  Bayard,  Speaker  of  the  General  Assembly. 

Sundry  instructions  were  also  prepared  and  signed  to  accompany  said 
commission,  which  are  in  the  following  words,  viz. : 

In  Council,  Philadelphia,  July  8,  1780. 
Sir, 

You  will  herewith  receive  a  commission  or  power  of  attorney  under  the 
great  seal  of  the  Commonwealth  to  enable  you  to  negotiate  a  loan  for  the 
special  uses  of  this  State  ;  this  power  or  authority  is  founded  on  a  solemn 
Act  of  the  Legislature,  and  in  pursuance  thereof,  you  will  with  all  conve- 
nient expedition  depart  for  Europe  on  the  above  business,  and  proceeding  to 
such  countries  or  states  as  you  shall  judge  most  likely  to  favour  your  views, 


452  MR.  searle's  mission. 

and  negotiate  with  any  public  bodies,  private  companies,  or  individuals,  the 
above-mentioned  loan,  and  in  the  prosecution  thereof  you  will  please  to  con- 
form to  the  following  particulars : — 

First.  That  the  sum  to  be  borrowed  amount  to  two  hundred  thousand 
pounds  sterling,  if  it  can  be  obtained,  and  if  so  much  cannot  be  obtained, 
then  as  nearly  that  amount  as  possible. 

Secondly.  That  the  interest  upon  the  sum  borrowed  do  not  exceed  five 
per  cent,  per  annum, — if  it  can  be  obtained  on  better  terms,  it  will  be  the 
greater  advantage  to  the  State. 

Thirdly.  That  the  time  of  repayment  of  the  principal  do  not  exceed  ten 
years,  in  which  time  it  is  presumed  the  interest  and  situation  of  the  State 
may  make  it  proper  and  convenient  to  reimburse  a  part,  if  not  the  whole  of 
the  principal. 

Fourthly.  You  are  to  correspond  constantly  with  the  President,  or  in  case 
of  his  death  or  absence,  with  the  Vice-President  of  the  State,  giving  as  par- 
ticular and  precise  an  account  of  your  proceedings  as  may  be. 

Fifthly.  Having  succeeded  (as  we  hope  you  will)  in  the  important  busi- 
ness intrusted  to  your  care,  you  will  dispose  of  the  money  procured  in  the 
following  manner:  First,  you  are  to  purchase  clothing  and  military  stores 
agreeable  to  an  invoice  or  order  presented  you  herewith,  signed  by  the  Pre- 
sident of  the  Council.  Secondly,  the  residue  of  the  money,  after  such  pur- 
chase, to  be  applied  as  follows,  viz. :  one-fourth  part  thereof  to  be  remitted  in 
specie  to  the  President  and  Council ;  one-fourth  part  to  be  laid  out  in  such 
articles  of  merchandise  as  will  be  most  useful  and  profitable,  such  as  coarse 
linens  and  woollens,  sail  duck,-osnabergs,  one  hundred  chests  of  bohea  tea, 
and  twenty-five  chests  of  green. 

Sixthly.  The  money  and  goods  to  be  sent  in  Dutch  bottoms,  by  way  of  St. 
Eustatfa,  addressed  to  the  order  of  Curzon  and  Governeur,  merchants  there, 
whom  you  will  advise  particularly.  But  as  this  circuitous  route  will  greatly 
delay  the  supplies,  which  are  much  wanted,  we  leave  to  your  judgment  and 
discretion  toshipor  freight,  if  it  can  be  done,  in  vesselsofnot  less  than  twenty- 
six  guns,  nine-pounders  each,  or  if  no  such  opportunities  of  freight  can  be 
procured,  we  authorize  you  to  charter  two  such  vessels  for  the  special  pur- 
pose, if  you  shall  think  proper,  in  either  case  assuring  them  of  a  return 
freight  of  the  staple  of  this  State,  or  of  tobacco.  And  always  to  be  under- 
stood that  in  every  event  and  case  the  whole  risk  to  be  insured  at  the  most 
favourable  premium.  To  provide  as  fully  as  may  be,  we  have  furnished  you 
with  three  blank  commissions,  such  as  are  granted  by  Congress,  and  to  be 
used  by  the  vessels  you  may  employ,  if  you  shall  judge  necessary. 

Seventhly.  If  one  or  two  good  vessels  of  the  above  force  can  be  procured 
at  a  reasonable  price,  we  authorize  you  to  make  an  optional  bargain  there- 
for, that  is  to  say,  the  price  being  fixed,  the  State  to  have  the  choice  here  of 
taking  such  ship  or  ships  at  such  price,  either  paying  the  outward  freight 
or  not  as  you  may  agree.  Upon  further  consideration  of  the  sixtii  article, 
we  leave  to  your  discretion  the  choice  of  the  agents  at  St.  Eustatia,  if  you 


MR.  searle's  mission.  453 

should  think  the  public  may  be  better  served  by  any  other  persons.  Wish- 
ing you  a  safe  and  pleasant  voyage  and  success  in  your  negotiations.  We 
remain,  Sir, 

Your  obedient  and  very  humble  servants, 

Joseph  Reed,  President. 

William  Moore,  Vice-President. 

John  Bayard,  Speaker  Gen.  Ass. 
■     Joseph  Gardner, 

Jacob  Arndt, 

John  Hambright, 

John  Lacey. 

An  invoice  of  goods  to  bo  shipped  on  account  of  this  State  was  also  pre- 
pared, lead  and  agreed  to,  and  the  same  directed  to  be  signed  by  the  Presi- 
dent, which  is  as  follows : 

Invoice  of  sundry  articles  to  be  purchased  in  behalf  of  the  State  of  Penn- 
sylvania by  James  Searle,  Esq.,  for  850  officers  and  6000  privates.  350 
beaver  hats ;  12,000  do.  felt,  regimental ;  20,000  good  blankets ;  1750  yards 
6-4  deep  blue  coating,  at  6s.  2d.  sterling  per  yard,  for  great  coats  for  officers  ; 
30,000  yards  of  do.,  from  3s.  6c?.  to  4s.  6d.  do.  for  privates  ;  6000  yards  of  red 
do.  at  do. ;  875  yards  of  blue  broadcloth,  at  15s.  '2d.  per  yard,  for  coats  for 
officers ;  875  yards  of  white  do.  at  do.  for  do. ;  55  pieces  of  blue  and  35  pieces 
white  rattinets,  at  50s.  sterling  per  piece  ;  10  scarlet  do.  at  70s.  2d.  do. ;  70 
gross  flat  regimental  white  metal  coat  buttons  with  shanks,  and  1800  gross 
vest  do.  at  4s.  sterling  per  gross ;  10  pounds  best  scarf  blue  twist,  10  do. 
scarlet,  and  10  do.  white,  at  27s.  2d.  per  pound  ;  10  pounds  best  scarlet,  10 
pounds  blue,  and  10  pounds  white  sewing  silk  ;  15,000  yards  deep  blue  6-4 
broadcloth,  and  15,000  yards  white  do.,  for  soldier's  clothing,  at  5s.  6rf.  per 
yard  ;  200  pieces  white  shalloons,  at  35s.  per  piece,  for  lining ;  100  pounds  red 
and  200  pounds  white  twist,  at  18s.  per  pound  ;  1000  yards  deep  blue  and 
1000  yards  white  6-4  cloth,  for  non-commissioned  officers,  at  8s.  2d.  per  yard ; 
500  yards  scarlet  broadcloth,  at  18s.  2d.  per  yard  ;  9000  yards  red  do.  at  5s. 
6d.  do. ;  150  yards  scarlet  do.  at  9s.  6d. ;  1000  pounds  best  blue,  1000  pounds 
white,  and  50  pounds  red  thread,  at  2s.  6d. ;  8000  yards  brown  buckram,  at 
9d. ;  500  yards  white  do.  at  Is.  2d. ;  2500  yards  white  and  5000  yards  of  red 
flannel,  at  Is.  2d.;  500  pieces  blue  stroud  ;  350  pair  silk  hose,  white,  at  14s.; 
700  pair  of  white  thread  or  cotton,  at  .5s. ;  3.50  pair  of  white  worsted  do.  at  4s. ; 
300  pieces  of  duck,  fit  for  tents;  24,000  pair  of  white  yarn  hose,  for  soldiers,  at 
Is.  6(/. ;  300  pieces  of  gartering,  350  pair  of  boots,  700  pair  of  good  shoes,  for 
officers;  24,000  pair  of  strong  shoes,  for  soldiers;  10,000  ivory  small  teeth 
combs ;  10,000  large  do. ;  4000  yards  linen  for  officers'  shirts,  at  2s.  6d.  per 
yard  ;  70,000  yards  do.  for  soldiers,  at  Is.  3d. ;  cambric  suitable  for  one  ruffled 
shirt  and  three  stocks  for  each  officer;  do.  for  three  stocks  for  each  soldier; 


454  MR.  searle's  mission. 

20  gross  of  wire  shirt  buttons;  suitable  thread  for  1050  shirts  for  officers, 

and  18,000  shirts  for  privates  ;  6000  pair  plain  steel  shoe-buckles,  for  soldiers ; 

6000  pair  knee  do.  and  6000  stock  buckles ;  1000  best  fusees,  1000  best  rifies, 

250  carbines ;  6000  pair  of  white  metal  sleeve  buttons  ;  350  pair  of  worsted 

gloves  for  officers;  6000  pair  woollen  mitts  for  soldiers;  25,000  ellsof  Osna- 

bergs ;  400  shoulder-knots  for  corporals,  &c. ;  5000  stand  of  good  muskets, 

&c. ;  1000  horse-pistols,  with  holsters;  100  reams  writing  paper,  well  sorted, 

with  an  assortment  of  stationary  ;   1000  barrels  of  musket-powder  (100 

pounds  in  each  barrel) ;  250  barrels  of  cannon-powder ;  5  tons  of  bar  lead, 

1,000,000  best  oil  flints ;  1000  razors,  with  shaving  boxes ;  6000  cuttoe  knives 

and  forks  in  sheaths ;  400  sergeant's  sashes ;  24  pieces  of  iron  cannon,  24 

and  32  pounders;  1750  yards  Russia  drilling,  for  officers'  overalls;  30,000 

yards  do.  coarse,  for  soldiers  do.;  nankeens  about  5000  yards,  sheet  copper, 

block  tin,  sheet  lead,  sheet  tin. 

Joseph  Reed, 

President. 
July  8th,  1780. 

A  commission  of  Lieutenant  of  militia  in  this  State  (by  brevet)  was  also 
signed  and  sealed  to  the  said  Mr.  Searle. 

Upon  a  conference  also  with  the  said  Mr.  Searle,  touching  a  compensa- 
tion for  his  agency,  it  was  proposed  and  agreed  to  that  in  all  events  the  e.x- 
penses  of  the  said  Mr.  Searle  should  be  defrayed  by  the  State,  and  that  at 
the  next  meeting  of  Assembly  it  should  be  proposed  that  a  Committee  of 
the  House,  in  conjunction  with  this  Board,  should  fix  Such  compensation ; 
either  an  allowance  of  a  gross  sum  over  and  above  all  expenses,  or  a  com- 
mission, according  to  usual  mercantile  form,  to  which,  in  mode  and  sub- 
stance, Mr.  Searle  declared  his  readiness  to  conform. 


In  Council,  Philadelphia,  Thursday,  July  13th,  1780. 

Whereas  it  is  represented  to  this  Board  that  the  Hon.  the  Congress  have 
instructed  the  Hon.  Mr.  Laurens,  their  agent  for  procuring  a  foreign  loan, 
to  offer  an  interest  of  six  per  cent.,  from  which  there  is  reason  to  apprehend 
that  difficulties  may  arise  in  effecting  the  proposed  loan  in  behalf  of  the 
State,  at  the  proposed  rate  of  five  per  cent.  Whereupon  on  full  considera- 
tion. Resolved,  that  it  be  recommended  to  the  Hon.  James  Searle,  Esq.,  if 
he  shall  find  it  indispensably  necessary,  to  offer  an  equal  interest  with  the 
above,  and  that  this  Board  will,  at  the  next  sessions,  communicate  the  same 
to  the  Hon.  House  of  Assembly  for  their  approbation  and  confirmation. 


MR.  searle's  mission.  455 

JAMES  SEARLE  TO  PRESIDENT  REED. 

Paris,  14th  February,  1781. 
Dear  Sir, 

On  the  12th  of  November  last  I  had  the  honour  of  writing-  fully  to  your 
Excellency  by  Capt,  Kollock,  who  went  passenger  from  Amsterdam  to  St. 
Eustatia  in  his  way  to  Philadelphia,  and  as  I  have  forwarded  four  copies  of 
that  letter  by  St.  Eustatia,  and  from  France,  I  would  hope  that  at  least  one 
may  have  got  safe  to  your  hands. 

I  am  greatly  mortified  at  not  having  to  this  day  received  a  single  line  from 
your  Excellency  on  the  subject  of  my  mission  to  Europe,  and  I  am  the  more 
disappointed  as  I  fully  relied  on  receiving  the  further  proceedings  of  the 
Honourable  the  Assembly  on  the  subject.  I  see,  indeed,  by  a  paragraph  in 
your  Excellency's  message  to  the  Assembly,  under  the  6th  November,  that 
you  had  particularly  recommended  it  to  the  House  to  attend  to  the  business, 
and  in  consequence  thereof  I  hope  soon  to  be  honoured  with  their  further 
proceedings  and  your  further  instructions.  I  am  equally  mortified  to  be 
obliged  to  say  that  I  have  not  been  able  to  succeed  in  the  business  upon 
which  I  was  sent  to  15,  notwithstanding  I  have  used  every  prudent  means 
in  my  power  in  15.  The  critical  and  delicate  situation  of  that  country  for 
some  time  past  has  rendered  every  attempt  either  by  me  or  by  Mr.  E.  un- 
successful for  the  present. 

I  flatter  myself,  however,  a  very  short  space  of  time  will  produce  a  won- 
derful alteration  in  our  favour,  and  I  shall  not  fail  to  improve  every  oppor- 
tunity that  may  offer,  and  mean  to  return  thither  very  shortly  for  that  pur- 
pose, having,  in  the  mean  time,  empowered  Messrs.  John  De  Neufville  and 
Son  to  take  the  first  occasion  of  beginning  the  business.  When  I  found 
that  nothing  could  at  that  time  be  expected  where  I  was,  I  determined  to 
maiio  a  trial  in  this  country,  and  for  that  purpose  procured  from  Mr.  E.  an 
introduction  to  the  Farmers  General  in  this  city,  hoping  to  be  able  to  do 
something  through  them.  Mr.  E.  approved  of  the  measure,  and  I  accord- 
ingly arrived  here  about  three  weeks  since.  I  have  had  some  conversation 
with  the  Farmers  General,  or,  more  properly,  with  one  of  the  leading  and 
principal  persons,  but  hitherto  nothing  has  taken  effect. 

I  find  (and  I  am  truly  sorry  to  see  it),  a  spirit  of  doubt  and  disconfidence 
in  many  of  the  worthy  people  of  this  country  with  respect  to  America,  and 
unless  some  speedy  and  effectual  measures  are  taken  on  our  side  the  water 
to  counteract  the  baneful  influence  that  the  conversation  of  the  disappointed, 
mortified,  and  scheming  G.  has  upon  the  minds  of  many  people  here,  I  fear 
very  bad  consequences  may  attend  it. 

This  man  has  the  countenance  and  protection  of  C.  to  a  very  great  de- 
gree, by  which  means  he  is  attended  to,  and  he  is  doing  the  greatest  injury 
to  16  in  every  company  he  can  get  admittance  to. 


456  MR.  searle's  mission. 

There  are  others,  also,  who  make  no  scruple  to  treat  the  councils  of  16 
with  every  possible  insult  and  misrepresentation,  I  mean  a  certain  Doctor 

Bancroft,  who  does  it  openly  at  the  public  table  of  C.     Mr.  Cha — m 1, 

the  great  patron  of  O.,  has  also  become  outrageous  and  open-mouthed 
against  the  measures  of  A.  Z.,  which  he  represents  and  calls  wicked  and 
villanous,  and  has  even  threatened  to  expose,  as  he  terms  it,  their  base  con- 
duct to  the  world.  All  this  is  done  in  the  most  open  manner  at  the  place 
of  residence  of  C.  I  find  Mr.  C.  the  declared  enemy  of  private  State  loans, 
and  have  therefore  not  been  able  to  get  any  assistance,  or  the  offer  of  any, 
through  that  channel,  and  the  two  persons  above  mentioned,  I  mean  G.  and 
Bancroft,  are  using  every  means  in  their  power  to  counteract  the  public  as 
well  as  private  loans,  which  loans,  if  effected  through  any  other  than  a  par- 
ticular channel,  would  interfere  with  their  connexion  in  the  public  supply  of 
our  army,  &,c.  Alas,  sir,  there  are,  I  fear,  Arnolds  in  France,  natives  of 
America. 

Thus  circumstanced  I  cannot  say  that  my  prospects  are  great.  I  will, 
however,  continue  to  do  all  in  my  power,  and  shall  leave  no  stone  unturned 
to  effect  in  part  or  in  the  whole  the  business  I  was  sent  upon. 

Mr.  Pinet,  of  Nantz,  was  in  this  city  about  ten  days  since.  I  found  him 
out,  and  conversed  with  him  upon  the  subject  of  the  arms.  He  tells  me  that 
he  had  made  application  for  leave  to  send  the  arms  for  our  state  in  a  frigate, 
that  he  would  inform  me  of  the  success  of  his  application,  and  if  he  suc- 
ceeded he  would  immediately  send  the  arms,  provided  I  would  take  upon 
me  to  engage  that  the  State  would  receive  them,  or  stand  to  the  agreement, 
notwithstanding  the  time  had  elapsed.  I  told  him  I  would  readily  do  it 
when  I  found  he  had  obtained  the  permission  he  mentioned.  I  expect  to 
hear  from  him  in  a  few  days,  but  I  fear  we  cannot  depend  upon  the  business 
being  complied  with. 

The  large  sliip  that  I  mentioned  in  a  former  letter,  and  which  I  expected 
would  leave  Holland  about  Christmas,  has  been  detained.  She  will,  I  ex- 
pect, sail  soon  after  I  get  to  Holland,  and  I  shall  use  my  influence  to  con- 
vince Commodore  Gillon,  who  commands  her,  of  the  propriety  of  making 
the  Delaware  his  rendezvous.  She  is  unquestionably  the  finest  ship  in  the 
world.  She  mounts  twenty-eight  guns  of  thirty-six  pound  shot  on  one 
deck,  and  has  twelve  guns  of  twelve  pound  shot  on  her  quarter-deck  and 
forecastle,  and  in  my  opinion  is  a  match  for  any  ship  of  sixty-four  guns  that 
floats. 

.  I  have  just  heard  from  Mr.  Franklin  that  young  Colonel  Laurens  may  be 
hourly  expected  to  arrive  in  France  as  Minister  Extraordinary,  at  which  1 
am  most  sincerely  rejoiced,  and  I  would  flatter  myself  I  shall  hear  fully 
from  your  Excellency  by  him.  There  never  was  a  moment  in  my  opinion 
when  the  interests  of  America  so  much  required  a  faithful,  honest,  firm  and 
well-informed  servant  in  France  as  the  present. 

I  request  your  Excellency  to  present  my  best  respects  to  the  Honourable 


MR.  searle's  mission.  457 

Council,  who,  I  hope,  will  do  me  the  justice  to  believe  me  the  faithful  ser- 
vant at  least  of  my  country. 

I  beg  leave,  with  every  sentiment  of  respect,  to  assure  your  Excellency 
of  my  regard  and  esteem  for  your  person,  and  to  profess  myself 
Your  most  affectionate  and  most  humble  servant, 

James  Searle. 


SAME  TO  SAME. 

Paris,  10th  March,  1781. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  wrote  pretty  fully  to  your  Excellency  about  three  weeks  since  by  a 
Mr.  Romaine,  and  sent  four  copies  of  that  letter  to  L'Orient  to  be  sent  by 
different  vessels.  In  that  letter  I  mentioned  that  I  was  using  my  best  en- 
deavours in  the  business  of  our  State  in  this  city.  For  that  purpose  I  made 
myself  acquainted  with  a  very  considerable  company  called  the  Company  of 
Lyons,  who  are  the  persons  that  supply  the  French  army,  and  are  called  the 
Fournisseurs  Generaux.  After  having  taken  what  I  thought  every  prudent 
step  in  my  power,  and  having  endeavoured  to  impress  them  with  the  impor- 
tance of  our  State,  and  having  made  it  a  point  that  they  should  also  inform 
themselves  from  Mr.  C.  about  my  powers,  and  the  permanency  of  the  secu- 
rity I  was  authorized  to  give  as  agent  for  the  State,  and  after  having  waited 
a  long  time,  I  received  this  morning  a  writing  from  them  purporting  that 
they  were  ready  to  treat  with  me  as  agent  for  Pennsylvania  when  they 
should  find  I  was  acknowledged  as  such  by  A.  Z.,  and  the  measure  approved 
by  A.  Z.,  and  would  in  that  case  furnish  everything  that  might  be  wanted 
upon  good  and  easy  terms,  but  that  they  could  know  no  State  but  Congress, 
or  could  treat  with  none  as  a  separate  State  without  the  sanction  of  Con- 
gress. 

In  one  word,  sir,  from  the  quarter  whence  I  ought  to  have  had  assistance, 
I  can  get  none,  and  instead  of  being  warmly  interested  in  the  business  of 
23,  the  gentlemen  tell  me  they  met  with  a  cold  and  rather  discouraging 
account  from  C.  upon  their  application  made  to  him  at  my  request.  In 
truth,  sir,  it  is  full  time  for  the  State,  if  she  means  to  have  this  business 
pursued  and  brought  to  a  point,  to  procure  orders  from  A.  Z.  to  Mr.  C.  and 
Mr.  E.  to  co-operate  all  in  their  power  with  your  agent,  and  even  to  gua- 
rantee the  measures  of  23  if  necessary.  As  A.  Z.  has  called  upon  the  dif- 
ferent States  to  make  every  provision  for  their  respective  troops,  and  as  in 
my  opinion  it  is  the  most  effectual  if  not  the  only  method  by  which  a  regu- 
lar and  adequate  supply  can  be  obtained,  there  is  the  greatest  propriety  in, 
and  necessity  for  such  guarantee. 

This  very  Company  have  made  an  offer  to  C.  to  supply  the  United  States 
with  the  necessary  articles  for  our  army  to  any  amount  not  exceeding  ten 
millions  of  livres,  upon  good  terms,  and  on  a  long  credit,  paying  an  annual 


458  MR.  seaule's  mission. 

interest,  but  hitherto  nothing  has  been  done  in  the  business  by  C,  although 
the  offer  has  been  made  some  time.  I  wish  the  supplying  our  army  from 
this  side  the  water  may  not  be  monopolized,  and  put  into  the  hands  of  some 
of  the  least  deserving  of  our  countrymen.  I  had  given  in  to  the  Company 
an  invoice  of  the  articles  I  was  directed  to  procure  for  our  line,  to  which  I 
had  added  such  others  as  were  directed  in  your  instructions  to  me.  Those 
articles  would  have  amounted  nearly  to  two  millions  of  livres,  and  they 
would  have  furnished  them,  upon  good  terms,  at  three,  four,  or  five  years, 
upon  receiving  such  guarantee  as  I  have  mentioned,  but  alas  !  it  was  not  in 
my  power  to  offer  it. 

I  would  still  flatter  myself  I  may  hear  from  your  Excellency  soon  upon 
the  further  measures  taken  by  the  Assembly  respecting  the  business  I  am 
sent  upon,  and  once  for  all  permit  me  to  say  it,  and  with  great  delicacy  I 
would  wish  to  say  it,  that  I  feel  myself  much  hurt  by  the  delay  of  this  busi- 
ness with  the  Assembly,  and  I  find  myself  mortified  at  not  having  had  the 
honour  of  a  line  from  your  Excellency  or  the  Honourable  Council  since  my 
arrival  in  Europe.     It  not  only  hurts  but  embarrasses  me  greatly. 

I  shall  set  out  for  Amsterdam  in  a  few  days  unless  I  find  I  may  do  some- 
thing of  importance  in  this  city  soon,  but  this  I  do  not  expect  under  the  pre- 
sent embarrassments  which  I  have  already  mentioned. 

I  enclose  your  Excellency  a  copy  of  the  answer  I  this  day  received  from 
the  Clothiers-General  in  the  handwriting  of  the  Honourable  Mr.  Dana. 

1  shall  continue  to  embrace  every  opportunity  of  writing  to  your  Excel- 
lency, and  you  may  expect  to  hear  from  me  from  Holland  soon  after  you  re- 
ceive this  letter.     In  the  mean  time  I  remain,  with  very  great  respect. 
Dear  Sir,  your  most  obedient  and  most  humble  servant, 

James  Searle. 

I  beg  the  favour  of  your  Excellency  to  send  word  to  Mrs.  Searle  that  I 
am  in  perfect  health,  that  I  wrote  fully  to  her  by  Mr.  Romaine,  who  goes 
passenger  with  Captain  Bell,  and  that  she  may  expect  to  hear  from  me  soon 
from  Holland. 

This  letter  goes  by  Monsieur  De  Letombe,  Consul-General  of  France,  who 
goes  to  Philadelphia  in  his  way  to  Boston,  where  he  means  to  reside.  I  was 
introduced  to  him  by  Mr.  Adams,  who  has  a  very  great  esteem  for  him.  I 
have  taken  the  liberty  to  give  Monsieur  De  IjCtombe  a  letter  to  your  Excel- 
lency. You  will  find  him  a  gentleman,  and  I  persuade  myself /te  will  make 
himself  agreeable  to  our  countrymen. 

WAY  OF  THINKING  ON  MR.  SEARLE'S  PROPOSAL. 

10th  March,  1781. 
The  Province  of  Pennsylvania  is  almost  to  the  Congress  what  the  Pro- 
vince of  Bretagne  is  to  our  Government;  she  furnishes  of  herself  her  share 
of  the  general  expenses  of  the  kingdom,  but  when  she  borrows  money,  or 


MR.  searle's  mission.  459 

does  anything  else  for  the  Province,  it  must  be  known  to  the  Government. 
If  Pennsylvania  is  absolutely  free,  and  independent  of  the  Congress's  supre- 
macy, no  doubt  she  is  a  particular  Government.  But  we  only  know  the 
Congress ;  then  we  cannot  treat  with  Mr.  Searle  as  a  representative  of  a 
province  we  don't  believe  independent,  without  a  particular  security.  If, 
on  the  contrary,  he  is  willing  to  negotiate  his  affair  as  an  Envoy  of  Penn- 
sylvania acknowledged  by  the  Congress,  the  Company  will  procure  him 
every  merchandise  he  wants  with  convenient  terms. 

Messrs.  les  Fournisseurs  Generatjx 
DEs  Armees  du  Roy  du  France. 


JAMES  SEARLE  TO  PRESIDENT  REED. 

Paris,  20th  March,  1781. 
Dear  Sir, 

You  have  herewith  a  duplicate  of  what  I  had  the  honour  to  write  to 
your  E.xcellency  on  the  10th  inst.  by  Monsieur  De  Letombe,  the  Consul- 
General  of  France,  since  which  I  have  the  pleasure  of  receiving  your 
favour  of  the  30th  December  to  2d  January,  by  the  Hon.  Col.  Laurens,  who 
arrived  in  this  city  on  the  15th  inst.  The  sundry  papers  mentioned  in 
it  came  duly  to  hand,  and  among  them  is  the  Act  of  Assembly  of  23d 
December  last  for  an  impost  on  goods,  &c.,  signed  by  the  Speaker,  and 
attested  by  the  Clerk  of  the  House  of  Assembly.  I  am  most  sincerely  mor- 
tified to  be  obliged  to  inform  your  Excellency  that  I  have  not  been  able  to 
meet  with  the  least  success  in  this  country,  notwithstanding  my  faithful  en- 
deavours, by  every  means  in  my  power.  I  shall  therefore  leave  this  city  for 
Amsterdam  on  Sunday  next  in  company  with  the  Honourable  Mr.  Dana, 
who  I  believe  is  to  go  farther  to  the  northward. 

I  am  equally  mortified  to  be  constrained  to  say  that  I  have  but  very 
slender  hopes  of  success  even  in  Holland.  I  received  a  letter  from  Messrs. 
De  NeufviUe  dated  the  8th  instant,  in  which  they  give  me  very  little  hopes 
of  anything  being  done  there  for  our  State  soon,  and  recommend  it  to  me 
to  push  the  matter  if  possible  where  I  am.  A  subscription  for  a  loan  for 
A.  Z.  has  been  open  since  the  1st  inst.  under  the  management  of  those 
gentlemen,  but  nothing  is  done  as  yet.  The  hopes  of  an  accommodation 
between  Holland  and  England,  through  the  mediation  of  Russia,  has  re- 
tarded the  measure  very  much  for  the  present.  After  I  have  again  had  an 
opportunity  of  consulting  those  gentlemen  and  Mr.  Adams  in  Holland,  I 
shall  be  able  to  write  with  more  certainty  of  the  success  I  may  meet  with, 
but  really  I  have  very  little  hopes. 

The  mortifications  I  have  met  with  since  my  arrival  in  Europe,  and  the 
very  great  anxiety  of  mind  I  have  been  and  am  still  under,  have  injured  my 
health  to  a  very  great  degree,  insomuch  that  I  am  scarcely  able  to  walk  or 
write.     I  trust  in  God,  however,  my  journey  to  Holland  may  in  some  mea- 


460  MR.  searle's  mission. 

sure  restore  my  health  and  spirits,  and  when  I  get  to  Amsterdam  I  shall 
leave  no  stone  unturned  to  procure  a  loan,  and  shall  endeavour  to  impress 
the  money-lenders  with  a  proper  idea  of  the  solidity  of  the  security  that 
Pennsylvania  is  able  to  give  them.  As  my  staying  in  Europe  without  hopes 
of  success  can  answer  no  good  purpose,  but  will  incur  so  much  the  more  ex- 
pense to  the  State,  I  must  entreat  your  Excellency  and  the  Honourable 
Council  to  give  me  as  soon  as  possible  discretionary  orders  to  return  if  I 
cannot  meet  with  success  by  a  certain  or  fixed  time,  as  at  present  I  do  not 
hold  myself  entirely  at  liberty  to  return  until  I  receive  your  orders  for  that 
purpose,  unless  my  declining  health  should  render  it  absolutely  necessary 
and  the  expense  of  travelling  and  living  in  Holland  is  beyond  all  bounds. 

I  shall  not  fail  to  consult  Mr.  Adams  on  the  business  recommended  to  me 
in  your  Excellency's  letter  of  30th  Dec.  respecting  the  Consul  of  France, 
and  shall,  if  we  agree  in  opinion,  transmit  your  letter  to  Mons.  De  Castries' 
and  shall  write  to  him  on  the  subject  at  the  same  time.  That  Minister  is 
at  present  at  Brest,  so  that  I  could  not  see  him  even  if  Mr.  Adams  was 
here,  and  approved  of  my  doing  it,  but  circumstanced  as  things  are  at  this 
critical  moment,  I  cannot  help  thinking  Mr.  Adams  would  be  of  opinion  it 
had  better  be  postponed  for  the  present. 

I  am  greatly  mortified  at  your  not  having  received  any  of  the  letters  I 
have  written  you  since  the  few  lines  of  2d  September,  as  mentioned  in  your 
letter. 

I  sent  four  copies  of  mine  of  2d  September;  three  copies  of  a  long  letter 
of  17th  September,  from  Paris ;  a  few  lines  under  the  5th  October  from 
Paris;  four  copies  of  a  long  letter  from  Amsterdam,  under  the  12th  Novem- 
ber, original  of  which  was  sent  by  a  Captain  Kollock ;  three  copies  of  a 
long  letter,  under  the  14th  February,  from  Paris ;  and  two  copies  of  a  long 
letter,  under  the  10th  inst. ;  and  I  hope  one  at  least  of  each  of  them  will 
find  their  way  to  you. 

Since  writing  thus  far,  I  have  received  a  letter  from  a  considerable  House 
at  Bourdeaux,  of  17th  inst,  in  which  is  the  following  paragraph  in  answer 
to  an  application  I  made  them  some  time  since  :  "  Could  you  procure  a  pro- 
portion of  the  capital,  say  one-fourth  in  cash,  or  by  a  credit  on  a  noted 
banker  at  Paris,  and  could  engage  the  reimbursement  of  the  other  three- 
fourths  in  five  years,  say  by  fifths,  one-fifth  annually,  so  that  the  whole  could 
be  settled  in  that  time,  interest  payable  in  Paris  for  the  advances  to  their 
reimbursement,  I  could  procure  to  the  amount  of  20,000  pounds  sterling  in 
clothing  suitable  to  your  demand.  The  remittance  to  be  made  to  us  in 
bills  on  tobacco  to  our  consignment." 

It  is  now  the  22d  March,  and  I  have  this  day  received  your  Excellency's 
letter  of  26th  January,  which  was  forwarded  to  me  from  Nantes.  The  de- 
fection of  some  of  the  Pennsylvania  Line  has  not  had  the  bad  effect  in 
Europe  that  might  have  been  expected  from  such  an  event.  The  people  on 
this  side  the  water  hear  with  admiration  the  proceedings  of  the  insurgents, 
and  lament  the  situation  of  our  struggling  country  under  such  complicated 
difficulties;  this  may,  perhaps,  have  a  tendency  to  excite  an  emulation  to 


MR.  searle's  mission.  461 

assist  us  properly.  But  alas!  in  the  country  I  now  write  from,  individuals 
must  not  undertake  anything^  without  the  sanction  of  their  rulers,  who  will 
only  proceed  in  their  own  way. 

We  have  just  received  the  account  of  the  capture  of  St.  Eustatia,  St^ 
Martins,  &c.  Heaven  only  knows  how  this  will  affect  the  measures  of  Hoi 
land,  but  I  should  rather  think  that  after  the  first  shock  is  over  they  will  pro-, 
ceed  to  act  with  vigour  and  spirit,  and  will,  when  they  once  get  to  business,  it 
is  my  opinion,  fully  avenge  tiiemselves  upon  their  insulting  enemies;  they 
certainly  have  it  abundantly  in  their  power,  and  I  believe  will  now  be 
roused.  The  answer  of  the  States-General  to  the  Manifesto  of  England  was 
published  the  20th  inst.,  and  I  am  endeavouring  to  procure  one,  if  possible, 
to  send  to  you.  You  mention,  in  your  letter  of  26th  January,  that  some 
changes  may  happen  which  may  tend  to  make  my  situation  more  honour- 
able and  more  advantageous  to  me.  Alas  !  my  dear  sir,  (permit  me  to  say 
friend,)  my  own  change  will,  I  am  fully  convinced,  put  me  beyond  the  good 
or  ill  offices  of  my  friends  or  foes  before  the  time  you  speak  of  next  October. 

I  implore  you  to  bear  with  what  may  be  thought  weakness,  but  I  am 
under  so  full  a  persuasion  of  what  I  now  say  that  I  must  proceed  one  step 
farther,  and  recommend  to  the  protection  of  you  and  my  country  my  dear 
unfortunate  wife,  who  has  deserved  a  better  and  a  happier  lot,  and  with 
anguish  of  soul  I  add  that  I  find  myself  reduced,  after  a  life  of  care  and 
anxiety,  to  a  state  of  penury,  at  a  time  that  I  at  least  flattered  myself  with 
a  small  independence. 

This  unexpected  situation  has  arisen  from  an  unfortunate  India  transac-  • 
tion  in  which  my  partners  had  engaged,  by   which  we  shall  lose  18,000 
pounds  sterling,  of  which  about  one-third  falls  to  my  share,  and   puts  the 
finishing  stroke  to  my  distresses. 

I  most  sincerely  lament  the  domestic  distresses  which  you  have  had  since 
I  left  you,  and  may  Heaven  strengthen  you  under  that  and  all  your  other 
trials.  I  expect  soon  to  write  you  from  Amsterdam,  and  in  the  mean  time  I 
remain,  with  very  great  sincerity. 

Dear  Sir,  your  most  affectionate  friend  and  obedient  servant, 

J.  S. 

In  Council,  Philadelphia,  Monday,  April  16,  1781. 
A  Resolution  of  the  Honourable  House  of  Assembly  of  the  10th  instant 
was  received  and  read,  containing  the  report  of  the  Committee  of  the  House 
on  the  subject  of  recalling  Mr.  Searle,  &;c.,  and  empowering  the  President 
and  Council  to  recall  or  continue  the  Honourable  James  Searle,  Esquire,  as 
they  shall  think  most  consistent  with  the  interests  of  this  Commonwealth, 
the  House  fully  confiding  in  their  judgment  and  zeal  for  the  public  service. 

In  Council,  Philadelphia,  Saturday,  July  21,  1781. 
The  Board,  taking  into  consideration  the  letters  received  from  the  Hon_ 
Mr.  Searle,  by  which  it  appears  that  unexpected  embarrassments  and  ob- 


462  MR.  seaule's  mission. 

structions  have  impeded  the  designs  of  his  mission,  and  Congress  have 
reasonable  prospects  of  a  considerable  supply  of  clothing  and  military  stores, 
vi'hich  make  it  less  necessary  to  involve  this  State  in  partial  expense. 

Resolved,  that  it  is  the  sense  of  this  Board  that  Mr.  Searle  do  return  as 
soon  as  conveniently  he  can  after  the  receipt  of  this  minuie,  unless  he 
should  have  actually  obtained  a  loan  of  money,  or  entered  into  a  positive 
contract  for  the  articles  enumerated  in  his  instructions,  for  the  completion 
of  which  his  attendance  should  be  absolutely  necessary. 

In  Council,  Philadelphia,  March  27,  1782. 
Sir, 

Your  letters  dated  Paris,  16th  December,  1781,  and  10th  January,  1782, 
have  been  received,  read  in  Council,  and  communicated  to  a  Committee  of 
the  General  Assembly. 

Captains  Truxtun  and  Angus  are  arrived,  and  as  we  have  no  account  of 
any  arms  brought  by  them  on  account  of  the  State,  I  suppose  they  have  not 
been  forwarded.  If  they  should  not  be  actually  shipped  before  this  reaches 
you,  the  Council  and  Committee  of  General  Assembly  are  of  opinion  it  will 
not  be  proper  to  ship  them,  and  you  will  please  to  govern  yourself  accord- 
ingly. All  thoughts  of  obtaining  supplies  from  abroad  on  the  credit  of  the 
State  are  at  present  wholly  laid  aside,  which  renders  it  unnecessary  for  you 
to  continue  your  attention  to  that  object. 

The  Council  have  no  doubt  of  your  faithful  exertions  to  effect  the  object 
on  which  you  went  to  Europe,  acknowledge  your  zeal  in  the  public  service, 
and  the  spirit  of  patriotism  which  they  are  sensible  has  actuated  you  on  all 
occasions,  and  they  lament  the  losses  and  misfortunes  which  have  borne  so 
hard  upon  you.  Be  assured,  sir,  that  your  name  will  be  respected  for  the 
disinterested  part  which  you  have  acted,  and  the  Council  will  be  happy  to 
render  you  their  acknowledgments  in  a  way  the  most  agreeable  to  you. 

There  does  not  appear  to  be  a  necessity  for  your  making  a  voyage  to  this 
State,  as  your  accounts  cannot  need  any  explanation  but  such  as  may  be 
readily  transmitted  here,  and  as  to  the  time  which  you  propose  as  the  date 
of  your  declining  your  public  character,  there  cannot  be  on  the  part  of  the 
State  any  objections  to  it. 

We  sincerely  wish  you  success  in  your  mercantile  plan,  and  hope  you 
will  meet  with  that  encouragement  and  support  in  it  which  your  abilities 
and  integrity  entitle  you  to. 

And  as  to  the  loss  which  you  have  sustained  by  the  death  of  your  amiable 
wife,  the  Council  sincerely  sympathize  with  you  therein  ;  but  it  is  one  of 
those  cases  in  which  the  great  Governor  of  the  Universe  is  entitled  to  exer- 
cise his  sovereign  will,  and  it  is  at  ouce  our  duty  and  greatest  consolation, 
as  you  justly  express  it,  to  bow  the  head  in  obedience  to  him. 

I  am,  with  sincere  and  affectionate  esteem. 

Sir,  your  most  obedient,  humble  servant. 

Endorsed — To  Honourable  James  Searle,  Esq.] 


MR.  searle's  mission.  463 

[This  letter,  though  not  signed  by  President  Moore,  is  the  one  referred 
to  in  the  latter  part  of  Mr.  Searle's  letter  of  23d  July,  1782,  to  him. 
—J.  W.  H.] 

Baskinridge,  New  Jersey,  23d  July,  1782. 
Sir, — 

Agreeable  to  your  desire,  I  trouble  you  with  the  substance  (in  writing) 
of  what  I  had  the  honour  of  communicating  to  you  in  Council  the  day  after 
my  return  to  Philadelphia,  respecting  my  unsuccessful  mission  to  Europe  as 
Agent  for  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  a  sum  of 
money  on  loan  for  the  use  of  the  said  State. 

In  consequence  of  the  commission  and  instructions  I  received  from  his 
Excellency  the  President,  together  with  the  Honourable  Council  and  the 
Honourable  the  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Assembly,  dated  the  8th  July, 
1780,  I  lost  no  time  in  embarking  for  Europe.  On  my  arrival  at  Paris  (in 
my  way  to  Holland)  in  Sept.  1780,  I  made  every  necessary  inquiry  respect- 
ing the  nature  of  the  business  I  was  sent  upon.  I  found  that  I  was  more 
likely  to  succeed  in  Holland  than  in  any  other  part  of  Europe,  and  there- 
fore, after  having  obtained  letters  of  introduction  to  some  of  the  most 
capital  houses  of  business  at  Amsterdam,  I  proceeded  immediately  to  that 
city,  where  I  found  Mr.  Adams,  the  Minister  of  America,  to  whom  I  had  a 
letter  from  his  Excellency  the  President  of  Pennsylvania,  requesting  his 
assistance  and  friendship  in  the  business,  both  which  I  experienced  in  the 
greatest  degree.  I  made  an  early  acquaintance  with  the  House  of  Messrs.  John 
De  Neufville  and  Son  of  Amsterdam,  who  were  represented  to  me  as  the 
firm  friends  of  America,  and  who  were  afterwards  applied  to  by  Mr.  Adams 
to  negotiate  a  loan  for  the  United  States.  These  gentlemen  assisted  me  in 
making  every  inquiry  and  taking  every  measure  to  obtain  the  loan  by 
applying  to  the  diiferent  capitalists,  and  employing  also  the  most  consider- 
able stock  brokers,  agreeable  to  the  custom  of  Holland.  But  I  found  the 
people  so  much  under  the  influence  of  their  fears  of  offending  their  Gover- 
nors, who  were  on  their  parts  said  to  be  attached  to  the  British  interests 
and  measures,  that  notwithstanding  every  effort  we  could  make  we  did  not 
meet  with  the  least  success  in  obtaining  the  money,  and,  indeed,  Mr.  Adams 
himself,  after  using  every  means  in  his  power,  found  it  in  vain,  even  though 
his  application  was  in  the  name  of  the  United  States,  nor  had  he  been  able 
to  succeed  in  the  smallest  degree  at  the  time  I  left  Europe. 

I  had  an  offer  made  me  through  Messrs.  De  Neufville  of  a  considerable  quan- 
tity of  coarse  cloths,  and  many  other  articles  which  I  was  instructed  to  pur- 
chase if  I  had  obtained  the  loan,  but  this  offer  was  only  confined  to  a  credit 
of  thirty  months,  or  three  years,  paying  interest.  I  informed  His  Excel- 
lency, the  President  of  the  State,  of  this  offer  in  my  letters  of  12th  Novem- 
ber, 1780,  and  at  the  same  time  suggested  the  procuring,  if  possible,  the 
guarantee  of  Congress  for  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  in  this  loan,  which  I 
am  persuaded  would  have  effected  it.    When  I  found  the  navigation  totally 


464  MR.  searle's  mission. 

shut  up  in  Holland  for  some  months,  I  determined,  after  having  consulted 
Mr.  Adams,  to  return  to  Paris,  and  try  other  methods  in  that  city.  For  this 
purpose  I  obtained  letters  from  Mr.  Adams  to  the  friends  of  some  of  the 
most  considerable  Farmers  General  at  Paris,  to  whom  T  made  many  appli- 
cations. Those  gentlemen  could  only  think  of  furnishing  the  money  con- 
ditioned to  be  paid  in  tobacco  in  the  course  of  one  or  two  years,  and 
delivered  to  them  at  a  fixed  price,  and  at  the  risk  of  the  State.  When  I 
found  nothing  could  be  done  with  them,  I  applied  myself  to  a  considerable 
company  of  gentlemen  called  the  Company  of  Lyons,  who  were  the  fur- 
nishers of  the  armies  of  France.  Upon  some  prospect  of  success  with  them, 
I  delivered  them  an  invoice  of  all  the  articles  I  was  directed  to  procure, 
which,  according  to  their  calculation,  would  have  amounted  to  something 
more  than  two  millions  of  livres.  They  offered  to  furnish  all  the  articles 
upon  the  terms  the  King's  troops  were  supplied  as  to  price,  and  upon  a 
credit  of  three,  four,  and  five  years,  provided  I  could  obtain  the  guarantee  of 
Congress  for  the  State,  and  without  which  they  could  not  prevail  upon 
themselves  to  undertake  the  business.  But  as  I  was  by  no  means  prepared 
to  comply  with  their  demands,  the  business  was  dropped.  I  returned  once 
more  to  Holland,  but  with  little  hopes  of  success,  and  the  event  fully  justi- 
fied my  fears,  as  I  was  not  able  to  succeed  in  the  least  in  Holland.  I  beg 
leave  here  just  to  mention  that  I  was  not  singular  in  not  succeeding,  as 
agents  from  Massachusetts  and  Virginia  had  in  vain  attempted  loans  in 
Holland,  &c.,  and  even  Mr.  Adams  did  not  succeed  in  the  smallest  degree. 
I  remained  in  Holland  until  August,  1781,  when  my  weak  state  of  health 
made  it  absolutely  necessary  for  me  to  leave  a  climate  which  had  so  greatly 
injured  my  constitution,  but  after  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  return  to 
America,  I  was  again  carried  to  Europe. 

It  is  not  proper  to  trouble  your  Excellency  with  the  particulars  of  my  dis- 
appointments and  perplexities  in  this  voyage,  and  shall  only  observe  that 
upon  my  being  again  in  France  I  had  an  offer  of  being  supplied  with  the 
money  I  had  been  endeavouring  to  procure,  upon  condition  I  could  obtain 
the  guarantee  aforesaid,  and  would  agree  to  lay  this  money  out  in  the 
country  from  which  1  obtained  the  loan,  to  which  there  could  have  been  no 
hesitation  if  I  had  been  authorized  to  pursue  the  business.  This  offer  was 
made  to  me  by  the  agent  of  a  powerful  Northern  monarch,  and  if  the  busi- 
ness had  been  effected,  it  was  hinted  that  a  neutral  protection  could  have 
been  obtained  for  any  effects  that  might  have  been  shipped. 

Having  received  the  Resolve  of  the  Honourable  Council  dated  21st  July 
1781,  for  my  recall,  which  reached  me  in  November  at  L'Orient,  I  laid  aside 
all  further  steps  in  the  business,  and  accordingly  embarked  for  America,  and 
arrived  at  Philadelphia  in  the  last  month. 

I  shall  just  beg  leave  to  observe  to  your  Excellency  that  although  my 
endeavours  have  not  been  crowned  with  success,  owing  to  the  critical  situ- 
ation of  Holland  at  the  time  with  England,  yet  no  steps  were  left  untried 
On  my  part,  and  my  solicitude  and  anxiety  in  this  business  have  been  beyond 


CLEMENT  BIDDLE.  465 

what  I  have  ever  before  experienced,  and  my  health  and  fortune  greatly 
impaired  by  a  business  which  I  undertook  in  obedience  to  the  commands  of 
the  Honourable  Council  and  Assembly. 

I  trust,  however,  my  well-meant  endeavours  for  the  service  of  Pennsyl- 
vania will  meet  with  its  approbation,  and  perhaps  be  thought  sufficient  to 
give  me  claim  to  its  future  protection  and  attention.  This  I  am  the  more 
induced  to  hope  for  from  the  obliging  letter  I  have  received  from  your  Ex- 
cellency in  Council,  dated  27th  March  last,  which  was  delivered  to  me  by 
your  order  since  my  arrival  from  Europe.  And  here  I  cannot  avoid  just 
mentioning  to  your  Excellency  that  my  losses  by  the  War,  and  my  embar- 
rassments in  money  matters,  owing  to  the  present  situation  of  the  public 
funds,  in  which  I  had  early  placed  a  considerable  sum,  would  make  any 
favour  or  attention  of  the  State  peculiarly  acceptable  tome  at  this  time. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  very  great  respect. 

Your  Excellency's  most  obedient  and  most  humble  servant, 

James  Searle, 
His  Excellency  William  Moore,  Esq., 

President  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  Philadelphia. 


No.  IV.  p.  381. 

SKETCH  OF  THE  LIVES  OF  EDWARD  AND  CLEMENT  BIDDLE, 
OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

Edward  Biddle  was  the  fourth  son  of  William  Biddle  and  Mary  Scull, 
daughter  of  Nicholas  Scull,  surveyor-general  of  Pennsylvania.  He  entered 
as  an  ensign  the  provincial  army  at  the  commencement  of  the  war  with 
France,  in  1756  ;  during  the  progress  of  which  he  displayed  a  great  aptness 
for  military  affairs.  At  the  peace  of  1763  he  settled  in  Reading,  and  devoted 
himself  to  the  profession  of  the  law,  in  which  he  arrived  at  great  eminence. 
He  was  sent  to  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  where  he  was  chosen  Speaker, 
and  afterwards  sent  as  one  of  the  delegates  to  the  first  Congress.  During  its 
session  in  1775  he  had  a  violent  attack  of  illness,  from  the  effects  of  which  he 
lost  the  sight  of  one  of  his  eyes,  and  although  he  lived  till  nearly  five  years 
afterwards,  was  never  able  to  resume  his  seat.  He  died  at  Baltimore  on 
the  5th  of  September,  1779,  in  the  41st  year  of  his  age.  Had  his  health 
permitted,  he  would  undoubtedly  have  held  a  high  rank  in  the  army  of  the 
United  States.  Notices  of  him  will  be  found  in  Wilkinson's  Memoirs,  Vol. 
I.  338,  Dunlap's  paper,  Sept.  9th,  1779. 

Clement  Biddle  was  born  in  Philadelphia  on  the  10th  of  March,  1740, 
VOL.  II.  30 


466  CLEMENT  BIDDLE. 

and  died,  in  the  same  city,  on  the  14th  of  July,  1814,  in  the  75th  year  of 
his  age.  His  ancestors  were  among  the  early  Friends  or  Quakers,  who 
emigrated  to  the  Province  of  New  Jersey  in  the  year  1682,  having  pur- 
chased proprietary  West  Jersey  rights  under  Penn,  Lawrie,  and  Lucas,  de- 
rived from  Lord  Carteret,  and  settled  on  the  Delaware  below  Bordentown. 
We  find  different  members  of  the  family  mentioned  in  Smith's  History  of 
New  Jersey,  as  Presidents  of  the  West  Jersey  Board  of  Proprietors,  Mem- 
bers of  the  Council,  in  the  Commission  to  treat  with  the  Indian?,  &c.,  prior 
to  the  consolidation  of  the  two  Provinces  of  East  and  West  Jersey  in 
one  government,  under  Lord  Cornbury. 

Mr.  Biddle  afterwards  settled  in  Philadelphia  as  a  merchant.  In  1764, 
the  massacre  of  the  Indians  at  Lancaster  by  what  were  called  the  Paxton 
Boys,  the  chief  insurgents  being  residents  of  Paxton  township  in  that 
county,  aroused  a  spirit  of  indignation  among  the  Quakers  in  Philadel- 
phia, and  participating  in  the  feelings  of  his  friends  among  the  anti-proprie- 
tary party,  he  united  with  a  body  of  Quaker  gentlemen,  among  whom  were 
the  venerable  Edward  Penington  and  Walter  Franklin,  in  forming  a  mili- 
tary corps  to  defend  the  Indians,  who  had  fled  to  Philadelphia,  and  were  lodged 
in  the  jail  for  protection.  After  the  suppression  by  the  authorities  of  the 
tumult,  this  breach  of  Quaker  discipline,  in  taking  up  arms,  was  passed  over 
without  much,  or  any,  censure,  by  the  Society  of  Friends,  to  which  these 
gentlemen  belonged.  It  was  not  considered  that  the  laws  had  been  pro- 
perly vindicated  by  the  Provincial  Executive,  but  that  the  Government 
winked  at  the  lawless  conduct  of  these  frontier  settlers,  from  an  anxiety  to 
obtain  their  support  in  returning,  at  the  Provincial  elections,  their  own 
members  eligible  to  seats,  to  the  Legislature. 

These  local  differences  were,  however,  soon  merged  in  the  greater  ques- 
tions which  arose  out  of  the  legislation  of  Great  Britain  in  relation  to  the 
taxation  of  the  Colonies,  and  the  extent  to  which  it  might  be  carried  by  the 
Mother  Country.  Accordingly  we  find  Colonel  Biddle,  with  his  elder  and 
only  brother,  Owen  Biddle,  (afterwards  one  of  the  members  of  the  Con- 
vention that  formed  the  first  State  Constitution  of  Pennsylvania,)  united 
with  nearly  every  other  merchant  and  trader  in  Pennsylvania  in  the  Non- 
Importation  Agreement  of  the  year  1763.  In  that  early  stage  of  the  re- 
volutionary movement  against  the  unjust  claims  of  Great  Britain,  Colonel 
Biddle  joined  in  opposition  to  these  measures,  whilst  he  did  not,  at  that 
time,  look  to  or  desire  an  entire  separation  from  the  Mother  Country, 
with  which  there  were  then  so  many  ties  to  connect  the  American  people. 
The  British  measures  were  such,  however,  that  all  patriotic  Americans 
soon  became  satisfied  of  the  necessity  for  military  preparation,  and  ac- 
cordingly, in  the  year  1775,  two  volunteer  companies  were  raised  in 
Philadelphia,  afterwards  known  as  the  "  Silk  Stocking"  and  the  "  Quaker" 
companies.  In  the  formation  of  this  latter  corps.  Colonel  Biddle,  with 
its  commander,  afterwards  Colonel  Cowperthwaite,  and  Richard  Hum- 
phreys, took  an  active  and  efficient  part,  and   before  the  company  left 


CLEMENT  EIDDLE.  467 

Philadelphia  to  join  the  army,  was  elected  an  officer.  On  the  8th  of 
July,  1776,  Congress  appointed  Mr.  Biddle  Deputy  Quartermaster-Ge- 
neral of  the  Flying  Camp,  composed  of  the  volunteer  militia  of  Jersey 
and  Pennsylvania,  and  was  ordered  to  Trenton.  He  was  present  at 
the  battle  of  Trenton,  and  near  General  Washington  when  the  Hessians 
laid  down  their  arms,  and,  with  Colonel  Baylor  of  Virginia,  was  ordered  by 
the  General,  on  the  surrender  of  the  Hessians,  to  receive  the  swords  of  the 
officers. 

From  this  time  he  continued  in  active  service,  and  on  the  junction  of  the 
Flying  Camp  with  the  army  was  appointed  Commissary-General  of  Forage. 
He  was  present  at  the  several  battles  of  Princeton,  Brandywine,  German, 
town  and  Monmouth.  Although  anxious  to  return  to  civil  life,  he  was  in- 
duced by  General  Washington  and  General  Greene,  who  both  highly  appre- 
ciated his  services,  to  remain  with  the  army,  on  the  Staff,  till  September, 
1780,  when  he  returned  to  private  life  in  Philadelphia. 

On  the  11th  of  September,  1781,  he  was  appointed  Quartermaster- 
General  of  Pennsylvania,  an  appointment  he  held  for  many  years,  and 
served  with  the  army,  in  that  capacity,  in  the  expedition  under  General 
Washington  against  the  whiskey  insurgents  of  Pennsylvania  in  1794. 

On  the  formation  of  the  Federal  Government,  Colonel  Biddle  was  ap- 
pointed by  General  Washington  Marshal  of  Pennsylvania,  enjoyed  the 
esteem,  and  was  in  constant  confidential  intercourse  and  correspondence  with 
him  until  within  a  few  days  of  the  General's  death. 

In  his  political  opinions  Colonel  Biddle  adhered  to  what  vi/as  then  called 
the  Constitutional  party  of  Pennsylvania.  He  refused  to  become  a  member  of 
the  Society  of  Cincinnati,  and  advocated,  as  a  part  of  the  Federal  Constitu- 
tion, a  declaration  or  bill  of  rights,  which  afterwards  was  incorporated  into 
that  instrument.  Colonel  Biddle's  personal  attachment  to  Washington, 
Greene,  and  Knox,  was  not  exceeded  by  any  of  his  brother  officers  during 
their  Revolutionary  career,  and  at  its  most  trying  periods,  both  in  public  and 
private  life.  General  Washington's  correspondence  with  him,  from  a  short 
time  after  he  took  the  command  of  the  army,  to  within  a  few  days  before  the 
close  of  his  life,  on  all  his  private  affairs,  furnishes  the  best  evidence  not  only 
of  his  high  esteem,  but  warm  regard  for  Colonel  Biddle.  General  Greene 
was  his  bosom  friend  and  correspondent ;  and  when  General  Washington 
entrusted  to  him  the  important  command  of  the  Southern  army,  he  was 
most  anxious  to  induce  Colonel  Biddle  to  accompany  him,  with  the  appoint- 
ment of  Quartermaster-General,  which  his  establishment  in  Philadelphia 
obliged  him  to  decline. 

After  his  return  from  Camp  he  was  intimately  associated,  and  took  an 
active  part  with  his  friends,  the  leaders  of  the  Constitutional  party  in 
Philadelphia.  Occupied  with  business  to  the  close  of  a  long  and  labo- 
rious life,  much  of  the  time  as  a  Notary  Public,  in  the  most  extensive 
and  lucrative  practice,  such  was  the  high  estimation  in  which  he  was 
held  by  the  merchants  of  Philadelphia,  that  he  became   not   only  their 


468  Greene's  letters. 

commercial  adviser,  in  insurance  cases,  and  in  relation  to  other  ship- 
ping interests,  but  an  umpire  among  them,  whose  authority  on  most 
practical  questions  of  commercial  laws  was  recognised  and  adopted.  He 
terminated  his  upright  and  active  career  with  the  steady  and  affection- 
ate regard  of  numerous  friends,  and  enjoying  the  confidence  and  esteem  of 
the  community  in  which  he  had  passed  a  long  life. 


No.  v.— Page  396. 

GENERAL  GREENE'S  LETTERS. 

[For  the  following  letters,  hitherto  unpublished,  I  am  indebted  to  Mr. 
Thomas  Biddle,  and  the  family  of  General  Otho  H.  Williams  of  Baltimore. 
They  serve  to  complete  the  series  of  letters  from  the  South.] 

GENERAL  GREENE  TO  CLEMENT  BIDDLE. 

Rampaugh,  June  29th,  1780. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  had  several  letters  from  you,  but  have  been  so  engaged  that  I 
really  have  not  had  time  to  answer  them  ;  and  as  Tommy  Dury  kept  up  a 
constant  correspondence  with  you,  and  pretty  well  acquainted  with  all  our 
operations  and  motions,  I  thought  it  the  less  necessary  for  me  to  write. 

The  enemy  have  left  the  State,  and  gone  up  the  North  River.  If  they 
gain  no  greater  advantages  there,  than  they  have  in  this  State,  they  will 
have  no  great  triumph.  It  is  said  Sir  Henry  is  at  the  White  Plains,  bend- 
ing his  course  towards  Connecticut;  doubtless  with  a  view  of  destroying  the 
forage  of  that  country,  to  prevent  our  availing  ourselves  of  it,  should  we 
carry  on  any  offensive  operations  against  New  York.  Whether  this  will 
happen  or  not  is  yet  very  uncertain,  as  it  depends  upon  the  arrival  of  the 
French  fleet,  and  the  united  exertions  of  the  States  to  collect  a  sufficient 
force  for  the  purpose. 

The  arrangement  of  the  Quartermaster's  Department  is  still  incomplete. 
The  Congress  have  it  before  them  ;  and  I  am  told  are  putting  it  upon  such 
a  contracted  scale,  that  none  but  the  most  indifferent  characters  will  serve 
in  it,  as  the  pay  to  be  allowed  will  not  support  a  family  decently.  Roger 
Sherman  is  one  of  the  Committee  to  fix  the  salaries. 

I  did  all  in  my  power  to  get  the  Committee  of  Congress  at  Camp  to  com- 
plete the  business  before  it  went  to  Congress,  but  could  not  prevail  on 
them.  General  Schuyler  was  perfectly  willing,  the  other  two  were  not. 
Never  was  a  people  so  embarrassed  by  such  politicians.     They  have  such  a 


Greene's  letters.  469 

desire  to  please  one  another,  and  such  a  thirst  for  popularity,  that  all  their 
measures  are  of  the  servile  kind.  God  preserve  us,  for  I  am  sure  they  will 
not. 

I  wish  you  here  exceedingly,  not  but  that  things  go  on  tolerably  well  in 
your  Department ;  but  I  have  nobody  to  consult  with  upon  a  thousand 
matters  which  occur  daily,  in  the  preparations  for  the  opening  prospect. 

West  Point  is  in  a  good  state  of  defence  and  tolerably  well  supplied  with 
provisions.  I  should  have  no  objection  to  Sir  Harry  investing  it,  by  way  of 
amusement,  until  the  arrival  of  the  French  fleet. 

General  Wilkinson  was  with  me  the  other  day  in  the  action  of  Spring- 
field ;  and  was  very  active  in  discovering  the  enemy's  motions.  It  is  a  pity 
so  good  an  officer  is  lost  to  the  service. 

I  have  lately  received  a  letter  from  the  Board  of  Treasury,  threatening  to 
publish  me  as  a  public  defaulter  if  I  don't  bring  in  my  accounts  by  the  1st 
of  August.  I  shall  send  you  a  copy  of  it  in  a  day  or  two,  and  beg  you  to 
give  the  necessary  orders  without  loss  of  time,  for  bringing  your  accounts 
to  a  close,  agreeable  to  the  order  of  the  Board.  I  have  written  the  Board 
such  an  answer  as  I  am  sure  they  will  not  like;  and  I  have  also  written  to 
Congress  in  a  style  I  am  sure  that  will  not  please  them.  It  is  upon  the 
subject  of  responsibility. 

We  are  now  in  the  most  barren  country  in  the  world.  The  officers  are 
without  baggage,  and  the  troops  without  tentd.  Their  sufferings  are  so 
great  that  they  are  ready  to  mutiny.  All  this  happens  for  want  of  teams. 
We  have  no  money  for  any  purpose  in  the  world. 

My  best  respects  to  Mrs.  Biddle,  Mrs.  Wilkinson,  Doctor  Hutchinson  and 
his  lady,  and  your  brother  Owen  and  family.  God  bless  you  with  better 
health,  and  a  speedy  return  to  the  army. 

Yours,  sincerely, 

N.  Greene. 

Col.  Biddle. 

GENERAL  GREENE  TO  OTHO  H.  WILLIAMS. 

Head-Quarters,  near  Bacon  Bridge,  June  6,  1782. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  had  only  one  line  from  you  since  you  left  Camp.  Captain  Shu- 
brick  told  me  yesterday  that  he  had  just  received  a  letter  from  you.  I  was 
in  hope,  as  you  have  leisure  on  your  hands,  I  should  have  had  the  pleasure 
of  often  hearing  from  you.  Capt.  Selmon  goes  off  early  this  morning,  (and 
I  have  just  returned  from  a  ride  with  Mrs.  Greene,  who  rides  on  horseback,) 
which  will  prevent  my  writing  as  fully  as  I  intended. 

The  operations  of  this  campaign  are  as  insipid  as  they  were  important 
the  last.  How  they  will  terminate  is  difficult  to  conjecture.  The  change 
of  the  British  ministry,  and  the  overtures  which  have  been  made  for  the  sus- 
pension of  hostilities,  opens  a  great  field  for  speculation.    Most  people  think 


470  Greene's  letteks. 

a  peace  will  soon  take  place.  I  confess  I  am  not  of  that  number.  How- 
ever, the  troubles  in  Ireland  may  lead  to  it;  the  military  Congress  appear 
to  be  making  large  strides  towards  independence.  The  poor  Scotch  are 
much  down  in  the  mouth  ;  all  the  changes  operate  to  their  prejudice.  Those 
in  Charleston  refuse  to  drink  the  King's  health.  General  Wayne  lately  dis- 
persed a  large  party  of  the  enemy  in  Georgia  under  Colonel  Brown.  The 
mancGuvre  was  bold,  and  the  execution  spirited.  About  forty  of  the  enemy 
were  killed  and  wounded,  and  about  twenty  taken,  and  upwards  of  forty 
cavalry  corps.  You  know  we  were  not  strong  when  you  left  us,  but  we  are 
much  less  so  now.  Most  part  of  the  North  Carolina  Line  are  discharged, 
and  many  soldiers  belonging  to  other  Lines.  The  officers  of  the  army  are 
by  no  means  as  harmonious  as  they  were  last  year,  particularly  your  Line. 
Adams  and  Steward  will  never  agree,  and  the  cavalry  don't  agree.  The 
officers  of  the  light  troops  do  not  think  highly  of  L.'s  military  abilities.  How- 
ever, he  has  had  no  field  to  display  them.  The  discipline  of  the  army  is  as 
rigid  as  ever.  The  face  of  mutiny  appeared  among  us  a  little  time  past. 
I  hung  a  sergeant,  and  sent  away  five  others,  among  whom  was  Peters,  the 
steward.  This  decisive  step  put  a  stop  to  it,  and  you  cannot  conceive  what 
a  change  it  has  made  in  the  temper  of  the  army. 

Our  family  as  much  as  formerly.  Pearce  and  Pendleton  as  polite  as 
ever,  Morris  as  careless,  Burnet  as  cross,  and  Shubrick  as  independent. 
Morris  is  courting,  but  at  a  distance,  too  much  I  fear  to  get  the  citadel. 
Poor  fellow,  he  is  now  unwell,  at  Mrs.  Ellicot's.  Washington  is  married, 
and  fats  upon  the  rice  swamps,  and  I  think  we  may  expect  a  plentiful  har- 
vest in  due  season.  Mrs.  Greene  is  not  in  good  health,  but  gay  and  thought- 
ful. They  call  her  the  French  lady  in  Charleston.  She  is  much  your 
friend,  and  laments  your  absence  from  the  army.  How  are  your  prospects 
of  promotion  1  I  am  as  much  a  stranger  to  the  Northern  politics  as  if  I  did 
not  belong  to  the  same  nation.  Never  was  an  army  left  so  unsupported  as 
ours  is ;  the  hope  of  an  evacuation  here  has  delayed  kind  supplies,  and  now 
the  army  is  literally  naked,  almost  as  much  so  as  at  Pedee.  I  am  told  great 
reformation  is  talked  of  at  court.  I  wish  the  path  may  not  be  made  too 
straight  for  us  to  walk  in.  The  officers  of  the  American  army  have  great 
merit,  and  no  small  share  of  patienqe,  but  there  is  a  point  beyond  which 
men  cannot  bear  burdens.  I  should  be  glad  to  hear  how  matters  go  on 
in  Maryland.  I  fear  the  progress  of  the  recruiting  is  slow.  It  will  give  me 
pleasure  to  hear  from  you  when  you  have  time  and  opportunity.  We  have 
as  much  repose  this  campaign  as  we  had  little  the  last,  and  indeed  it  is  very 
happy  for  us  that  we  have,  for  I  can  hardly  know  how  we  should  be  able  to 
move  in  our  ragged  condition. 

Mrs.  Greene  desires  her  best  respects  to  you,  accompanied  with  every 
good  wish  for  your  health  and  happiness.  The  gentlemen  of  the  family 
also  wish  you  much  happiness,  among  whom  none  are  more  serious  than 
your  sincere  and  affectionate  friend, 

N.  G. 
I  am  told  Colonel  Lee  is  married.     I  wish  to  learn  the  truth  of  it. 


Greene's  letters.  471 


Head-Quarters,  Ashley  River,  Sept.  7th,  1782. 
My  dear  General, 

I  wrote  you  some  time  past  an  answer  to  your  letter  of  the  1st  of  June. 
In  that  letter  I  congratulated  you  upon  your  promotion,  from  which  I  feel 
a  singular  happiness — but  observed,  at  the  same  time,  that  the  manner  was 
more  honourable  to  you  than  satisfactory  to  the  Colonels  of  the  army. 

Your  right  of  promotion,  which  took  place  from  the  United  States  being 
formed  in  districts,  was  repealed  before  your  promotion  took  place,  and 
being  promoted  upon  a  principle  of  mind,  the  Colonels  feel  an  injury  in  the 
comparison  that  their  mind  is  less  conspicuous  than  yours.  Colonel  Pink- 
ney  wrote  me  on  the  subject,  and  I  believe  has  written  Congress.  I  gave 
him  copies  of  my  letters  to  Congress,  which  were  satisfactory.  I  expect 
other  Colonels  will  feel  the  same  injury,  and  very  likely  make  the  same 
application.  The  love  of  rank  is  so  strong  a  principle  in  the  breast  of  a 
soldier  that  he  who  has  a  right  to  promotion  will  not  admit  another  over  his 
head  willingly  upon  a  principle  of  mind.  You  are  not  to  expect,  therefore, 
that  everybody  will  subscribe  to  the  justice  of  your  promotion.  You  must 
content  yourself  with  having  obtained  it,  and  that  no  man  is  without  his 
enemies  but  a  fool. 

The  state  of  European  politics  is  such  that  it  is  difficult  to  tell  what  we 
are  to  expect.  Peace  seems  to  be  probable,  and  yet  I  would  believe  nothing 
until  it  is  signed,  sealed,  and  delivered.  The  nation  which  is  wicked  enough 
to  begin  an  unjust  war,  will  be  wicked  enough  to  practise  every  deception. 

Appearance  strongly  indicates  a  speedy  evacuation  of  all  this  country. 
Georgia  is  ours,  and  Wayne  acquitted  himself  with  great  honour.  Our 
struggles  are  less  this  year  than  the  last,  but  our  sufferings  have  been 
greater  on  account  of  our  want  of  clothing  and  provisions.  I  have  had  other 
difficulties,  and  some  disputes,  one  with  the  Legion,  which  is  consigned  to 
Congress.  Reformations  are  always  disagreeable,  however  necessary. 
Attempts  of  this  sort  have  given  some  disgust,  but  a  strict  regard  for  jus- 
tice, and  a  steady  perseverance,  soon  silences  clamours,  although  secret 
discontent  may  continue.  Many  things  of  this  sort  have  happened,  and 
perhaps  more  may  happen,  but  you  know  I  never  regard  opposition 
where  I  am  persuaded  I  am  in  the  way  of  my  duty.  Poor  Laurens  has 
fallen  in  a  paltry  little  skirmish.  You  knew  his  temper,  and  I  predicted  his 
fate.  I  wish  his  fall  had  been  glorious,  as  his  fate  is  much  to  be  lamented. 
The  love  of  military  glory  made  him  seek  it  upon  all  occasions  unworthy  of 
his  high  rank.  His  State  will  feel  his  loss,  his  father  will  hardly  survive 
it.  He  has  been  rather  unhappy  in  his  command  in  the  opposition  he  met 
with  from  the  officers  of  the  Legion.  The  pride  of  the  corps,  from  long  in- 
dulgence, and  from  their  great  reputation,  made  them  not  unlike  the  Pree- 
torian  guards,  difficult  to  govern,  and  impatient  of  subordination. 


472  Greene's  letters. 

I  have  never  heard  from  Lee  but  once  since  he  left  Camp.  I  am  told  that 
he  is  married  to  a  lady  of  great  fortune,  and  never  proposes  to  join  the  army 
again.  It  is  said  by  some  of  his  friends  that  he  thinks  the  public  have  not 
an  idea  of  his  merit,  and  that  I  have  not  done  justice  to  his  services  in  my 
public  accounts.  I  think  whoever  reads  my  letters,  and  knows  the  facts, 
will  agree  that  I  have  done  ample  justice  both  to  the  men  and  to  the 
officers. 

I  am  glad  to  hear  that  the  sentiments  of  the  public  are  so  flattering  to  the 
Southern  army.  The  Southern  States  have  acted  generously  by  me,  and 
if  I  can  close  the  business  honourably  here  I  shall  feel  doubly  happy;  happy 
for  the  people,  and  happy  for  myself. 

I  think  the  public  are  not  a  little  indebted  for  our  exertions.  The  Southern 
States  were  lost,  they  are  now  restored.  The  American  arms  were  in  dis- 
grace, they  are  now  in  high  reputation.  The  American  soldiers  were  thought 
to  want  both  patience  and  fortitude  to  contend  with  difficulties,  they  are 
now  remarkable  for  both.  That  sentiment  had  taken  deep  root  in  Europe, 
but  is  now  totally  changed.  Indeed,  the  change  of  British  Administrations 
is  in  a  great  measure  owing  to  our  efforts,  and  the  consequences  resulting 
from  them.  I  hope  I  do  not  arrogate  too  much  in  saying  this,  and  in  saying 
we  have  contributed  not  a  little  to  the  glory  of  the  nation  and  the  American 
arms;  and  yet  my  conduct  is  regarded  with  a  jealous  eye  by  those  in  power. 
Some  of  my  letters  to  Congress,  urging  our  distress  upon  the  last  Camp 
march,  gave  offence.  This  was  the  ostensible  cause,  but  I  believe  the  true 
one  was,  the  reputation  the  public  allowed  me,  and  the  interest  the  Southern 
States  had  given  me  has  given  rise  to  envy  and  perhaps  jealousy.  The 
government  which  cannot  rejoice  in  the  success  of  its  servants  will  never 
arrive  to  greatness.  It  is  impossible  to  inspire  the  people  with  ardour  with- 
out encouraging  a  noble  enthusiasm,  and  political  distrust  and  envy  is  death 
to  it.  How  different  the  conduct  of  the  Romans.  The  politics  of  America 
partake  too  much  of  the  temper  of  the  Carthaginians  to  produce  anything 
uniformly  great.  There  is  a  late  arrangement  of  the  army  which  will  lay 
aside  most  of  your  Southern  officers.  I  imagine  you  will  see  it  lost  before 
you  receive  this  letter.  Some  officers  like  it,  others  reprobate  it.  I  shall 
give  no  opinion  of  the  manner  or  the  matter. 

General  Gist  is  very  ill  at  Colonel  Steward's,  and  Major  Eggleston  is  both 
sick  and  absent,  and  the  line  of  the  army  is  very  sickly,  and  deaths  fre- 
quent.     Mrs.  Greene  and  myself  have  escaped    the  fever  hitherto,  but 

Morris,  Pearce,  and  Pendleton  have  all  been  sick,  and  are  now ,  and 

yesterday  Shubrick  was  taken  down  with  a  fever.  Miss  Greene  and  all  the 
gentlemen  desire  to  be  affectionately  remembered  to  you.  Mrs.  Greene 
says  you  must  get  married,  that  you  own  to  it  secretly,  and  that  your  own 
happiness  depends  on  it.  All  the  family  join  me  in  best  wishes  for  your 
health  and  happiness. 

I  am,  dear  sir,  your  affectionate  friend, 

N.  Greene. 


Greene's  letters.  473 

Head-Quarters,  Ashley  River,  November  12,  1782. 
Dear  Sir, 

Your  letter  of  the  2d  of  October  was  handed  me  a  day  or  two  ago.  I  am 
very  sorry  to  find  your  rheumatic  complaints  increased,  and  grown  more 
obstinate.  The  waters  do  not  effect  an  immediate  cure,  although  the  patient 
may  receive  great  benefit  by  them.  Don't  be  discouraged,  but  persevere 
and  exercise  patience,  and  when  you  least  expect  it,  nature  may  restore  you 
to  perfect  health.  I  should  be  happy  to  have  you  in  the  field,  but  I  have  no 
command,  even  for  the  officers  that  are  here.  AH  the  troops  belonging  to 
the  Pennsylvanian  and  the  Maryland  Lines,  except  one  regiment  of  each, 
are  going  home,  and  will  march  in  a  day  or  two.  General  Gist  has  been 
sick  ever  since  he  was  at  Cambabee,  where  poor  Laurens  fell.  The  Dela- 
ware troops  are  going  home  also.  The  first  and  third  regiments  of  light 
dragoons  are  incorporated  into  one,  and  Major  Swan  has  the  command  of 
them  for  the  present,  but  Baylor  and  Washington  are  arranged  to  it.  It  is 
the  intention  of  Congress  and  the  Board  of  War  that  none  but  full  corps 
shall  be  kept  in  the  field  when  the  State  has  troops  enough  to  form  one, 
when  they  have  not  taken  the  officers  proportioned  to  the  men.  Many  of 
your  officers  are  on  their  return  in  consequence  of  this  measure.  It  was 
adopted  from  a  letter  of  mine  upon  the  subject  last  spring  to  form  the  troops 
into  permanent  command.  There  never  can  be  regularity  or  discipline 
in  an  army  without  it.  On  this  arrangement  taking  place,  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Harmer  takes  command  of  the  first  Pennsylvania  regiment,  and 
Major  Edwards  is  appointed  Adjutant-General.  I  expect  the  enemy  will  be 
gone  in  a  day  or  two.  They  have  called  in  all  their  safeguards  last  night. 
I  find,  by  a  Parliamentary  Register,  there  was  1300  troops  and  upwards  in 
the  Southern  Department  last  year,  besides  all  the  militia  which  acted  with 
the  enemy,  and  those  amounted  to  not  less  than  2000,  exclusive  of  the 
negroes.  They  had  more  than  1000  of  them  in  the  different  military 
departments  of  the  army.  Tliis  includes  Lord  Cornwallis's  army  in  Vir- 
ginia. At  the  time  the  battle  of  Eutaw  was  fought,  by  the  enemy's  returns, 
laid  before  Parliament,  it  appears  the  enemy  had  in  Charleston,  and  in  their 
advanced  army,  7000  men  fit  for  duty,  besides  all  the  militia  and  the 
negroes.  What  an  amazing  diflference  between  their  force  and  ours.  From 
these  authorities  I  find  our  operations  now  much  more  glorious  than  ever 
we  considered  them,  I  long  to  get  them  away,  that  the  issue  may  be  as 
pleasing  as  the  whole  has  been  important.  How  we  shall  spend  the  winter 
is  yet  uncertain.  On  this  subject  you  shall  hear  more  from  me  hereafter.  I 
have  a  project  in  hand.  On  our  entering  Charleston  I  expect  a  great  frolic, 
and  to  terminate  with  a  fine  ball.  The  Governor  acts  with  dignity,  spirit 
and  gallantry.  Mrs.  Greene  has  set  her  heart  upon  it ;  you  know  I  am  not 
much  in  this  way.  Can  you  believe  it,  Mr.  Benneford,  that  railer  against 
matrimony,  is  married  to  Miss  Elliot.  They  are  both  eccentric  in  their 
tempers,  and  if  they  should  be  so  in  their  movements,  God  knows  what  mis- 
chances might  happen.     Morris  is  pursuing  a  left-handed  courtship  with 


474 


GREENE  S  LETTERS. 


Miss  Nancy  Elliot.  Most  people  think  it  will  be  a  match.  Mrs.  Greene 
says  it  is  doubtful,  and  you  know  the  ladies  are  the  best  judges  in  their 
matters.  She  desires  me  to  remember  her  very  affectionately  to  you,  and 
to  inform  you  she  very  sincerely  sympathizes  with  you  in  your  sufferings, 
and  in  your  rheumatic  complaints,  but  at  the  same  time  inform  you  that  she 
is  a  little  apprehensive  these  punishments  are  brought  upon  you  for  the  ty- 
ranny which  you  have  exercised  over  some  of  the  fair,  and  for  living  an  old 
bachelor  when  so  many  fine  ladies  are  in  want  of  a  good  husband  ;  if  those 
evils  spring  from  that  source,  there  is  but  one  way  to  remove  them,  that  is 
to  repent  and  reform,  get  married,  and  become  an  honest  man.  All  the 
family  send  their  regard. 

Yours,  affectionately, 

N.  Greene. 


Head-Quarters,  Charleston,  11th  April,  1783. 
My  dear  Friend, 

I  only  write  this  letter  as  an  apology  for  not  writing.  I  really  have  not 
time.  Some  disputes  which  the  Governor  of  this  State  has  engaged  me  in, 
leave  me  little  opportunity  to  discharge  the  duties  of  friendship.  It  is  upon 
the  subject  of  flags.  He  claims  the  sole  right  of  sending  flags  and  receiving 
them.  I  expect,  in  a  day  or  two,  he  will  give  his  orders  for  the  command 
of  the  army.  My  dispute  with  him  is  not  whether  he  had  a  right,  but  he 
disputes  my  right.  A  British  officer  came  with  a  flag  to  me,  and  he  sent  a 
warrant  by  a  sheriff  to  apprehend  him,  and  actually  put  the  crew  (as  the 
flag  came  by  water)  into  confinement.  Never  was  there  such  an  idle  dis- 
pute ;  none  but  a  lunatic  would  have  engaged  in  it.  But  as  groundless  and 
foolish  as  his  right  is,  he  supports  it  with  such  obstinacy  as  I  fear  in  the  end 
will  oblige  me  to  do  what  of  all  things  I  wish  to  avoid.  All  the  sensible 
men  of  this  country  reprobate  his  conduct.  The  hope  of  peace,  and  the  re- 
moval of  danger,  give  the  Executive  great  airs.  Congress  is  little  more 
regarded  than  if  they  had  no  political  endurance.  I  fear  the  principle  of 
Confederation  is  not  sufficiently  understood  to  work  out  a  proper  line 
between  the  particular  States  and  the  United  States.  I  think  you  have 
acted  wisely  in  resigning,  and  leaving  the  army.  Your  prospects  are  better 
in  the  civil  than  in  the  military  line.  You  have  glory  in  abundance  ;  become 
as  rich  as  you  are  honourable,  and  then  your  standing  and  character  will  be 
complete.  All  the  gentlemen  of  my  family  are  going  into  civil  life.  Burnet 
is  gone  into  trade,  Pendleton  into  the  study  and  practice  of  the  law,  and 
Pearce  is  going  to  the  West  Indies,  to  push  his  fortune.  Morris  is  married, 
and  gone  to  a  plantation,  and  I  am  left  alone.  Mrs.  Greene  is  in  a  bad  state 
of  health,  and  is  coming  to  the  Northward  soon,  and  if  there  is  peace,  as 
reports  say,  I  expect  to  be  to  the  Northward  soon  also.  Now  you  have  be- 
come a  citizen,  you  ought  to  perform  all  the  duties,  and  engage  in  all 

Get  married,  and  live  happily  in  a  domestic  character.    Get  as  large 

a  fortune  as  you  can,  but  don't  sacrifice  to  make  what  they  can  never  re- 


EXECUTIVE  COUNCIL.  475 

store  you.  Mrs.  Greene  says  you  have  no  time  to  lose;  the  handsome  face, 
and  the  sprightly  air  will  shortly  begin  to  be  less  pleasing.  She  begs  you 
to  accept  her  affectionate  compliments,  and  best  wishes  for  your  health  and 
happiness.     I  am  this  moment  setting  out  for  Fort  Moultrie  with  Colonel 

and  cannot  add,  or  even  read  what  I  have  written.     Remember 

me  to  Smith,  McHenry,  Howard,  and  Calhoun,  and  believe  me, 

Affectionately  yours, 

N.  Greene. 


No.  VI. 

MEMBERS  OF  COUNCIL. 

December,  1778. 

Joseph  Reed,  President,  Philadelphia  County. 

George  Bryan,  Vice-President,  Philadelphia  City. 

Joseph  Hart,  Bucks  County. 

John  Mackey, 

Matthew  Smith,  Lancaster  County. 

James  McLene,  Cumberland  County. 

James  Read,  Berks  County. 

Jacob  Arndt,  Northampton  County. 

Thomas  Uric,  Bedford  County. 

Thomas  Scott,  Westmoreland  County. 

December,  1779. 

Joseph  Reed,  President,  Philadelphia  County. 

William  Moore,  Vice-President,  Philadelphia  City. 

John  Lacey,  Jr.,  Bucks  County. 

Joseph  Gardner,  Chester  County. 

James  Read,  Berks  County. 

Jacob  Arndt,  Northampton  County. 

John  Hambright,  Northumberland  County. 

Thomas  Scott,  Westmoreland  County. 

Robert  Whitehill,  Cumberland  County. 

James  Thompson,  York  County. 

December,  1780. 
Joseph  Reed,  President,  Philadelphia  County. 
William  Moore,  Vice-President,  Philadelphia  City. 
John  Lacey,  Jr.,  Bucks  County. 


476 


COMMERCIAL  ESSAY. 

John  Gardner,  Chester  County. 

Robert  Whitehill,  Cumberland  County. 

James  Read,  Berks  County. 

John  Van  Campen,  Northampton  County. 

John  Piper,  Bedford  County. 

Christopher  Hayes,  Westmoreland  County. 

James  Potter,  Northumberland  County. 


No.  VII.— Page  403. 

[In  1766,  Mr.  Reed,  then  a  young  lawyer  in  New  Jersey,  wrote  a  prize 
Essay  (Vol.  I.  p.  334),  on  the  advantages  of  perpetual  union  between  Great 
Britain  and  her  Colonies.  The  following  is  a  fragment  of  an  Essay  written 
by  him  during  his  last  visit  to  Great  Britain  in  1784,  twenty  years  having 
worked  strange  and  momentous  changes.  This  is  a  mere  fragment,  and  is 
printed  from  an  imperfect  draught.] 

THOUGHTS  ON  THE  INTEJIEST  AND  POLICY  OF  GREAT 
BRITAIN  AS  THEY  RESPECT  NORTH  AMERICA. 

In  private  life  when  a  wise  man  fails  in  a  favourite  pursuit,  or  loses  a 
part  of  his  estate,  he  will  not  sit  down  in  fruitless  regret,  and  idle  murmurs, 
but  strive  to  repair  the  injury,  save  a  part,  and,  if  possible,  improve 
what  is  left.  Still  less  will  he  grow  angry,  and  fret  against  the  supposed 
authors  of  his  misfortune  or  disappointment,  who  despise  his  impotent  re- 
sentment, and  perhaps  have  it  in  their  power  to  injure  him  still  farther. 
This  is  more  applicable  to  nations  than  individuals,  because  between  the 
latter  explanations  may  be  had,  mutual  kindnesses  shown,  and  the  edge  of 
resentments  worn  off  by  personal  civility.  Not  so  with  nations.  Trade 
once  lost  is  seldom  or  never  regained.  Enmities  once  contracted  strengthen 
with  time,  and  though  a  common  resentment  against  a  third  Power  may 
form  a  temporary  union,  it  is  accompanied  with  no  cordiality.  If,  there- 
fore, the  trade  of  America  is  of  importance  to  Great  Britain,  if  conciliation 
of  good  will  and  mutual  friendship  afford  prospects  of  real  beneficial  aid  to 
this  country,  favoured  by  sameness  of  language,  religion,  and  other  ties  not 
existing  between  America  and  other  nations,  this  is  the  moment  to  begin 
the  work,  and  it  is  for  Britain,  who  confesses  and  laments  the  late  unfortu- 
nate War,  to  set  an  example  of  magnanimity  and  generosity.  Suppose  this 
country  engaged  in  a  war  with  any  of  her  old  European  enemies,  from  what 
country  or  what  alliance  could  she  draw  such  support  and  assistance  as  from 
America  ?     Her  naval  stores  would  not  depend  on  those  supplies  from  the 


COMMERCIAL  ESSAY.  477 

Baltic  which  other  nations  might  occasionally  be  interested  in  withholding-, 
and  more  liable  to  interruption.  Under  what  neutral  flag  could  she  trade 
so  safely  and  conveniently,  her  merchants  transacting  their  business  with 
their  old  correspondents,  and  in  their  native  language  1  If  sailors  were 
wanting — and  in  time  of  war  when  were  sailors  not  wanting"? — where  could 
so  convenient,  so  congenial  a  substitute  be  had  (if  encouragement  was 
given  ])  Further,  it  is  scarcely  to  be  questioned  that  in  this  case  American 
privateers  under  British  colours  favoured,  would  swarm  in  every  part  of  the 
ocean,  distressing  the  enemies  of  Great  Britain  without  weakenino-  her  own 
natural  strength.  Nor  could  the  enemies  of  Great  Britain  complain.  The 
American  flag  was  used  by  the  French  to  this  purpose  in  the  last  War,  not 
only  by  the  connivance  but  the  encouragement  of  France,  and  the  Gover- 
nors of  their  islands  partook  of  the  profits.  Suppose,  for  a  moment,  a 
British  or  French  island  equally  distressed  by  the  War,  which  would  have 
the  best  chance  of  relief,  either  in  receiving  supplies  from  the  Mother 
Country,  or  sending  its  produce  to  her"?  The  Frenchman,  by  his  language, 
complexion,  appearance  of  his  ship,  and  other  national  distinctions,  imme- 
diately betrays  himself,  but  what  can  distinguish  the  American  from  the 
Briton.  These  are  only  a  few  of  the  benefits  which  this  country  acting 
wisely  must  draw  from  her  friendship  with  North  America,  and  which  are 
only  enumerated,  as  they  have  not,  nor  perhaps  could  with  propriety  be 
yet  publicly  mentioned. 

A  greater  and  more  important  object  of  national  union,  which  compre- 
hends both  political  and  commercial  interests,  present  and  future,  very 
naturally  draws  the  attention  of  every  American,  and  deserves  that  of  every 
Englishman.  An  object  in  which  America  and  Great  Britain  can  have  no 
separate  interest,  and  but  one  opinion,  to  that  which  will  establish  her  funds 
on  the  most  permanent  foundation,  raise  and  support  a  naval  power  which 
may  bid  defiance  to  all  competition,  enlarge  her  trade,  extend  her  manufac- 
tures to  her  utmost  wishes,  and  finally  regain,  if  not  pass,  that  point  of 
splendour  and  power  which  she  enjoyed  at  the  Peace  of  Paris  in  the  year 
1763.  To  demonstrate  that  this  is  no  visionary  scheme,  but  built  on  the 
solid  principles  of  nature  and  reason,  it  will  be  necessary  shortly  to  state 
the  present  condition  of  Great  Britain,  that  of  America,  and  of  the  object  I 
have  in  view,  viz.,  the  Spanish  dominions  in  America  bordering  on  the 
United  States. 

As  the  state  of  Great  Britain  must  be  best  known  to  those  whose  situa- 
tion gives  them  the  best  opportunities  of  knowledge,  I  will  only  make  such 
observations  as  may  be  necessary  to  explain,  connect,  and  enforce  the  point 
I  have  directly  in  view.  I  think,  therefore,  the  following  positions  may  be 
fairly  allowed  as  facts. 

First.  That  Great  Britain  is  deeply  involved  in  debt,  the  interest  of  which 
she  finds  it  difficult  to  pay,  that  new  taxes  must  be  laid,  and  yet  the  objects 
of  taxation,  and  prospects  of  being  productive,  are  equally  difficult  to  dis- 
cover, without  endangering  the  public  peace,  and,  perhaps,  straining  the 
cord  till  it  breaks,  never  to  be  joined  together. 


478  COMMERCIAL  ESSAY. 

Secondly.  That  Great  Britain  at  present  stands  without  an  ally  in  the 
world,  on  whom  she  can  place  that  dependence  which  arises  from  a  union 
of  interest  as  well  as  affection.  The  alliances  against  her  in  the  late  War, 
formed  and  prosecuted  on  no  other  principle  than  that  of  humbling  and  re- 
ducing her,  show  what  opinion  the  maritime  nations  of  Europe  have  of  her, 
and  how  gladly  they  will,  at  all  times,  see  and  join  in  reducing  her  trade, 
power,  and  consequence. 

Thirdly.  The  advancement  of  the  Marine  of  the  House  of  Bourbon,  par- 
ticularly of  France,  shown  by  their  conduct  in  the  late  War,  their  present 
improvement  and  attention  to  it,  witli  the  aid  they  have  given  the  Ameri- 
cans, all  show  the  rooted  enmity  which  she  has  to  this  country,  and,  of 
course,  point  out  the  indispensable  policy  of  Great  Britain  to  avail  herself, 
at  this  early  period,  of  every  circumstance  which  can  add  to  her  own 
strength,  and  weaken  her  adversaries,  and,  more  especially,  when  she  can 
do  it  without  any  violation  of  treaty,  or  becoming  principal,  or  even  party, 
further  than  her  own  interests  and  inclinations  lead. 

Fourthly.  The  relative  state  of  India  is  considered  by  all  an  object  of  the 
first  magnitude,  pregnant  with  difficulties,  of  which  there  is  only  a  choice, 
its  separation  to  be  dreaded  as  a  misfortune,  its  connexion  feared  and 
lamented  as  an  evil,  the  source  of  endless  embarrassments,  universal  cor- 
ruption of  manners,  and  national  disgrace. 

In  this  situation  it  is  natural  to  look  round,  and  see  from  what  quarter 
Great  Britain  can  receive  most  effectual  relief,  and,  most  certainly,  from 
none  but  North  America,  which  may  be  done  by  a  choice  of  the  best  end, 
and  the  most  prudent  means  of  pursuing  it. 

The  disposition  of  America  ever  since  the  signing  the  Provincial  Articles 
has  been  unexpectedly  conciliating  and  friendly.  When  the  merchants 
feared  they  would  withhold  their  trade  with  this  country,  it  was  opened  with 
eagerness,  all  prosecutions  ceased  against  those  who  had  taken  part  against 
America.  The  articles  of  the  Treaty  favourable  to  them  in  the  restoration 
of  these  persons  have  been  adopted,  while  those  requiring  reciprocal  returns 
have  been  notoriously  violated  by  carrying  their  negroes  away.  In  short, 
the  conciliatory  spirit  of  America  is  manifest  to  all  the  world,  and  will  con- 
tinue, if  not  checked  and  counteracted  by  injudicious  and  irritating  measures 
on  the  part  of  Great  Britain.  Possessed  of  great  territory,  and  increasing 
rapidly  in  numbers,  indisposed  to  manufacture,  and  already  drained  of  specie, 
she  is  looking  earnestly  for  some  source  of  supply,  for  however  willing  she 
may  be  to  take  the  manufactures  of  Great  Britain,  it  would  be  wrong  to 
desire  them,  and  insane  to  expect  them,  if  she  had  not  some  adequate 
means  of  payment.  At  present  she  has  disbanded  an  army  of  well-disci- 
plined troops,  seasoned  to  the  field,  and  inured  to  danger,  who  are  destitute 
of  employ,  and  unwilling  to  labour.  There  were  too  many  repellent  articles 
between  them  and  France,  to  suppose  a  strong  attachment  would  continue 
longer  than  the  sense  of  common  enmity  of  Great  Britain,  and  danger 
from  her.  That  is  over,  and  Great  Britain  already  possessed  of  three- 
fourths  of  her  trade,  while  the  French,  not  adverting  to  the  established 


COMMERCIAL  ESSAY.  479 

principles  of  commerce,  when  left  to  their  natural  operation,  exclaim  loudly 
against  American  ingratitude,  with  reproaches  which  may  exasperate,  but 
will  never  conciliate.  Thus  an  antigallican  spirit  was  rapidly  gaining 
ground  in  America,  till  British  restrictions  on  the  West  India  trade,  rigidly 
enforced,  and  French  Arrets,  framed  with  some  policy,  but  relaxed  with 
more,  have  made  an  invidious  distinction  favourable  to  the  latter,  and  sup- 
ported her  declining  interest.  With  respect  to  Spain,  North  America  has 
no  attachments,  but,  on  the  contrary,  very  strong  prejudices.  The  cold, 
supercilious  treatment  expressed  by  Spain  to  every  overture  from  Great 
Britain,  and  contempt  shown  the  American  Minister,  has  been  deeply  felt 
and  resented  in  America,  while  she  refused  to  grant  a  free  passage  of  the 
Mississippi,  with  her  jealousy  of  the  new  States,  which  she  could  not  sup- 
press, and  dare  not  avow,  has  kindled  the  most  unfavourable  sentiments 
throughout  the  whole  Continent,  and  disposed  them  to  seek  rather  than  de- 
cline a  quarrel.  At  present  a  territorial  line  divides  the  Spanish  and  the 
Americans  in  one  part,  and  the  River  Mississippi  on  the  other.  The  lands 
are  fertile,  and  Indian  trade  profitable.  Emigrations  have  already  begun  ; 
a  great  settlement,  which  numbered  2000  fighting  men  in  the  year  1782, 
has  been  made  on  the  River  Kentucke,  emptying  into  the  Ohio  800  miles 
below  Fort  Pitt,  and  a  like  settlement  at  the  confluence  of  the  Ohio  and 
Mississippi.  Last  year  3000  families  from  the  old  settlements  of  New  Jer- 
sey, Pennsylvania,  and  Maryland,  went  down  the  Ohio,  but  there  still  re- 
mains a  distance  of  above  1200  miles  to  the  ocean,  so  that  these  settlers 
already  find  they  are  too  remote  from  the  sea  to  dispose  of  the  surplus 
produce  of  these  estates,  and  return  against  the  current  that  distance  with 
such  European  and  West  India  commodities  as  they  want.  Besides,  the  pro- 
ductions of  the  lands  in  those  latitudes,  are  nearly  the  same  as  of  the  Middle 
States,  and  of  Europe,  viz.,  flour,  other  provisions  and  lumber  do  not  find  that 
sale  in  the  latter  which  countries  near  the  tropics,  as  producing  rice,  in- 
digo and  tobacco,  &c.  Hence  they  are  strongly  disposed  to  remove  lower 
down,  and  nearer  the  Spanish  neighbourhood,  and  are  only  hindered  by  not 
having  the  means,  and  the  want  of  some  forts  to  protect  them  at  first 
from  the  Indians.  Notwithstanding  these  great  distances,  which  surprise 
Europeans,  and  induce  them  to  believe  that  any  intercourse,  and  much  less 
of  trade,  cannot  be  kept  up,  it  is  certain  that  the  communication  with 
Canada  is  very  feasible,  and  much  used  while  the  French  were  possessed  of 
Louisiana  and  Canada,  there  being  about  twenty-six  miles  only  of  land  car- 
riage in  the  whole  distance  from  the  River  St.  Lawrence  to  the  Mississippi 
by  the  communications  of  the  Lakes.  Lord  Sheffield,  in  his  Pamphlet,  states 
it  only  one  league,  but  in  this  he  is  mistaken.  This  great  river  (the  Mis- 
sissippi) by  its  length,  penetrating  some  thousands  of  miles  from  the  sea, 
and  communicating  with  all  the  lakes,  will  be  doubtless  the  greatest  source 
of  Indian  trade,  and  channel  for  British  manufactures  yet  known.  The 
Indian  tribes  who  live  on  its  various  communications  are  exceedingly  nume- 
rous, much  less  savage   in  their  manners,  and  therefore   more  capable  of 


480  COMMERCIAL  ESSAY. 

commercial  intercourse.  They  entertain,  also,  an  hereditary  hatred  to  the 
Spaniards,  with  whom  they  avoid  all  possible  intercourse.  Their  antipathy 
is  so  rooted  and  traditional,  that  from  this  circumstance,  with  a  greater  re- 
finement of  manners,  and  far  less  ferocity,  they  are  supposed  to  be  the  de- 
scendants of  the  Mexican  and  Peruvian  Indians  who  retired  from  the  inva- 
sion under  Cortes,  Pizarro,  and  the  other  Spaniards  who  desolated  the 
Western  World,  that  they  either  drove  their  more  savage  brethren  further 
back,  or  were  adopted  and  incorporated  with  them.  We  come  now  to  con- 
sider the  Spanish  territories  on  the  great  Western  Continent,  which  border 
upon,  and  must  soon  feel,  the  neighbourhood  of  the  United  States.  And 
first,  with  respect  to  the  Floridas,  lately  ceded  by  Great  Britain  to  Spain. 

It  has  much  puzzled  the  politicians  of  America  why  Great  Britain  so 
readily  gave  up  those  Provinces  after  struggling  for  them  so  earnestly  at 
the  conclusion  of  the  former  War,  taking  great  pains  to  settle  them,  and 
promote  the  cultivation  of  that  produce  for  which  their  climate  and  soil  is 
so  favourable  ;  they  seemed  to  offer  an  asylum  to  the  loyalists  or  refugees, 
far  more  favourable  to  them,  and  equally  beneficial  to  their  country,  with 
the  cold,  inhospitable  soil  and  climate  of  Nova  Scotia,  and  certainly  the 
United  States  did  not  expect  so  ample  a  concession  in  that  quarter.  It  has 
been  supposed  by  many  that  the  Ministers  of  Great  Britain,  sagaciously 
foreseeing  the  natural  consequences  that  must  follow  by  permitting,  or 
rather  favouring,  the  approximation  of  the  Spaniards  and  Americans,  wished 
to  plant  the  seeds  of  discord,  which,  from  the  Family  Compact  and  mutual 
alliances,  must  soon  affect  the  whole  Houseof  Bourbon,  detach  the  interests 
and  affections  of  the  United  States  from  those  of  France,  of  which  she 
might  avail  herself  at  pleasure.  English  politicians  do  not  give  their 
Ministers  the  credit  of  such  foresight,  but  say,  that  being  obliged  to 
cede  Gibraltar  or  the  Floridas,  they  were  constrained  to  choose  the  latter. 
However,  this  would  not  hold  of  the  country  ceded  to  the  United  States 
above  the  31st  degree  of  N.  Latitude,  so  that  after  all,  it  may  be  considered, 
if  not  a  great  stroke  of  political  foresight,  which  this  Memorial  is  calcu- 
lated to  carry  into  effect,  a  happy  event  by  which  America  and  Great 
Britain  may  be  united  in  the  bonds  of  mutual  friendship  and  interest,  and 
mutually  give  some  relief  to  a  great  body  of  men  groaning  under  the  weight 
of  oppression  and  bondage.  The  present  inhabitants  of  the  Floridas, 
with  those  in  Louisiana,  that  and  West  Florida  being  now  included  under 
one  government,  consist  of  three  classes.  1.  The  old  French  inhabitants 
and  their  descendants,  possessing  the  estates  when  the  country  was  ceded 
to  the  Spaniards,  after  the  Peace  of  1763.  2.  English  inhabitants,  and 
settlers  from  North  America,  who  had  settled  under  the  British  Govern- 
ment, and  now  submit  to  that  of  the  Spaniards.  3d.  Spaniards  introduced 
since  that  change.  Of  these  the  first  are  most  numerous,  then  the  second, 
and  the  Spaniards  least  of  all.     The  two  former  are  extremely 

[Here  the  MS.  ends.] 


GEORGE  BRYAN. 


481 


No.  VIIL— Page  177. 
THE  ABOLITION  ACT  AND  GEORGE  BRYAN. 

In  a  note  on  this  subject,  I  expressed  the  opinion  that  Mr.  Bryan  was  the 
author  of  the  Abolition  Act.  My  attention  has  since  been  called  to  con- 
firmatory evidence  of  this,  in  the  inscription  on  his  tomb  in  the  Arch 
Street  Presbyterian  burying-ground,  which  is  as  follows  : 

"  In  memory  of  George  Bryan,  who  died  27th  January,  1791,  aged  60 
years.  Mr.  Bryan  was  among  the  earliest  and  most  active  and  uniform 
friends  of  the  rights  of  man  before  the  Revolutionary  War.  As  a  member 
of  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  and  of  the  Congress  at  New  York,  in 
1765,  and  as  a  citizen,  he  was  conspicuous  in  opposition  to  the  Stamp  Act 
and  other  acts  of  British  tyranny.  He  was  equally  an  opponent  of  Domestic 
Slavery.  The  emancipation  of  the  people  of  colour  engaged  the  feelings  of 
his  heart  and  the  energies  of  his  mind,  and  the  Act  of  Abolition,  (which) 
laid  the  foundation  of  their  liberation,  issued  from  his  pen.  He  filled  several 
important  offices  during  the  Revolutionary  contest,  and  for  the  last  eleven 
years  of  his  life  he  was  one  of  the  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court.  In  his 
private  deportment  he  was  exemplary, — a  Christian  in  principle  and  prac- 
tice." 


No.  IX.— Page  416. 

MR.  REED'S  CHILDREN. 

Since  the  reference  to  President  Reed's  family  in  the  text  was  printed, 
his  youngest  daughter,  and  last  surviving  child.  Miss  Esther  Reed,  died, 
on  the  22d  May,  1847,  at  Philadelphia,  in  the  72d  year  of  her  age. 


VOL.  II.  31 


INDEXES. 


No.  L 

INDEX  OF  LETTERS  WRITTEN  BY  MR.  REED  TO 
CORRESPONDENTS. 


A. 

To  Adams,  John. 

30  January,        1784,        II.        401 
21  February         "  "         404 

Akmstkong,  John. 

11  April,  1781,        II.        299 


B. 

Bradford,  Thomas. 

21  August,         1775,  I.  116 

24  "                 "  "  119 
Bradford,  William. 

2  May,              1784,  II.  410 
Bryan,  George. 

11  May,              1780,  II.  198 

18     "                      "  "  198 

5  October,           "  "  283 

23  May,              1782,  "  384 

3  December,  "  "  388 
13  "  "  "  389 
20          "               "  "  390 

25  "               "  "  390 


C. 


Dartmouth,  Earl 
4  April, 
10  June, 
18  July, 
25     " 

25  September, 
15  October, 
10  December, 
24 

10  February, 
Dennis  De  Berdt. 
4  January, 
4  May, 

26  September, 
24  December, 
13  February, 


OF. 

1774, 


1775, 

1772, 
1774, 


1775, 


56 
69 
Preface 
70 
76 
82 
88 
89 
93 

49 

59 
80 
88 
96 


Frazer,  Persifor. 

15  October,       1779,        II. 

G. 

Greene,  Nathaniel. 

19  August,         1780,        II. 

16  June,  1781, 

1  November,   "     " 
14  March,     1783, 


182 


240 
353 
370 
392 


Congress. 

12  February,     1784, 

" 

403 

1777, 

I. 

298 

5  January,       1781, 

II. 

319 

H. 

6 

" 

320 

8 

" 

326 

Hand,  Edward. 

Council,  Executive. 

21  April,             1779, 

II. 

86 

22  July,              1777, 

I. 

303 

Henry,  William. 

7  January,        1781, 

326 

2  December,    1780, 

II. 

290 

D. 

J. 

Jefferson,  Thomas. 

Dartmouth,  Earl  of. 

14  May,             1779, 

II. 

135 

22  December,    1773, 

I. 

51 

Johnstone,  George. 

27 

" 

54 

14  June,             1778, 

I. 

377 

484 


CORRESPONDENCE. 


L. 

Reed,  Esther. 

13  August, 

1776, 

I. 

216 

Lacey,  John. 

17 

" 

" 

216 

1780, 

n. 

237 

23 

" 

" 

219 

Laurens,  Henry 

29 

" 

" 

225 

12  February, 

1778, 

I. 

360 

2  September, 

" 

" 

230 

Lee,  Charles. 

6 

" 

" 

230 

21  November 

1776, 
M. 

I. 

255 

14 

15 

11  October, 

13 

26 

"' 

I 

235 
236 
242 
244 
246 

M'Kean,  Thomas 

6  November, 

" 

" 

248 

25  August, 

"  1780, 

II. 

245 

9  June, 

1778, 

" 

366 

Morris,  Robert. 

11     " 

" 

" 

367 

18  July, 

1776, 

I. 

199 

20     " 

15  August, 

'* 

u 

367 
397 

18 

1780, 

II. 

239 

P. 

19 
26 

11 

:: 

243 
246 

Pettit,  Charles. 

11  June, 

1764, 

I. 

32 

14  January, 

1775, 

91 

S. 

31 

" 

92 

7  August, 

" 

116 

Searle,  James. 

29  September 

" 

120 

1781, 

II. 

293 

30  March, 

1776, 

181 

Spraggs,  Samuel. 

"        " 

" 

182 

30  May, 

1775, 

I. 

100 

26  June, 

" 

191 

15  July, 

" 

204 

22     " 

" 

207 

W. 

4  August, 

" 

212 

18 

" 

217 

Washington,  George. 

14  October, 

" 

244 

3  March, 

1776, 

I. 

163 

14  September 

1777, 

311 

7       " 

" 

" 

165 

Putnam,  Israel. 

15       " 

" 

" 

171 

2  January, 

1777, 
Q. 

I. 

287 

23       " 

22  December, 

16  September, 

18 

21 

1777, 

"i 

174 
271 
311 
312 
314 

QUINCY,  JOSIAH. 

23  October, 

" 

" 

325 

25  October, 

1774, 

I. 

85 

24 

" 

" 

327 

2  November 

16  November, 
18 
1  December, 

I 

"' 

335 
337 
344 

R. 

7  September, 
12  March, 

1778, 
1779, 

II. 

28 
69 

Reed,  Esther. 

"        " 

" 

" 

78 

15  December, 

1769, 

I. 

41 

14  April, 

" 

" 

81 

26  July, 

1775, 

116 

24      " 

" 

" 

89 

15  June, 

1776, 

190 

25       " 

" 

" 

91 

21     " 

" 

191 

1  May, 

" 

" 

96 

26     " 

" 

192 

8     " 

" 

" 

100 

27     " 

11 

193 

15  July, 

" 

" 

120 

30     " 

" 

193 

15  November, 

" 

" 

185 

1  July, 

" 

194 

5  June, 

1780, 

" 

209 

3     " 

" 

194 

20    " 

" 

214 

4     " 

" 

195 

22     " 

" 

215 

6     " 

" 

195 

15  July, 

" 

" 

223 

16     " 

" 

203 

17  August, 

" 

" 

238 

22     " 

" 

208 

2  September, 

" 

" 

248 

26     " 

" 

209 

17  May, 

1781, 

" 

300 

1  August, 

" 

210 

Wayne,  Anthony. 

7 

" 

214 

20  July, 

1779, 

n. 

115 

9 

" 

215 

7  January, 

1781, 

" 

323 

CORRESPONDENCE. 


485 


Wayne,  Anthony. 

7  January,      1781, 
Wharton,  Thomas. 

5  October,  1777, 
18 
24 
27 
30 
4  November, 


II. 


324 

322 
324 
328 
330 
332 
334 


Wharton,  Thomas. 

24  November,  1777, 

I. 

339 

25 

339 

30 

340 

10  December,       " 

350 

13 

354 

1  February,       1778, 

358 

Wynkoop,  Mr. 

11  August,         1780, 

II. 

237 

No.  II. 


LETTERS  ADDRESSED  TO  MR.  REED  BY  VARIOUS  PERSONS. 
A.  F. 


From  Adams,  John. 

11  February,     1784,        II.        402 
Armstrong,  John. 

5  February,     1781,        II.        334 


B. 


Bradford,  William. 

17  July,  1779,        II.        131 

Bryan,  George. 

31  August,  1779,  II.  133 
BucHAN,  Earl  of. 

16  April,  1784,        II.        406 


Cadwalader,  John. 

30  November,  1777,  I.        348 

CoxE,  Daniel. 

12  April,  1764,  I.  30 


E. 


Dartmouth,  Earl  of. 

13  August,         1766, 

I. 

46 

11  July,              1774, 

" 

72 

De  Berdt,  Dennis. 

6  January,        1775, 

I. 

101 

1  June,                 " 

" 

103 

3  May,             1776, 

" 

197 

10  April,            1778, 

" 

372 

Ferguson,  Elizabeth. 

18  June,  1778, 
Franklin,  Benjamin. 

19  March,  1780, 


Gates,  Horatio. 

10  May,  1780, 
Gerard,  M. 

11  October,  1779, 
Gerry',  Elbridge. 

5  May,  1784, 
Greene,  Nathaniel. 

10  May,  1780, 

29  June,  " 

29  August,  " 

19  September,  " 

9  January,  1781, 
18  March, 

4  May,  " 

6  August,  " 
27  February,  1782, 
18  July, 

23  April,  1783, 

9  November,  " 

14  May,  1784, 


H. 


EwiNG,  John. 


1764, 


34 


Hunter,  Samuel. 
27  April, 


1779. 
I. 


Irvine,  William. 

23  July,  1779, 
15  September,      " 
17  September,      " 

26  May,  1780, 


II. 


II. 


385 
396 


II. 

194 

II. 

156 

II. 

408 

II. 

191 

216 

241 

342 

344 

348 

351 

361 

377 

379 

395 

399 

409 

117 
128 
130 
201 


486 


CORRESPONDENCE. 


Johnstone,  George. 
11  April,  1778, 


L. 


Lafayette. 

31  May, 

1780, 

II 

25  June, 

" 

" 

28  November, 

1781, 

" 

Laurens,  Henry. 

23  November, 

1777, 

I 

15  June, 

1784, 

II 

Lee,  Arthur. 

18  January, 

1771, 

I 

18  February, 

1773, 

" 

5  April, 

1784, 

II 

Lee,  Charles. 

28  February, 

1776, 

I 

16  November, 

«' 

" 

21 

" 

" 

24 

" 

" 

22  July, 

1778, 

" 

Lee,  Henry. 

6  July, 

1779,  ■ 

II 

18     " 

" 

" 

27  August, 

" 

" 

9  September, 

" 

" 

9  January, 

1781, 

" 

Livingston,  William. 

11  April, 

1781, 

II 

M. 


M'DouGALL,  Alexander. 

25  March, 

1779, 

II 

M'Kean,  Thomas. 

29  August, 

1780, 

II 

Marbois,  Barbe. 

10  June, 

1780, 

II 

Morris,  Robert. 

23  July, 

1776, 

I 

Moylan,  Stephen 

5  December, 

1775, 

I 

2  January, 

1776, 

" 

30 

" 

" 

P. 

Paine,  Thomas. 

28  September,  1779,        II. 
4  June,  1780, 

Pennsylvania  Officers. 

27  March,  1779,         II. 

Pettit,  Charles. 

3  November,   1764,  I. 

Potter,  James. 

1779,        II. 
27  April, 


376 


207 
263 
377 

353 
410 

43 

47 
407 

160 
253 
254 
257 
369 

108 
113 
126 
127 
346 

337 


57 

249 

260 

200 

133 
137 
160 


155 

218 

65 
36 
70 


R. 


Reed,  Esther. 

21  June, 

1777, 

February, 

1778, 

June, 

" 

6  July, 

" 

5  October, 

1779, 

4  July, 

1780, 

31     " 

" 

20  August, 

" 

22 

« 

II. 


s. 


St.  Clair,  Arthur. 


1779, 


1781, 


5  March, 

6  " 
October, 

Searle,  James. 
14  February, 
10  March, 
20      " 
Stockton,  Richard. 

8  April,  1764, 

8  October,  " 


W. 

Warren,  Joseph. 

15  May,  1775, 

Washington,  George. 


IL 


IL 


30  October, 
8  November, 

20 

27 

28 

30 

15  December, 

25 
4  January, 

14 

23 

31 
1  February, 

10 

26 

3  March, 
7      " 

19      " 
25       " 

28  " 

1  April, 

30  November, 

4  June, 
14     " 

22  August, 

23  December, 
14  January, 
15 

29  May, 
14  June, 

2  December, 
12 


1775, 


1776, 


1777, 

1779, 
1776, 
1777, 


1778, 


254 
255 
257 
259 
153 
262 
265 
266 
267 


60 

61 

153 

455 
457 
459 

30 
30 


I.        104 

I.        125 

126 

127 

129 

130 

132 

134 

136 

140 

142 

145 

147 

149 

157 

166 

166 

168 

176 

177 

178 

179 

258 

259 

260 

263 

274 

292 

293 

296 

296 

348 

I.          48 

COKRESPONDENCE. 


487 


Washington,  Geokge, 


II. 


3  March, 

28  " 

8  April, 

19  " 

27  " 

8  May, 

20  " 

29  July, 
22  August, 

4  October, 
22 

16  December, 

28  May, 
4  July, 

20  August, 


1779, 


1779, 


1780, 


72 

80 

85 

93 

99 

106 

122 

124 

179 

183 

189 

202 

220 

244 


Washington,  George. 

20  July,                1780, 

11. 

263 

10  August,             " 

" 

265 

18  October, 

" 

277 

Wayne,  Anthony. 

23  July,              1779, 

II. 

117 

26     " 

" 

116 

3  September,  1780, 

" 

251 

25  October,          " 

" 

270 

17  September,     " 

" 

284 

7  November,     " 

" 

313 

16  December,       " 

" 

315 

11  May,             1781, 

" 

360 

26     " 

11 

361 

3  October, 

" 

367 

No.  III. 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


Abolition  of  slave  trade  in  Pennsylvania, 
act  for,  urged  on  the  Assembly  by 
President  Reed,  ii.  164;  its  legislative 
history,  173;  George  Bryan  author  of, 
481. 

Abercromby,  Colonel,  referred  to  in 
Cadwalader's  letter  to  Washington, 
i.  283. 

Adams,  John,  his  resolutions  recom- 
mending the  remodelling  of  the  go- 
vernments, i.  185;  one  of  a  committee 
to  prepare  a  preamble,  &c.,  185;  its 
nature,  ib. ;  his  unsuccessful  efforts  in 
Holland,  ii.  274  ;  his  letter  to  Mr.  Reed 
on  the  affairs  of  the  American  union, 
401  ;  character  of  Washington,  402 ; 
Mr.  Reed's  letter  to  him  on  American 
credit,  &c.,  404,  405. 

Adams,  Samuel,  extract  of  his  letter  to 
Mr.  De  Berdt,  i.  41  ;  presides  at  a 
meeting  in  Faneuil  Hall,  62;  referred 
to  in  extract  from  C.  Marshall's  diary, 
ii.  22. 

Ad  AMS ,  C  aptain ,  capt  ures  a  vessel  loaded 
with  wood  bound  for  Boston,  i.  127. 

Admiralty  Court,  its  officers  underlings 
of  the  custom  house,  i.  57. 

Allen,  William,  endeavours  to  soften 
the  designs  of  the  Ministry,  i.  32  ; 
Chief  Justice  of  the  colony  of  Penn- 
sylvania, 303. 

African  merchants,  their  influence  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  i.  48. 

Alexander,  William,  his  certificate 
relative  to  Dr.  Franklin;  a  native  of 
Scotland  ;  residence  in  America ;  his 
death,  i.  398. 

Alliance,  ship,  Captain  Landais,  arrival 
of  at  Boston,  bringing  military  stores, 
&c.,  ii.  250. 

America,  fieeling  towards,  in  Europe, 
after  the  war,  ii.  404. 

American  credit,  state  of,  in  Europe,  ii. 
404 ;  depreciated  on  account  of  Phila- 
delphia riot,  ib. 

American  Philosophical  Society,  incor- 
porated during  Mr.  Reed's  adminis- 


tration, ii.  171 ;  Chastellux's  visit  to, 
ii.  171. 

Andre,  Major,  one  of  Sir  Henry  Clin- 
ton's aids  ;  his  letter  to  Mrs.  Arnold, 
ii.  272 ;  his  execution  referred  to  by 
Col.  Moylan,  276. 

Andrews,  Robert,  appointed  one  of 
the  Commissioners  by  Virginia  to 
settle  the  controversy  with  Pennsyl- 
vania, ii.  133. 

Arbuthnot,  Admiral,  referred  to  in 
General  Wayne's  letter,  ii.  285. 

Archer,  Henry  W.,  one  of  General 
Wayne's  aids  at  the  storming  of 
Stoney  Point,  ii.  112;  carries  the  news 
of  its  capture  to  Philadelphia,  114; 
letter  to  General  Wayne  on  his  re- 
ception there,  115;  waits  on  the 
French  Ambassador  and  President 
Reed,  ib. 

Arendt,  Baron  D',  urges  an  attack  on 
Wilmington,  i.  310 ;  sent  to  take  the 
command  at  Fort  Mifflin,  313. 

Armstrong,  John,  General,  ordered  to 
South  Carolina,  i.  163;  his  letter  to 
President  Wharton,  322;  to  the  Exe- 
cutive Council  at  Lancaster,  326 ;  in 
want  of  money  to  pay  the  troops,  ii. 
299 ;  Reed's  letter  to,  ib. ;  his  letter  to 
President  Reed,  expressing  sympathy 
with  his  vexations,  324. 

Armstrong,  John,  Major,  letter  to  the 
author,  i.  226;  his  death,  226;  carries 
Mercer  from  field  at  Princeton,  i.290; 
at  Brandywine,  i.  309. 

Arnold,  General,  his  expedition  to 
Quebec,  i.  122 ;  Colonel  Enos  de- 
serts him  with  three  companies, 
128  ;  wounded  at  Quebec,  146  ; 
entrusted  with  the  affairs  of  Ca- 
nada, 163 ;  appointed  to  the  com- 
mand of  Philadelphia,  367;  calLs  a 
meeting  of  its  inhabitants  to  raise 
volunteers,  368  ;  commands  in  Phila- 
delphia on  its  re-capture,  ii.  26 ;  enters 
into  a  suspicious  partnership,  ib. ;  his 
entertainments,  39 ;  his  conduct  as 
military  commandant  of  Philadelphia, 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


489 


48  ;  his  trial,  49  ;  his  conviction,  53  ; 
his  letter  to  Miss  Shippen,  ib. ;  his 
defence,  55  ;  Mr.  Reed's  most  malig- 
nant defamer,  56 ;  his  treasonable 
correspondence  with  General  Clinton, 
89  ;  Reed's  letter  to  Washington  re- 
lative to  his  trial,  90;  is  ordered  by 
President  Reed  to  leave  the  ground 
at  the  "  Fort  Wilson  riot,"  152;  urges 
his  claims  to  the  command  at  West 
Point,  217;  his  desertion  to  the 
enemy,  272 ;  his  effigy  burned  in 
Philadelphia,  ib.  ;  papers  seized  by 
the  sheriff,  ib. ;  the  contents  of  the 
papers,  ib. ;  the  unlikelihood  of  his 
trusting  his  wife  with  his  treason, 
273 ;  extravagance  in  Philadelphia, 
defalcation  in  his  accounts,  274  ;  date 
of  his  correspondence  with  the  enemy, 
ib. 

Arnold,  Mrs.,  wife  of  the  General, 
Andre's  letter  to  her,  ii.  272 ;  the 
extent  of  her  knowledge  of  her  hus- 
band's designs,  273;  her  character, 
ib. ;  conspicuous  at  General  Howe's 
Meschianza,  274 ;  ordered  by  the  Ex- 
ecutive Council  to  leave  the  State, 
275. 

Arnold,  Welcome,  of  Rhode  Island, 
one  of  the  Commissioners  to  settle 
the  Wyoming  question,  ii.  388. 

Arrowsmith,  Joseph,  mentioned  by 
^^  Washington  in  his  letter  to  Mr.  Reed, 
^-       i.  260. 

Assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  see  Penn- 
sylvania. 

Atlee,  Colonel,  engaged  in  the  battle 
of  Long  Island,  i.  221 ;  his  account  of 
the  battle,  222;  made  prisoner,  223  ; 
extract  from  his  journal,  413. 

Ayres,  Captain,  his  arrival  in  the  Dela- 
ware, with  a  cargo  of  tea  ;  opposition 
to  his  landing ;  return  to  England,  i. 
54. 


B. 


Bache,  Mrs.  Sarah,  daughter  of  Dr. 
Franklin,  succeeds  Mrs.  Reed  as  one 
of  the  Executive  Committee  of  the 
donation  fund,  ii.  269  ;  her  letter  to 
Washington  abstracted  from  the  files, 
ib. ;  extract  of  her  letter  to  her  father, 
270. 

Bank  of  North  America,  measures  to 
establish,  ii.  215  ;  its  objects  to  supply 
the  army,  221. 

Barrow,  Sir  John,  author  of  a  life  of 
Lord  Howe,  i.  234. 

Basken  Ridge,  General  Lee  captured  at, 
by  Colonel  Harcourt,  i.  251. 

Bayard,  James  A.,  afterwards  a  dis- 
tinguished citizen  of  Delaware,  a  stu- 
dent in  Mr.  Reed's  office,  was  with 
him  when  he  died,  ii.  415. 


Bayard,  John,  made  Major,  i.  105 ; 
appointed  one  of  the  Commissioners 
on  the  funded  loan,  ii.  281  ;  once 
speaker  of  the  General  Assembly, 
his  death,  ib. 

Bedford,  Duke  of,  his  death  referred 
to,  i.  44. 

Bentham,  Jeremy,  present  at  the  attack 
of  Wedderburne  on  Dr.  Franklin  be- 
fore the  Privy  Council,  i.  59;  his 
wish  to  be  Secretary  of  the  Commis- 
sioners in  1778,  424. 

Biddle,  Clement,  absent  from  the 
camp  at  Morristown  on  account  of 
sickness,  i.  293 ;  General  Greene's 
letter  to  him,  ii.  380 ;  sketch  of  his 
life,  465. 

BiDDLE,  EDWARD,of  the  Anti-Constitu- 
tional party  ;  his  letter  to  Clement 
Biddle,  ii.  47  ;  his  death  in  Baltimore, 
48  ;  sketch  of  his  life,  465. 

Bland,  Col.  Theodoric,  despatches 
news  to  Washington  of  the  enemy's 
approach,  i.  308. 

Boston,  its  inquietude,  i.  47  ;  subscrip- 
tions to  succour  its  distresses,  69 ; 
small-pox  in,  136 ;  evacuated  by  the 
British,  176. 

Boston  Fort  Bill,  its  introduction  into 
Parliament,  and  passage,  i.  61. 

BouDiNOT,  Elias,  his  account  of  the 
action  of  6th  December  1777;  Mr. 
Reed's  danger,  i.  351  ;  extract  of  letter 
to  President  Wharton,  giving  an  ac- 
count of  the  enemy  burning  and  des- 
troying property,  &c.,  ii.  25. 

Bradford,  Wm.,  an  officer  in  the  Penn- 
sylvania Line  ;  made  Attorney-Gene- 
ral of  Pennsylvania,  Judge  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  Pennsylvania,  ap- 
pointed by  Washington  Attorney- 
General  of  the  United  States,  ii.  131 ; 
his  letter  to  President  Reed,  on  his 
professional  prospects,  ib. ;  profession- 
ally represents  Pennsylvania  at  Tren- 
ton on  the  Wyoming  question,  388 ; 
Reed's  last  letter  to  him  on  affairs  of 
Pennsylvania,  &c.,  411;  one  of  Mr. 
Reed's  executors,  and  the  author  of 
his  epitaph,  416. 

Brandywine,  battle  of,  i.  306  ;  its  effect 
on  the  Americans,  310. 

Bristol,  crossing  at,  i.  279. 

British  Army  lands  at  the  head  of  the 
Elk,  i.  304. 

British  Fleet  appears  off  the  Capes  of 
Delaware,  i.  304. 

Brodhead,  Colonel,  commands  at  Fort 
Pitt,  ii.  70. 

Brearley,  David,  of  New  Jersey;  one 
of  the  Commissioners  on  the  Wyo- 
ming question,  ii.  388. 

Bryan,  George,  elected  one  of  the 
Burgesses  of  Philadelphia  in  1764,  i. 
36  ;  made  Vice-President  of  the  Exe- 
cutive   Council,  ii.   23  ;   one  of  the 


490 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


Commissioners  for  settling  the  contro- 
versy with  Virginia,  133  ;  letter  to 
President  Reed,  describing  Baltimore 
as  a  village,  133  ;  one  of  the  leading 
Whig  members  of  the  New  Assembly 
of  1779,  177  ;  made  Judge  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  Pennsylvania,  197  ; 
his  death,  197 ;  inscription  on  his 
tomb,  author  of  the  Abolition  Act, 
481. 

BucHAN,  Earl  of,  his  letter  to  Mr. 
Reed  ;  openly  espoused  the  American 
cause  from  the  commencement  of  the 
troubles,  seriously  thinks  of  settling 
in  America,  &c.  ;  his  character,  as 
drawn  by  Sir  Walter  Scott ;  his  death, 
ii.  406. 

Bunker  Hill,  battle  of,  i.  105. 

BuRGOYNE,  General,  tells  his  soldiers 
that  the  dispute  would  soon  be  made 
up,  i.  140  ;  made  prisoner  of  war  at 
Saratoga,  i.  333. 

Burke,  a  member  of  Congress  from 
North  Carolina;  his  address  regard- 
ing the  Order  of  the  Cincinnati  re- 
ferred to  by  General  Greene,  ii.  409. 

Butler,  Col.  Richard,  one  of  Gene- 
ral Wayne's  confidential  officers  ;  re- 
connoiters  Stoney  Point,  ii.  110;  one 
of  the  Commissioners  to  negotiate 
with  the  Indians,  407 ;  extract  of  his 
letter  relating  to  Mr.  Reed's  funeral ; 
one  of  the  pall-bearers,  415. 


Cadwalader,  John,  made  Colonel,  i. 
105  ;  commands  the  Rhode  Island 
Continental  troops  at  Bristol,  269 ; 
confers  with  Adjutant-General  Reed, 
273  ;  his  letters  to  Washington,  de- 
scribing the  events  of  the  day,  280  ; 
reaches  Bordentown,  281  ;  letter  to 
Washington,  283;  ordered  to  join  the 
army  at  Trenton,  285 ;  declines  being 
made  a  Brigadier  General,  296  ; 
wounds  General  Conway  in  a  duel, 
321 ;  accompanies  Reed  to  Chester 
County,  332;  one  of  Washington's 
favourites,  343  ;  letter  to  Reed  on  the 
winter  quarters  for  the  army,  348 ; 
recommended  by  the  Committee  of 
Congress  to  command  the  cavalry,  ii. 
28;  his  election,  he  declines,  ih.  ;  his 
controversy  with  General  Reed,  383  ; 
his  death  referred  to,  ih. 

Cadwalader,  Lambert,  Lieut.  Col., 
commands  at  Mount  Washington,  i. 
252 ;  succeeded  Colonel  Shee,  ih.  ; 
liberated  on  parole,  256. 

Camden,  battle  of,  ii.  344. 

Camden,  Lord,  his  attack  on  Lord 
Mansfield  in  the  House  of  Lords,  i.  44. 


Canning,  George,  his  doctrine  of  Par- 
liamentary supremacy  over  the  Colo- 
nies, i.  39. 

Cary,  Richard,  his  letter  to  Mr. 
Speaker  Bowdoin,  with  portrait  of 
Mr.  Dennis  De  Berdt,  i.  38  ;  R.  Cary 
made  one  of  Washington's  aids,  i.  191. 

Carlisle,  Lord,  one  of  the  British 
Commissioners,  i.  366;  his  letter  to 
George  Selwyn  on  the  afiairs  of  his 
mission,  379  ;  accompanies  General 
Clinton  to  Germantown,  380 ;  his  pre- 
sentiment that  no  good  would  result 
from  the  mission,  ih.  ;  his  description 
of  things  in  New  York,  389  ;  letter  to 
George  Selwyn,  describing  the  coun- 
try, &.C.,  393;  description  of  his  bag- 
gage, 423;  becomes  Viceroy  of  Ire- 
land, his  death,  ih. 

Carlisle,  Abraham,  his  trial  and  exe- 
cution, ii.  30. 

Carleton,  Sir  Guy,  his  letter  to  Wash- 
ington referred  to,  ii.  380. 

Carolina,  South,  disaffection  of,  ii.  171 ; 
presents  General  Greene  with  ten 
thousand  guineas,  380. 

Carolina,  North,  presents  General 
Greene  with  twenty-five  thousand 
acres  of  land,  ii.  380. 

Caswell,  Colonel,  meets  the  disaffected 
in  North  Carolina  and  defeats  them, 
i.  174. 

Chambers,    Colonel,    threatened  with     ^ 
punishment  for  carrying  off  the  mill-  tr 
tary  stores,  &c.,  i.  293. 

Charleston,  reduction  of,  ii.  197 ;  prepa- 
rations to  evacuate,  380. 

Chastellux,  Marquis  de,  quotation 
from  his  travels,  ii.  74  ;  attends  a 
meeting  of  the  "  Philosophical  So- 
ciety," unanimously  elected  a  mem- 
ber of,  171;  referred  to,  306;  visits 
Philadelphia,  307  ;  descriptions  of  Mr. 
Reed,  Mr.  Huntington,  General  As- 
sembly, &c.,  308,  et  seq. ;  made  Go- 
vernor of  Longwi,  his  death,  311. 

Chatham,  Earl  of,  his  letter  to  Mr. 
Sayre  then  sheriff  of  London,  appro- 
ving of  the  proceeding  of  Congress,  i. 
83;  to  Lord  Shelburne  on  American 
correspondence  laid  before  Parlia- 
ment, 102 ;  his  dying  speech  and 
death,  374. 

Chatterton  Hill,  action  of,  i.  246. 

Chevalier,  John,  made  Lieutenant- 
Colonel,  105. 

Chew,  Benjamin,  succeeds  William 
Allen  as  Chief  Justice  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, i.  303 ;  taken  into  custody  by 
order  of  Congress,  removed  to  Virgi- 
nia, discharged  on  parole,  made  Presi- 
dent of  the  Court  of  Errors  and  Ap- 
peals, his  death,  ih. 

Church,  Dr.  Benjamin,  arrested  for 
criminal  correspondence  with  the 
enemy,  i.   120;    his  expulsion  from 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


491 


Congress,    123 ;    sails  for  the  West 
Indies,  drowned  at  sea,  ih. 

Cmcinnati,  Order  of.  Northern  States 
much  enraged  at,  ii.  409  ;  is  thought 
to  contain  dangerous  designs,  ib. 

Ci-ARK,  General,  one  of  the  Commis- 
sioners appointed  to  negotiate  with 
the  Indians,  ii.  407. 

Clark,  John,  Jun.,  his  manuscript 
letters  referred  to,  i.  323  ;  born  at  Lan 
caster,  studies  law,  goes  to  Boston  as 
a  volunteer,  made  a  Major,  his  mar- 
riage, appointed  Aid  to  General 
Greene,  made  Auditor  of  Accounts, 
ib. ;  in  1814  offers  his  services  to 
Commanding  General  at  Baltimore, 
324  ;  his  letter  to  Washington  inform- 
ing him  of  the  enemy  having  crossed 
the  Delaware,  337. 

Clarkson,  Matthew,  Major,  one  of 
Arnold's  Aids,  ii.  54. 

Clinton,  General,  sails  from  Boston 
for  the  south,  i.  147;  his  arrival  at 
Hampton,  165  ;  his  return  to  New 
York  with  his  army,  215  ;  destroys 
the  forts  on  the  North  River,  333  ; 
requests  a  safe  conduct  for  Dr.  Fer- 
guson, refused,  367 ;  at  the  west  end 
of  Long  Island,  ii.  73  ;  leaves  New 
York,  June  1779,  108;  has  possession 
of  West  Chester  County,  109  ;  his  re- 
turn from  the  south,  217  ;  his  arrange- 
ments with  Arnold  near  maturity,  ib.  ; 
offers  the  revolted  Pennsylvania  line 
pay,  clothing,  pardon,  &c.,  his  oflers 
rejected,  emissaries  hanged,  319  ;  his 
plans,  332;  letter  to  Washington  re- 
ferred to,  385. 

Clymer,  George,  appointed  Commis- 
sioner for  Indian  Affairs  in  place  of 
Mr.  Reed  who  declined,  i.  353. 

Coats,  William,  made  Major,  i.  105. 

CoiT,  Captain,  takes  two  vessels  bound 
to  Nova  Scotia,  i.  127. 

CoLDEN,  Governor,  of  New  York,  his 
letter  to  Lord  Dartmouth,  i.  53. 

College  Charter,  transfer  of  urged  on 
the  Assembly  by  Mr.  Reed,  ii.  164; 
trustees  nearly  all  Episcopalians,  170. 

Collins,  Isaac,  publisher  of  the  Tren- 
ton Gazette,  referred  to,  i.  369. 

Commercial  Essay,  by  Mr.  Reed,  pay- 
ment of,  ii.  476. 

Commissioners,  British,  arrival  of  i.  366  ; 
stop  the  embarkation  from  Philadel- 
phia, ib.  ;  announce  their  arrival  to 
General  Washington,  giving  him  all 
his  titles,  367;  fruitless  attempts  at 
negotiation,  371  ;  their  return  home, 
393;  letters  to  Lord  George  Germain, 
428. 

Comm,issioners  on  funded  loan,  their 
duties,  ii.  282 ;  their  report,  283. 

Committee  on  prices  of  provisions,  ii. 
144;  its  curious  resolutions,  145. 


Committee,  General,  recommends  a  Pro- 
vincial Convention,  i.  91. 

Congress,  Continental,  meets  on  the  5th 
September,  i.  75;  its  happy  results, 
86 ;  its  influence  over  Pennsylvania, 
154;  grants  letters  of  marque,  175; 
sends  a  committee  to  confer  with  Lord 
Howe,  196 ;  resolves  as  to  New 
York,  214  ;  embarrassed  by  the  mes- 
sage brought  by  Gen.  Sullivan,  232; 
resolution  relative  to  the  North  River 
and  Fort  Washington,  264;  elects  ten 
brigadiers,  296;  recoinmends  Colonel 
William  Lee  as  Adjutant- General, 
299 ;  elects  Count  Pulaski  to  the  com- 
mand of  the  light  horse,  300;  appoints 
Mr.  Reed  Commissioner  for  Indian 
Affairs,  353  ;  appoints  a  committee  to 
visit  the  camp  at  Valley  Forge,  the 
extraordinary  powers  of  the  com- 
mittee, 357;  its  resolution  relative  to 
spies,  &c.,  359;  report  of  the  com- 
mittee from  the  camp,  360;  refers  a 
plan  of  military  organization  to  Wash- 
ington, Dana,  and  Reed,  370  ;  refuses 
to  hold  intercourse  with  the  British 
Commissioners,  380 ;  its  declaration 
regarding  Governor  Johnstone,  387; 
difficulty  with  Pennsylvania,  ii.  50, 51 ; 
committee  of,  addresses  the  several 
States,  203 ;  passes  an  act  to  give  Pre- 
sidents and  Governors  of  States,  while 
with  the  army,  the  rank  of  Major  Ge- 
nerals, 250;  dissolves  the  Boards,  and 
appoints  a  Minister  for  each  Depart- 
ment, 296;  its  humiliating  position 
and  poverty,  374;  retires  to  Princeton 
in  great  alarm,  on  account  of  the  re- 
volt of  the  Pennsylvania  recruits,  397. 

Connecticut  brigades,  run  away  without 
firing  a  shot,  at  Kips  Bay,  i.  237. 

Connecticut,  mutiny  of  the  troops  of,  ii. 
201 ;  dispute  between  Pennsylvania 
and,  388;  commissioners  appointed  to 
adjudicate  the  question,  ib. 

Constitution  of  Pennsylvania,  views  of 
Mr.  Reed  on,  i.  302. 

Constitutionalists  worsted  in  the  elec- 
tions of  1780,  ii.  280. 

Continejital  money,  its  depreciation,  laws 
relative  to,  ii.  288. 

Conveiition  in  1776,  ii.  20. 

Conway,  General,  H.  S.  of  England, 
opposed  to  the  administration,  i.  145  ; 
his  motion  for  a  copy  of  Lord  Howe's 
instructions  rejected  by  the  House  of 
Commons,  233. 

Conway,  Thomas,  General,  of  the  Con- 
tinental service,  Graydon's  account  of 
his  conduct  at  Germantown,  i.  320; 
wounded  in  a  duel  by  General  Cad- 
walader,  goes  to  France,  ib. 

CoRNWALLis,  Lord,  transports  a  large 
body  of  troops  through  the  Spuyten 
Devil,  i.  252  ;  his  hopes  from  the  dis- 
affection of  the  American  troops  dis- 


492 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


appointed,  268 ;  attributes  the  loss  of 
the  batt  le  of  Trenton  to  the  negligence 
of  Col.  Rhal,  277;  reinforces  General 
Grant  at  Princeton,  283  ;  retreats,  291 ; 
marches  to  Chester  to  attack  Red 
Bank,  336;  overruns  North  Carolina 
and  Virginia,  moves  down  to  the  sea 
coast,  ii.  296  ;  his  surrender  to  Wash- 
ington at  Yorktown,  364 ;  the  war 
virtually  terminated  from  the  time  of 
his  surrender,  377. 

Cou7icil,  Executive,  see  Pennsylvania. 

Council  of  War,  minutes  of,  i.  417. 

Council  of  Censors,  duties  of,  ii.  20 ; 
censures  the  non-exportation  order, 
334;  division  in,  referred  to  in  Mr. 
Reed's  last  letter  to  Mr.  Bradford, 
411. 

Council  of  Safety,  when  organized,  ii. 
21. 

CowPERTHWAiT,  JosEPH,  commandsons 
of  the  city  battalions,  i.  276. 

Cox,  John,  made  Major,  i.  105 ;  at 
Bristol  whh  Col.  J.  Cadwalader,  273; 
ordered  to  pursue  the  enemy,  293 ; 
made  assistant  quartermaster-gene- 
ral, 364  ;  his  death,  ib. 

Gushing,  Thomas,  one  of  Mr.  Reed's 
friends,  i.  41. 


D. 


Dale,  Capt.  Richard,  of  the  ship  Wash- 
ington, in  which  Mr.  Reed  makes  his 
last  voyage  to  England,  ii.  398. 

Dana,  Francis,  Chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee to  visit  the  Camp  at  Valley 
Forge,  i.  360;  report,  in  the  hand- 
writing of  Mr.  Reed,  ib. ;  his  letter  to 
Congress  on  the  employment  of  In- 
dians, 418. 

Dartmouth,  Lord,  made  Secretary  of 
State,  i.  45;  Dr.  Franklin's  opinion 
of,  46 ;  his  letter  to  Mr.  De  Berdt, 
46  ;  letter  to  Mr.  Reed,  72  ;  letter  to 
Governor  Penn,  55  ;  his  popularity 
in  the  Colonies,  58  ;  his  letter  to 
General  Gage,  74;  method  of  putting 
an  end  to  the  rebellion,  94  ;  blames 
the  King's  officers  for  the  beginning 
of  hostilities,  103. 

Day,  Sherman,  his  historical  collec- 
tions referred  to,  ii.  67. 

Deane,  Silas,  his  letter  of  instructions 
from  Committee  of  Secret  Correspon- 
dence, i.  163  ;  his  conduct  and  apolo- 
gists, ii.  142  ;  Dr.  Franklin  in  his  inte- 
rest, 373  ;  Rivington  publishes  his 
intercepted  letters,  374. 
De  Berdt,  Dennis,  a  merchant  of  Lon- 
don, agent  for  the  Province  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay  ;  his  devotional  turn  of 
mind,  i.  37  ;  Mr.  Reed's  attachment 
to  his  daughter,  42;  his  death,  ib. 
De  Berdt,  Dennis.  Jun.,  his  character 
of  Lord  Howe,  i.  197 ;  his  letter  to 


Mr.     Reed,    introducing     Governor 
Johnstone,  372. 
De  Berdt,  Miss,  afterwards  Mrs.  Reed. 

Mr.  Reed's  letter  to,  i.  41. 
De  Berdt,  Mrs.,  Reed's  mother-in-law, 
accompanies  him  to  England,  ii.  398. 
Declaration  of  Independence,  read  at  the 

head  of  each  regiment,  i.  195. 
De  Heister,  General,  of  the  Hessians, 
Lord  Stirling  surrenders  to,  i.  223  ; 
commands  the  Hessians  at  Chatterton 
Hill,  246. 
De  Kale,  General,  of  opinion  that  Red 

Bank  is  not  tenable,  i.  339. 
Detroit,  British  post  at,  i.  353. 
Dickinson,  John,  at  this  time  the  most 
prominent  man  in  Pennsylvania,  i. 
63 ;  his  influence  with  the  Quakers, 
64  ;  extract  of  his  letter  to  Mr.  Quincy 
on  the  necessity'of  simultaneous  action 
amongst  the  Colonies,  64  ;  his  answer 
to  the  Boston  Circular,  66  ;  pre- 
pares instructions  for  the  members  of 
the  Assembly,  67  ;  made  Colonel, 
105  ;  instructions  to  Congress,  his  in- 
strumentality in  procuring  the  adop- 
tion of,  155 ;  on  the  Committee  to 
report  on  the  defences  of  the  harbour 
of  Philadelphia,  186;  represents  Dela- 
ware in  Congress,  ii.  143 ;  Chairman 
of  a  Commhtee  of  Congress  to  make 
an  address  to  the  people  on  the  cur- 
rency, ib. ;  electedPresident  of  Penn- 
sylvania over  General  Potter,  382 ; 
defends  his  public  career  against 
the  attacks  of"  Valerius,"  382. 
Dickinson,  General  Philemon,  of 
New  Jersey  ;  his  letter  to  the  Board 
of  War  referred  to,  ii.  239. 
DiGBY,  Admiral,  his  letter  to  Washing- 
ton, referred  to  by  General  Greene,  ii. 
380. 
DoNOP,  Count,  commander  of  Hessians, 
i.  269  ;  drawn  from  his  quarters  at 
Bordentown  by  a  rxtse,  273  ;  loiters 
two  days  at  Burhngton,  274  ;  retreats 
in  great  confusion,  279  ;  repulsed  at 
Red  Bank,  325  ;  his  death,  330. 
Drayton,   William   Henry,  referred 

to  by  Governor  Johnstone,  i.  394. 
Drummond,  Lord,  his  propositions  as  a 

basis  of  peace,  their  futility,  i.  217. 
DuANE,  William  J.,  author  of  the  reso- 
lutions on  the  Missouri  question,  ii. 
178. 
DuER,  William,   of  New   York;   his 

letter  to  Robert  Morris,  i.  365. 
Duffield,  the  Rev.  Mr.,  designated  by 
Mr.   Reed  in  his  will  to  preach   his 
funeral  sermon,  ii.  420. 
DuNMORE,  Lord,  commands  the  King's 

troops  in  Virginia,  i.  135. 
DuRKEE,  Colonel,  ordered  to  harass  the 
enemy  with  his  two  companies,  i.  292. 
Dyer,  Eliphalet,  professionally  repre- 
sents Connecticut  at  Trenton  on  the 
Wyoming  controversy,  ii.  388. 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


493 


East  India  Company,  proposal  to  sell  tea 
by  auction;  opposition  thereto,  i.  52. 

Eden,  William,  one  of  the  British 
Commissioners,  i.  366. 

Elections,  curious  account  of,  eighty 
years  ago,  i.  36 ;  against  the  Consti- 
tutionalists in  1780,  ii.  280. 

Ellis,  Henry,  Governor  of  Georgia  in 
1757,  i.  33  ;  his  immoral  character,  ib. 

Embargoes,  pernicious  effects  of,  ii.  138. 

Enlistments,  temporary,  by  popular 
assemblies,  incompatible  with  disci- 
pline, i.  299. 

Ends,  Colonel,  deserts  General  Arnold 
in  Canada,  i.  130  ;  returns  home  and 
is  put  under  arrest,  132. 

Erskine,  Henry,  his  character,  as 
drawn  by  Sir  Walter  Scott,  ii.  406. 

Estaing,  Count  D',  Admiral  of  the 
French  fleet ;  his  co-operation  with 
General  Lincoln  and  Governor  Rut- 
ledge  in  Georgia  and  South  Carolina, 
ii.  74  ;  storming  Savannah,  75  ;  guillo- 
tined in  1793,  ib. 

Europe,  state  of  affairs  in,  ii.  198.  Mr. 
Reed's  views  of,  358. 

Ewing,  Dr.  John,  of  Philadelphia, 
correspondent  of  Mr.  Reed's,  i.  34  ; 
his  account  of  the  cause  of  the  massa- 
cre of  the  Indians  at  Lancaster,  35  ; 
one  of  the  Commissioners  to  settle  the 
controversy  with  Virginia,  ii.  133. 


F. 


Farmer's  Lexers,  published  in  1767,  their 
popularity,  their  translation  abroad,  i. 
64. 

Fayette,  the  Marquis  de  la,  elected 
a  member  of  the  American  Philoso- 
phical Society,  ii.  171 ;  his  arrival  with 
clothing,  &c.,  for  the  troops,  198;  the 
harbinger  of  Rochambeau's  army, 
206;  his  letter  to  Mr.  Reed,  207;  to 
Mrs.  Reed,  requesting  that  his  wife 
might  be  admitted  amongst  the  lady 
contributors  to  donation  for  the  army, 
263;  to  Mr.  Reed,  377;  his  letter 
containing  the  news  of  a  general  peace 
referred  to,  394 ;  to  the  late  Joseph 
Reed,  (Governor  Reed's  son,)  on  his 
revisiting  the  United  States,  399. 

Fayette,  Marchioness  de  la,  contri- 
butes one  hundred  guineas  to  the 
ladies'  subscription  fund,  ii.  262. 

Febiger,  Col.  Christian  C,  a  Dane, 
engaged  at  the  storming  of  Stoney 
Point,  ii.  111. 

Ferguson,  Mrs.  Elizabeth,  daughter 
of  Dr.  Thomas  Graeme,  is  bearer 
of    a  letter    to    General    Washing- 


ton from  Mr.  Duche,  i.  381 ;  her 
narrative  relative  to  Gov.  Johnstone, 
382;  her  letter  to  General  Reed,  385; 
conversation  with  General  Reed,  386  ; 
Reed's  answer  to  her  proposition,  ib. 
defends  herself  against  Gov.  John- 
stone's charges,  395. 
Ferguson,  Hugh  Henry,  commissary 
of  prisoners  in  the  English  service, 
married  Elizabeth  Graeme,  i.  381 ; 
accused  of  high  treason,  383. 
Ferguson,  Dr.  Adam,  author  of  the 
History  of  Rome,  &c.,  secretary  to 
the  British  Commissioners,  publishes 
Gov.  Johnstone's  letter  defending  his 
conduct,  i.  392 ;  his  proposition  to 
force  the  Colonies  to  submission,  425 ; 
his  death,  ib. 
Fina7ices  of  Pennsylvania,  message  from 
President  Reed  relative  to,  ii.  281 ; 
commission  regarding  a  funded  loan, 
ib. ;  the  embarrassed  condition  of,  287 ; 
extract  from  Freeman's  Journal,  288, 
289  ;  plans  to  recruit,  293  ;  a  measure 
of  adequate  revenue  agreed  to,  299. 
Finney,  Captain,  bears  a  letter  from 

Wayne  to  Reed,  ii.  271. 
Fishbourne,    Captain   Benjamin,  one 
of  General  Wayne's  aids  at  the  storm- 
ing of  Stoney  Point,  ii.  112;  his  death, 
ib. 
Fitzpatrick,  General,  his  remarks  in 
the  House  of  Commons  relative   to 
Lord  Carlisle  and  Gov.  Johnstone,  i. 
423. 
Fitzgerald,  Colonel,  one  of  the  wit- 
nesses against  Arnold,  ii.  97. 
Fleury,    Col.   Lewis,    a   Frenchman, 
actively  engaged  in  the  storming  of 
Stoney  Point,  ii.  Ill ;  hauls  down  the 
British  flag  there,  113. 
Force,  Peter,  compiler  of  the  American 
Archives,  i.  379;  frequently  referred  to. 
Fort  Freeland,  attacked  by  Indians,  ii. 

67. 
Fort  Jenkins,  inhabitants  near,  attacked 

by  Indians,  ii.  67. 
Fort  Lee,  General  Greene's  head-quar- 
ters, i.  252. 
Fort  Mifflin,  evacuation  of,  i.  336. 
Fort  Moultrie,  British  repulsed  at,  i.  251. 
Fort  Pitt,  commanded  by  Col.  Broad- 
head,  ii.  70. 
Fort  Washington,  defence  of,  i.  249. 
Fort   Wilson    riot,   history   of,  ii.  149; 
its   suppression,    153 ;    statements  of 
Charles  Wilson  Peale  and  P.  Hagner, 
423. 
Fox,  Joseph,  made  speaker  of  the  Penn- 
sylvania Assembly,  i.  37. 
France,  first  chosen  to  apply  for  assist- 
ance, i.   164;    disposed  to   assist  the 
Americans,    256 ;    treaty   signed   be- 
tween, and  the  United  States,  365. 
Franklin,  Dr.  Benjamin,  a  candidate 
for  burgess,   his  defeat,  election   as 


494 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


agent  in  London  for  the  Province,  i. 
37;  his  extraordinary  abilities,  43;  his 
opinion  of  the  influence  of  the  King 
over  Ministers,  in  American  affairs, 
46  ;  his  examination  before  the  Privy 
Council  58;  Mr.  Wedderburne's  at- 
tack on,  59;  his  popularity  in  the 
Colonies  in  consequence  of,  ib. ; 
resigns  his  seat  in  Congress  on  ac- 
count of  his  age,  162;  his  letter 
to  Lord  Howe,  its  violent  terms, 
211 ;  his  son,  the  Governor's,  loyalty, 
211  ;  his  meeting  with  Lord  Howe, 
234  ;  his  letter  to  Reed  about  Gov. 
Johnstone,  396;  allusion  to  Arthur 
Lee,  397;  confirmed  as  Commissioner 
by  a  small  majority,  ii.  98 ;  his  friendly 
letter  to  Mr.  Reed,  192;  in -Silas 
Deane's  interest,  373. 

Frazer,  Persifor,  a  native  of  Phila- 
delphia, one  of  the  signers  of  the  non- 
importation regulations,  made  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Provincial  Convention  for 
Chester,  ii.  182 ;  made  a  captain  under 
Wayne,  made  major  by  General  Gates, 
taken  a  prisoner,  confined  in  Philadel- 
phia, his  escape,  rejoins  the  army,  at  the 
battle  of  Monmouth,  made  lieutenant 
colonel,  resigns  on  account  of  ill 
health.  President  Reed's  letter  to  him, 
offering  to  make  him  adjutant-gene- 
ral of  Pennsylvania,  his  death,  183. 

Frog's  Neck,  affair  at,  i.  244. 

Fry,  General,  his  resignation,  i.  179. 


Gage,  General,  his  letter  to  the  ministry 
on  the  affairs  of  Boston,  i.  70;  marches 
400  men  to  Salem  to  disperse  a  public 
meeting,  75 ;  letter  to  Lord  Dartmouth 
on  the  proceedings  of  Congress,  82; 
to  Lord  Dartmouth  giving  his  opinion 
that  a  large  force  in  the  field  would 
at  once  put  down  the  rebellion,  94  ; 
to  General  Washington  on  the  treat- 
ment of  the  prisoners,  113  ;  permits 
the  soldiery  to  plunder  Boston,  119. 

Galloway,  Joseph,  Speaker  of  the 
Assembly,  his  partiality  for  the 
Mother  Country,  i.  67;  acts  with  the 
British  army  as  a  sort  of  guide,  his 
e.xamination  before  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, 305  ;  attempts  to  regain  favour, 
366  ;  testimony  in  relation  to  Roberts 
and  Carlisle,  ii.  34. 

Gates,  General,  General  Burgoyne's 
surrender  to,  i.  333  ;  his  discontent, 
sketch  of  his  career,  ii.  192  ;  his  letter 
from  Virginia  to  President  Reed,  194  ; 
his  resignation  of  the  command  of  the 
Southern  army,  343;  had  lost  the 
confidence  of  his  officers,   344  ;    his 


son's  death,  in  great  distress  on  ac- 
count of,  ib. ;  not  on  good  terms  with 
General  Smallwood,  345. 

George  III.,  his  personal  influence  over 
Lord  North,  i.  46  ;  urged  his  reluctant 
ministers  to  measures  for  which  they 
were  made  responsible,  ?6. ;  his  statue 
thrown  down  and  beheaded  by  the 
populace  in  New  York,  195  ;  Wash- 
ington's disapproval  of,  as  having  the 
appearance  of  a  riot,  ib. 

Georgia,  Slate  of,  makes  a  present  to 
General  Greene  of  five  thousand 
guineas  in  gratitude  for  his  services, 
ii.  380 ;  evacuated  by  the  enemy,  ib. 

Gerard,  M.  first  French  envoy,  his 
arrival  with  the  Treaty  of  Alliance,  i. 
387  ;  description  of  his  entrance  into 
Philadelphia,  ii.  130;  his  letter  to 
President  relative  to  Thomas  Paine, 
156. 

Germain,  George,  Lord,  his  letter  to 
the  British  Commissioners,  i.  436. 

Germantown,  Battle  of,  i.  319. 

Gerry,  Elbridge,  his  letter  to  Mr. 
Reed  in  London  relative  to  a  treaty 
of  commerce  with  Great  Britain,  ii. 
408. 

Gibraltar,  Siege  of,  referred  to,  ii.  196. 

Gibbons,  James,  Lieutenant,  leads  the 
van  at  the  storming  of  Stoney  Point, 
ii.  113;  recommended  by  General 
Wayne  to  President  Reed,  116  ;  after- 
wards collector  at  Richmond,  his 
death  in  1835,  ib. 

Gist,  Major,  of  the  Maryland  troops,  i. 
223;  bearer  of  Mr.  Dana's  letter  to 
Congress,  421  ;  a  General,  ii.  344  ; 
left  by  General  Greene  in  Maryland 
to  forward  recruits  and  supplies  to  the 
south,  ib. 

Glover,  Colonel,  from  Marblehead,  i. 
224. 

Gordon,  Dr.  author  of  a  History  of  the 
American  War,  his  misstatements, 
&c.,  i.  240  ;  referred  to,  321. 

Grafton,  Duke  of,  in  the  minority  in 
Parliament,  i.  145. 

Grant,  General,  his  remarks  in  the 
House  of  Commons  on  the  Americans, 
i.  223 ;  gives  Colonel  Rhal  informa- 
tion of  the  intended  attack  on  Tren- 
ton, 277 ;  at  the  battle  of  Brandywine, 
307. 

Grasse,  Count  De,  his  arrival,  ii.  365  ; 
defeated  by  Sir  George  Rodney  in 
the  West  Indies,  384. 

Graydon,  his  memoirs  quoted,  i.  321. 

Grayson,  Wm.,  Colonel,  of  Virginia, 
made  one  of  Washington's  Aids,  i. 
225  ;  his  letter  to  General  Weedon  on 
the  tardiness  of  Pennsylvania  in  send- 
ing men  to  Virginia,  ii.  354. 

Greene  Nathanael,  General,  Mr. 
Reed's  friendship  for,  i.  107  ;  ordered 
by  Washington  to  Providence,  180 ; 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


495 


his  opinion  that  Manhattan  should 
be  evacuated  and  New  York  burned, 
213 ;  his  opinion  of  the  defence  of 
Fort  Washington,  250;  non-compli- 
ance with  Washington's  orders  sent 
from  White  Plains,  263  ;  his  letter  to 
the  Governor  of  Rhode  Island  from 
the  west  side  of  the  Delaware,  270  ; 
detached  to  reinforce  General  Varnum 
at  Red  Bank,  337;  at  Mount  Holly 
waiting  for  Glover's  brigade,  340 ; 
made  Quartermaster-General,  364  ; 
his  letter  to  Mr.  Pettit  on  the  French 
fleet  deserting  him,  ii.  27 ;  to  Mr. 
Pettit  approving  of  Mr.  Reed's  elec- 
tion to  the  Presidency,  40  ;  circular 
letter  to  the  officers  of  his  department, 
64 ;  on  the  distresses  of  the  soldiers, 
190,  191,216;  misunderstanding  with 
Congress,  240  ;  his  letter  to  Mr.  Reed 
relative  to,  241  ;  his  resignation  as 
Quartermaster-General,  242 ;  his 
character  of  Mr.  Mathews,  ib. ;  gives 
the  enemy  a  military  insult,  243  ;  re- 
duces the  military  posts  in  the  south, 
296  ;  takes  command  of  the  Southern 
army,  largely  contributes  to  the  suc- 
cessful termination  of  the  war,  his 
character,  his  grandson's  life  of,  339  ; 
his  letter  to  President  Reed  on  the 
state  of  affairs  in  the  South,  342;  his 
character  of  General  Smallwood, 
makes  Colonel  Carrington  Quarter- 
master-General, opinions  of  the  mi- 
litia, views  of  the  Southern  campaign, 
345 ;  his  description  of  the  battle  of 
Guilford  Court-house,  his  move- 
ments in  the  South,  350,  et  seq.  letter 
to  President  Reed  on  the  battles  of 
Guilford,  Camden,  &c.,  361,  362; 
attributes  the  loss  of  the  battle  of 
Camden  to  Colonel  Gunby,  462  ;  his 
successes  in  the  South,  372 ;  nominated 
as  Secretary  of  War,  375 ;  letter  to 
President  Reed  on  the  gratitude  of  the 
South  in  presenting  him  with  an 
ample  fortune,  378 ;  describes  the  con- 
dition of  his  troops,  379 ;  mutiny  in 
his  army,  quashes  by  hanging  a  ser- 
geant and  four  soldiers,  379 ;  his  letter 
to  Clement  Biddle,  380  ;  oflends  Con- 
gress by  stating  the  real  state  of  the 
army,  381 ;  admires  Dr.  Wither- 
spoon's  plan  of  education,  ib. ;  letter 
to  Charles  Pettit,  381  ;  e.xpresses  his 
sorrow  that  Reed  was  not  made 
Secretary  of  War,  387  ;  his  letter  to 
Mr.  Reed  on  a  general  peace,  and  the 
ingratitude  of  Pennsylvania  towards 
Reed  ;  to  General  La  Fayette  by  Mr 
Reed,  400 ;  appointed  one  of  the  Com 
missioners  to  negotiate  with  the  In 
dians,  407 ;  letter  to  Mr.  Reed  rela 
tive  to  the  Order  of  the  Cincinnati 
409  ;  letters  to  Clement  Biddle  and 
Otho  H.  Williams,  468  et  seq. 


Grey,  General,  surprises  General 
Wayne  at  Paoli,  i.  313. 

Griffin,  Colonel,  advances  to  Mount 
Holly,  i.  271 ;  sends  for  two  pieces  of 
artillery  and  volunteers,  271  ;  seri- 
ously ill,  273  ;  the  bad  condition  of  his 
soldiers,  ib.  ;  deceives  Count  Donop 
in  drawing  him  from  Bordentown  into 
the  interior,  ib. 

Griffin,  Cyrus,  of  Virginia,  one  of  the 
Commissioners  on  the  Wyoming  con- 
troversy, ii.  388. 

GuicHEN,  Count  de,  French  Admiral, 
referred  to  by  General  Wayne,  as 
being  off  the  coast,  with  eighteen 
sail  of  the  line,  ii.  285. 

Guilford  Court  House,  battle  of,  ii.  350. 

Gunby,  Colonel,  causes  the  loss  of  the 
battle  of  Camden,  according  to  Gene- 
ral Greene,  by  ordering  the  Maryland 
militia  to  retreat,  ii.  352. 


H. 


Hagner,  Philip,  his  narrative  of  the 
"  Fort  Wilson  Riot,"  ii.  426. 

Hale,  Captain,  his  history  of  the  cam- 
paign referred  to,  i.  319. 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  his  letter  to 
Colonel  Laurens  expressive  of  Mrs. 
Arnold's  innocence  in  her  husband's 
designs,  ii.  273. 

Hancock,  John,  his  letter  to  Washing- 
ton relative  to  the  destruction  of  Bos- 
ton, i.  123. 

Hand,  Edward,  a  native  of  Ireland;  an 
officer  in  the  Revolutionary  War,  i. 
219  ;  his  narrative  of  the  retreat  to 
New  York,  227  ;  detached  to  oppose 
General  Howe  at  Frog's  Neck,  244  ; 
his  corps  distinguishes  itself  in  every 
action  of  the  War  up  to  this  time, 
286  ;   made  Brigadier  General,  296. 

PIandy,  Levin,  Captain,  his  letter  to 
George  Handy,  describing  the  taking 
of  Powles  Hook,  ii.  125. 

Hannahs  Town,  destroyed  by  the  In- 
dians, ii.  67. 

Hanson,  Alex.  Counter,  made  Assis- 
tant Secretary  to  Washington,  i.  191. 

Harcourt,  Colonel,  afterwards  Earl  of 
Harcourt,  takes  General  Lee  prisoner 
at  Basken  Ridge,  i.  251. 

Harlaem  Heights,  skirmish  of,  i.  238. 

Harrison,  Robert  H.,  succeeds  Mr. 
Reed  as  Washington's  Secretary,  i. 
123  ;  writes  to  Congress  of  the  pro- 
bable repulse  of  the  enemy  at  the 
Brandywine,  308. 

Haslet,  Colonel,  his  battalion  distin- 
guished itself  at  the  battle  of  Long 
Island,  i.  221 ;  in  the  thickest  of  the 
fight  at  Chatterton  Hill,  246. 

Hazlewood,  Commodore,  referred  to, 
i.  317. 


496 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


Heath,  General,  author  of  a  Journal ; 
his  account  of  the  affair  at  Chatterton 
Hill,  i.  246,  2-17. 

Henry,  Patrick,  more  fitted  for  the 
Senate  than  the  field,  i.  196  ;  resigns 
his  commission  because  he  was  not 
made  a  General  Officer,  173  ;  his 
guarded  opinions  on  the  subject  of  in- 
dependence, 202. 

Henry,  William,  of  Lancaster,  in  1777 
Deputy  Commissary-General ;  elected 
a  member  of  the  American  Philoso- 
phical Society;  inventor  of  the  screw 
auger  ;  his  marriage  ;  elected  a  mem- 
ber of  Congress,  ii.  235. 

Hessia7is,  the  arrival  of,  i.  215. 

HiGGiNSON,  Stephen,  appointed  one  of 
the  commissioners  to  negotiate  with 
the  Indians,  ii.  407. 

Hillsborough,  Lord,  made  Secretary 
of  State  for  the  Colonies,  in  1767;  the 
obnoxious  duty  of  enforcing  the  re- 
venue act  devolves  on;  the  measures 
taken  completely  fail ;  in  1772  resigns, 
i.  45. 

Hitchcock,  Colonel,  commands  part  of 
detachment  at  Bristol,  i.  275. 

HoFKiNsoN,  Francis,  a  candidate  for 
Mr.  Sargent's  gold  medal,  i.  40. 

Houston,  William  C,  of  New  Jersey, 
one  of  the  commissioners  on  the  Wyo- 
ming controversy,  ii.  388. 

Howe,  Sir  William,  General,  orders 
the  landing  of  three  hundred  inhabit- 
ants of  Boston  at  Point  Shirley,  des- 
titute almost  of  everything,  i.  129  ; 
prepares  to  embark  his  troops,  170  ; 
his  arrival  at  Staten  Island  with  the 
fleet,  193 ;  his  letter  to  Lord  George 
Germain  on  Colonel  Patterson's  in- 
terviews with  General  Washington, 
207 ;  lands  at  Gravesend,  Long  Island, 
219  ;  his  account  of  the  battle  of  Long 
Island,  222;  lands  his  troops  at  Frog's 
Neck,  244 ;  his  incapacity  and  blun- 
ders, 245  ;  proclaims  immunity  to  all 
who  will  give  in  their  allegiance,  268 ; 
his  army  on  shipboard  in  New  York 
harbour,  303  ;  sails  from  Sandy  Hook, 
304;  lands  his  army  in  Cecil  County, 
Maryland,  a  disaffected  district,  305; 
fortifies  Philadelphia,  323 ;  want  of 
provisions  in  Philadelphia,  329;  the 
dangerous  situation  of  his  army,  335 ; 
gives  notice  to  the  citizens  of  Phila- 
delphia that,  from  the  state  of  his  pro- 
visions, he  will  be  unable  to  supply 
them,  341 ;  in  the  action  of  the  6th 
December  he  retreats,  burning  several 
houses,  &c.,  351. 

Howe,  Robert,  General,  of  the  Ame- 
rican army,  at  Verplanck's  Point ; 
Washington,  in  his  despatch  to  Con- 
gress, expresses  his  regret  at  the  failure 
of  the  attack  on  Verplanck's  Point, 


but  throws  no  blame  on  the  com- 
manding officer,  n.  117. 

Howe,  Lord,  Admiral  of  the  British 
fleet,  seeks  a  conference  with  Wash- 
ington, i.  204;  conference  refused,  on 
account  of  his  not  addressing  as  Ge- 
neral, ib. ;  official  letter  to  the  Admi- 
ralty, 220;  his  attempt  at  negotiation, 
232  ;  want  of  power  to  negotiate,  233. 

Hull,  William,  Major,  engaged  at 
the  storming  of  Stoney  Point,  ii.  111. 

Hunter,  Samuel,  Lieutenant,  his  letter 
from  Northumberland  County  on  the 
depredations  of  the  Indians,  ii.  68. 

Huntington,  Mr.,  of  Connecticut,  Pre- 
sident of  Congress,  description  of,  by 
the  Marquis  de  Chastellux,  ii.  309. 

HusKE,  Mr.,  M.P.  from  Maiden,  Essex, 
i.  32 ;  his  servility  to  the  Townshend 
family  ;  his  proposal  in  the  House  of 
Commons  to  raise  £500,000  in  the 
Colonies  ;  his  character,  as  drawn  by 
Mr.  Reed  ;  his  death,  33. 

Hutchinson,  Governor,  the  publica- 
tion of  his  letters,  his  effigy,  along 
with  that  of  Mr.  Wedderburne, 
burned  in  Philadelphia,  i.  59 ;  his 
schemes  to  disunite  the  Colonies, 
104  ;  remarks  on  the  public  being  ad- 
mitted to  the  galleries  of  the  House  of 
Assembly  in  Massachusetts. 

Hutchinson,  James,  Doctor,  a  Consti- 
tutionalist, a  friend  of  Mr.  Reed's,  be- 
gan his  education  under  Paul  Pres- 
ton, ii.  127  ;  graduated  in  Philadel- 
phia ;  receives  a  gold  medal  from  the 
Medical  College  ;  goes  to  England  ; 
studies  under  Dr.  Fothergill ;  returns 
with  despatches  from  Dr.  Franklin  ; 
chased  by  a  British  ship  of  war ; 
saves  the  despatches  by  leaving  the 
ship  in  an  open  boat  ;  loses  his 
library  ;  joins  the  army  ;  expelled 
from  the  Society  of  Friends ;  one  of 
the  Committee  of  Safety  ;  one  of  the 
Trustees  of  the  University  of  Penn- 
sylvania ;  elected  Professor  of  Che- 
mistry ;  chosen  a  member  of  the  Phi- 
losophical Society ;  made  physician 
to  the  Pennsylvania  Hospital ;  his 
death,  ii.  128. 


I. 


Indians,  massacre  of,  at  Lancaster,  by 
the  "  Paxton  Boys,"  i.  34 ;  Dr.  John 
E wing's  version  of  the  affair,  its  cause, 
&c.,  35  ;  commission  for  the  pacifica- 
tion of,  353 ;  proposition  to  employ 
them  in  the  war,  418;  massacre  at 
Wyoming  by,  ii.  66  ;  their  incursions 
in  Westmoreland,  &c.,  66;  attack 
the  inhabitants  near  Fort  Jenkins, 
&c.,  68;  kill  and  scalp  four  families 
near  Bushy  Run,  70 ;   kill  and  take 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


497 


prisoners  about  forty  persons  in  Cen- 
tre County,  ib. ;  measures  taken 
against,  89  ;  their  power  to  do  further 
injury  destroyed  by  General  Sullivan, 
who  carries  iire  and  sword  into  their 
settlements,  107;  commissioners  ap- 
pointed to  negotiate  with,  407;  In- 
gersoU  Judge  of  the  Admiralty  Court, 
i.  57,  the  under-officers,  58. 

Ingersoll,  Jared,  at  this  time  in  Eng- 
land, his  letter  to  Mr.  Reed  referred 
to,  afterwards  an  eminent  citizen  of 
Pennsylvania,  marries  Miss  Pettit,  i. 
181 ;  Member  of  Congress — of  the 
Convention  to  form  the  Federal  Con- 
stitution, Attorney- General  of  Penn- 
sylvania, and  President  Judge  of  the 
District  Court,  his  death  in  1822,  ii. 
40;  one  of  Mr.  Reed's  executors, 
416. 

Irvine,  James,  General,  commands  at 
the  skirmish  at  Chestnut  Hill,  i.  350  ; 
is  wounded,  left  on  the  field  and  taken 
prisoner,  351. 

Irvine,  William,  General,  letter  from 
West  Point,  ii.  117;  on  the  distresses 
of  the  troops,  129 ;  on  the  discontent 
at  the  Camp  near  Morristown,  201 ; 
to  General  Wayne  on  the  supineness 
of  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly,  357. 


J. 


Jay,  John,  his  letter  to  Robert  Morris, 
i.  235  ;  his  efforts  in  Spain  unsuccess- 
ful, ii.  374. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  Governor  of  Vir- 
ginia ;  President  Reed's  letter  to, 
on  Mason  and  Di.xon's  line,  ii.  135. 

Johnstone,  George,  Governor,  one  of 
the  British  Commissioners,  i.  366  ; 
friend  of  Colonial  rights,  372 ;  his  ex- 
pression in  the  House  of  Commons^that 
the  Commissioners  would  try  whether 
the  Americans  would  be  divided  in 
their  measures,  375 ;  his  letter  to 
General  Reed  on  his  mission,  376 ; 
writes  to  Robert  Morris,  381  ;  does 
not  receive  Reed's  answer,  ib.;  his 
conversation  with  Mrs.  Ferguson, 
383,  384  ;  his  attempt  to  corrupt  Gene- 
ral Reed,  388 ;  Congress  resolves  to 
hold  no  correspondence  with,  389 ; 
publishes  a  counter  manifesto,  390  ; 
in  this  document  does  not  deny  the 
charges  preferred  against  him  by  Con- 
gress, 392  ;  sails  for  England,  his 
reasons,  ib. ;  his  letter  to  Adam  Fer- 
guson denying  his  conversations  with 
Mrs.  Ferguson  relative  to  General 
Reed,  392,  393 ;  defends  his  conduct 

VOL.  II.  32 


in  the  House  of  Commons,  394 ;  his 
letter  to  Mr.  Dana  relative  to  Dr. 
Franklin  referred  to,  396  ;  extract 
from  his  speech  on  American  affairs. 
425. 

Johnson,  William  Samuel,  Doctor, 
of  Connecticut  ;  recommended  by 
President  Reed  to  be  Provost  of  the 
University  of  Pennsylvania,  ii.  172  ; 
represents  Connecticut  at  Trenton  on 
the  Wyoming  controversy,  388  ;  the 
ablest  man  in  the  agency ;  a  good 
speaker  and  a  man  of  candour,  389. 

Jones,  Gabriel,  made  Commissioner 
on  Indian  affairs,  i.  353. 

Jones,  Joseph,  of  Virginia ;  one  of  the 
Commissioners  on  the  Wyoming  con- 
troversy, ii.  388. 

Jones,  Paul,  captures  a  British  frigate 
off  Flamborough  Head,  ii.  75 ;  the 
alarm  he  caused  on  the  British  coast, 
76. 


K. 


Keith,  Sir  William,  formerly  Go- 
vernor of  Pennsylvania,  Mrs.  ]?"ergu- 
son's  grandfather,  i.  381. 

Keppel,  Admiral,  refuses  to  serve 
against  the  Americans ;  accompanied 
Braddock's  expedition  to  America  in 
1755,  ii.  77. 

Knight's,  Pictorial  History  of  the  Reign 
of  George  III.,  misstatement  regard- 
ing Washington,  i.  228. 

Knowlton,  Colonel,  of  Connecticut, 
his  death  at  the  skirmish  on  Harlaem 
Heights,  i.  238. 

Knyphausen,  General,  commander  in 
the  British  army  at  the  battle  of 
Brandywine,  i.  307. 

Knox,  General,  his  opinion  regarding 
the  keeping  possession  of  Red  Bank, 
i.  339 ;  nominated  for  the  War  Depart- 
ment, ii.  375. 

Knox.  Lieutenant,  leads  the  van  at 
Stoney  Point,  ii.  116;  is  recommended 
to  President  Reed  by  General  Wayne. 
ib. 


Lacey,  John,  General,  of  Bucks  County, 
sketch  of  his  life,  ii.  236. 

Laurens,  Henry,  President  of  Con- 
gress, his  letter  appointing  Mr.  Reed 
commissioner  on  Indian  affairs,  i.  353; 
his  mission  to  Europe,  his  return,  ii. 
373  ;  his  letter  to  Mr.  Reed  410. 

Lauzun,  Due  de,  his  memoirs  referred 
to,  ii.  130. 


498 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


Lawson,  Captain,  commands  the  van  at 
the  storming  of  Stoney  Point,  ii.  113. 

Learned,  Colonel,  made  Brigadier  Ge- 
neral, i.  296. 

Lee,  Arthur,  an  American  student  in 
London,  43 ;  an  ardent  friend  of  the 
Colonial  cause,  ih. ;  Mr.  Reed  endea- 
vours to  make  him  Colonial  agent,  ib. ; 
his  letter  to  Mr.  Reed  on  American 
affairs,  47;  disparages  Mr.  Reed  to 
the  secret  Committee;  his  character, 
397;  his  friendly  letter  to  Mr.  Reed, 
ii.  407. 

Lee,  Charles,  General,  his  seizure  of 
the  Rhode  Island  Tories,  i.  138;  his 
Rhode  Island  oath,  ib. ;  sent  by 
Washington  to  New  York,  144;  his 
curious  letter  to  Robert  Morris,  155; 
sent  to  Virginia,  163 ;  Washington 
leaves  him  in  command  of  the  rear- 
guard on  the  Hudson,  248 ;  his  way- 
ward character,  251  ;  his  popularity, 
ib. ;  repulses  the  British  at  Fort 
Moultrie,  253;  his  letters  to  Colonel 
Reed,  253,  254  ;  salvation  of  the  army 
ascribed  to,  255 ;  his  Queries,  261 ; 
captured  by  Colonel  Harcourt,  269; 
a  prisoner  at  Brunswick,  285;  letter 
to  Mr.  Reed,  369  ;  his  remarks  in  Dun- 
lap's  Gazette,  ii.  42;  his  attack  on 
Washington  under  the  title  of  "  Que- 
ries Political  and  Military,"  119;  his 
Philadelphia  correspondent,  ib. ;  the 
Philadelphia  press  refuses  to  publish 
his  "  Queries,"  120. 

Lee,  R.  H.,  one  of  the  Virginia  Dele- 
gates, i.  107. 

Lee,  William,  Colonel,  recommended 
by  Congress  to  be  Adjutant- General, 
i.  299. 

Lee,  Henry,  Jr.,  his  letter  to  President 
Reed  inclosing  a  draft  of  the  works 
at  Stoney  Point,  ii.  lOS ;  description 
of  the  storming  of  Stoney  Point,  113  ; 
surprises  Powles  Hook,  125;  his  let- 
ters to  President  Reed  on  the  subject, 
126,  127  ;  congratulated  by  Washing- 
ton and  the  other  generals,  127;  ar- 
rives at  head-quarters  of  the  Southern 
Army,  his  letter  to  President  Reed  on 
Southern  prospects,  346. 

Latch,  Major,  commander  of  Virginia 
Troops,  his  good  conduct  under  Gene- 
ral Reed,  death  from  his  wounds,  i. 
238. 

Leslie,  General  of  the  British,  referred 
to,  i.  283. 

Lexington,  battle  of,  i.  97;  how  viewed 
in  Great  Britain,  100. 

Lincoln,  General,  commands  on  the 
North  River,  i.  291  ;  is  ordered  to 
move  to  New  York,  ib. ;  nominated 
for  the  War  Department,  ii.  375; 
elected  Secretary  of  War,  387  ;  spo- 
ken of  as  Governor  of  Massachusetts, 
394. 


Livingston,  William,  Governor  of 
New  Jersey,  i.  267 ;  extract  of  his 
letter  to  Mr.  Laurens  on  the  British 
Ministry  stooping  to  the  minority  to 
make  the  Americans  relish  the  terms 
of  accommodation,  373;  to  his  daugh- 
ter on  the  too  good  treatment  of  the 
British  prisoners  in  Philadelphia,  ii. 
26  ;  to  President  Reed,  advising  of  a 
plan  to  assassinate  Washington  and 
others,  337 ;  most  obnoxious  to  the 
British,  338;  Theodore  Sedgwick's 
memoir,  ib. 

Lojidon  Riots,  instigated  by  Lord 
George  Gordon,  ii.  196. 

Lo7ig  Island,  battle  of,  disparity  of  num- 
bers, i.  220. 

Lovell,  James,  his  letter  to  General 
Gates  referred  to,  as  showing  the  ex- 
tent of  the  hostility  entertained  against 
the  Commander-in-chief,  i.  343. 

LuTTERLOH,  Colonel,  a  candidate  for  the 
office  of  Quartermaster- General,  i. 
363. 

Luzerne,  Chevalier  de  la,  succeeds  M. 
Gerard  as  French  Ambassador,  his 
reception  in  Philadelphia,  ii.  129. 

Luzerne,  Countess  de,  contributes 
one  hundred  and  fifty  dollars  in  specie 
to  the  ladies'  donation  fund,  ii.  262. 


M. 


M'Call,  author  of  a  history  of  Geor- 
gia, commends  the  administration  of 
Governor  Wright,  i.  33. 

M'DouGALL,  George,  General,  super- 
intends the  embarkation  of  the  troops 
on  their  retreat  to  New  York,  i.  227 ; 
his  letter  to  Mr.  Reed  on  public  affairs, 
ii.  57  ;  Washington's  character  of,  his 
death,  59.  • 

M'Intosh,  General,  his  letter  to  Mr. 
Locke  on  Indian  depredations  referred 
to,  ii.  67 ;  marches  with  six  hundred 
men  to  throw  provisions  into  Fort 
Laurens,  82 ;  his  safe  return  to  Fort 
Pitt,  86 ;  his  arrival  in  Philadelphia, 
92. 

M'Kean,  Thomas,  made  Chief  Justice 
of  Pennsylvania  in  place  of  Mr.  Reed, 
who  declined  the  office,  i.  303  ;  his 
sentence  of  Roberts  and  Carlisle,  ii. 
35 ;  his  opinion  of  the  legal  right  of 
the  crown  to  grant  the  charter,  167; 
Member  of  Congress  for  Delaware, 
245;  his  letter  to  Mr.  Reed  on  the 
embarrassments  of  Congress  tor  want 
of  money,  249 ;  proposes  the  sale  of 
the  public  lands,  250 ;  his  grandson 
Prime  Minister  of  Spain,  251 ;  informs 
the  Executive  Board  of  Arnold's 
having   joined    the   enemy   at   New 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


499 


York,  272;  made  President  of  Con- 
gress, 307. 
M'Knight,    James,    Member    of    the 
Pennsylvania   Assembly,  taken   pri- 
soner by  the  Indians,  ii.  67. 

M'Lane,  Allen,  Captain,  his  narrative 
of  the  Fort  Wilson  Riot,  ii.  150. 

M'Pherson,  Captain,  his  plan  for  de- 
stroying the  naval  power  of  Great 
Britain,  i.  126  ;  appointed  to  the  com- 
mand of  one  of  the  Light  Infantry 
battalions,  ii.  243  ;  difficulty  between 
St.  Clair  and  Wayne  in  consequence 
of,  ib. 

Madison,  James,  (Bishop,)  appointed 
by  Virginia  one  of  the  Commissioners 
to  settle  the  controversy  with  Penn- 
sylvania, ii.  133. 

Magaw,  Colonel  of  the  Pennsylvania 
Line,  i.  224;  commands  at  Mount 
Washington,  252;  his  answer  to  the 
British  Adjutant-General,  (6. 

Mamaronec,  camp  at ;  Major  Rogers  is 
surprised  by  Lord  Stirling,  i.  245. 

Manley,  Captain,  captures  the  "  Nan- 
cy" store  ship,  i.  132  ;  takes  a  Glas- 
gow ship,  134  ;  takes  two  ships,  148  ; 
his  narrow  escape  from  the  British, 
159. 

Mansfield,  Lord,  his  theory  of  juries 
in  libel  cases,  i.  44  ;  his  speech  on  the 
Boston  commotion,  62  ;  is  aflected  by 
Mrs.  Siddons's  acting,  ii.  412. 

Makbois,  Bakbe  de,  French  Secretary 
of  Legation  ;  his  courteous  letter  to 
Mrs.  Reed,  informing  her  that  by 
general  suffrage  she  is  placed  at  the 
head  of  the  "  Ladies'  Subscription 
fund,"  ii.  260. 

Marion,  General,  referred  to  by  Gene- 
ral Greene,  who  has  not  much  faith 
in  his  mode  of  warfare,  ii.  352. 

Marshall,  Christopher,  a  Hickory 
Quaker,  extracts  from  his  diary,  i. 
186,  ii.  33. 

Marshall,  Chief  Justice,  quoted,  i. 
277 ;  served  as  a  volunteer  at  the 
battle  of  Brandywine  under  General 
Greene,  307  ;  quotation  from  his  Life 
of  Washington  on  the  Ladies'  Sub- 
scription, ii.  263. 

Maryland,  military  preparations  of,  i. 
90. 

Maryland  Journal,  publishes  General 
Lee's  "  Queries,"  i.  262  ;  general  in- 
dignation against  on  this  account,  ii. 
121  ;  the  editor's  recantation,  ih. 

Mason  and  Dixo?i^ s  line  agreed  to,  ii. 
135. 

Mason,  John,  executed  as  a  British 
spy,  ii.  325. 

Massachusetts  applies  to  Pennsylvania 
for  bread,  ii.  83. 

Mathews,  General,  referred  to,  i.  252. 


Mawhood,  Colonel,  engages  Mercer 
at  Princeton,  i.  289. 

Maxwell,  General,  referred  to,  i.  313  ; 
at  Elizabeth  Town,  ii.  73. 

Mehelm,  Colonel  of  Militia,  i.  293. 

Meigs,  Colonel,  engaged  in  the  storm- 
ing of  Stoney  Point,  ii.  111. 

Mercer,  Hugh,  elected  Brigadier-Ge- 
neral, i.  189;  marches  towards  Prince- 
ton, 288  ;  engages  Colonel  Maw- 
hood ;  his  horse  disabled  ;  wounded 
and  left  on  the  field,  289;  is  taken 
prisoner  ;  his  death,  291. 

Meredith,  Samuel,  made  Major,  i.  105. 

Memhers  of  Coimcil,  list  of,  ii.  475. 

Mifflin,  Thomas,  an  influential  citi- 
zen, i.  65  ;  appointed  Quartermaster- 
General,  119  ;  resigns  his  seat  in  Con- 
gress, 161  ;  sent  ibr  at  Kingsbridge, 
224 ;  his  answer  to  Colonel  Hand, 
228 ;  sent  by  Washington  to  Phila- 
delphia, 265  ;  his  letter  describing  his 
success,  266 ;  his  hostility  to  Presi- 
dent Reed,  ii.  309. 

Miles,  Colonel,  engaged  in  the  battle 
of  Long  Island,  i.  221. 

Militia,  their  disgraceful  conduct  at 
Long  Island,  i.  229  ;  redeemed  in  the 
action  of  6th  December,  351  ;  suc- 
cesses at  King's  Mountain,  ii.  355. 

Miller,  Captain,  commanded  in  the 
redoubt  at  the  retreat  from  Long 
Island,  i.  228. 

Missouri  Question,  resolutions  on  by 
the  Legislature  of  Pennsylvania  in 
1819;  written  by  William  J.  Duane, 
ii.  178. 

Molesworth,  James,  executed  as  a 
spy,  ii.  30;  extract  from  his  examina- 
tion, 31. 

Montgomery,  General,  joins  Arnold 
with  2000  men,  i.  139  ;  his  death,  146  ; 
behaviour  of  his  men,  149. 

Montressor,  Captain,  his  examination 
before  Parliament,  i.  224. 

Monmouth,  battle  of,  i.  368. 

Montreal,  its  capitulation,  i.  132. 

Moody,  John,  belonging  to  Colonel 
Burton's  Tory  regiment ;  executed  as 
a  spy,  ii.  338. 

Morgan,  John,  Doctor,  the  successful 
competitor  for  Mr.  Sargent's  gold 
medal,  i.  40 ;  wanted  at  the  camp  in  a 
professional  capacity,  127. 

Morgan,  Jacob,  made  major,  i.  105; 
met  the  enemy  at  Edge  Hill,  350; 
commands  at  Broad  Hill,  ii.  346. 

Moore,  William,  Vice-President  of 
the  Executive  Council,  ii.  333;  suc- 
ceeds Mr.  Reed  as  President  of  Penn- 
sylvania, 369. 

Morris,  Gouverneuk,  his  letter  to 
Mr.  Jay  from  Camp,  i.  358 ;  Robert 
Morris's  financial  assistant,  ii.  376. 


500 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


Morris,  Robert,  Delegate  from  Penn- 
sylvania, communicates  to  Congress 
Mr.  De  Berdt's  letter  to  Mr.  Reed,  i. 
198  ;  his  opposition  to  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  201 ;  his  letter  to 
General  Gates,  acquainting  him  of 
the  intended  assistance  of  France, 
256  ;  supports  Mr.  Deane's  cause  and 
its  consequence,  ii.  143  ;  his  difficulty 
with  the  committee  on  prices,  146 ; 
his  protest  against  the  re-enaction  of 
the  Tender  Laws,  291 ;  appointed 
Superintendent  of  Finance,  296;  his 
letter  to  the  Governor  on  the  support 
of  the  army,  354 ;  his  advantages  over 
other  merchants,  374  ;  his  extraordi- 
nary powers,  however,  attended  with 
real  benefit,  ib. ;  influence  in  the  ap- 
pointment of  public  officers,  ib. ;  em- 
ploys Paine.  393  ;  resigns  his  office  of 
Superintendent  of  Finance,  ib. 

Mount  Washington,  nearly  surrounded 
by  British  troops,  i.  252;  reinforced 
by  General  Greene,  ib. ;  its  surren- 
der, 253. 

MoYLAJj,  Stephen,  made  Mustermas- 
ter-General,  i.  119;  appointed  one 
of  Washington's  aids,  169;  made 
Quartermaster-General,  189;  his  let- 
ters to  Washington,  318,  368;  a 
Roman  Catholic,  ii.  22;  his  letter  to 
Reed,  informing  him  of  Andre's  ex- 
ecution, ii.  276. 

Muhlenberg,  Frederick  A.,  Speaker 
of  the  General  Assembly,  Mr.  Reed's 
letter  to,  asking  for  a  public  investi- 
gation relative  to  the  mutiny  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Line,  ii.  336. 

Murray,  Sir  James,  a  British  officer 
wounded  at  Chestnut  Hill,  i.  350. 


N. 


Neal,  Captain  of  artillery,  killed  at  the 
battle  of  Princeton,  i.  288. 

Negroes,  decision  on,  i.  48;  Washington 
fears  that  many  would  join  Lord  Dun- 
more  in  Virginia,  135. 

Nelson,  Thomas,  of  Virginia,  one  of 
the  commissioners  on  the  Wyoming 
controversy,  ii.  388. 

New  Jersey,  disaffected,  i.  268. 

New  York,  Mr.  Reed's  plan  of  attack 
on,  i.  344 ;  movement  on,  abandoned, 
ii.  245. 

Nicholas,  Samuel,  of  Philadelphia,  cap- 
tain of  marines,  made  major,  his  death, 
i.  284. 

Nicola,  Colonel,  on  the  recruiting  ser- 
vice, referred  to  in  General  Wayne's 
letter  to  President  Reed,  ii.  271. 

Nixon,  John,  made  lieutenant-colonel, 
i.  105. 


North,  Lord,  his  views  on  American 
affairs,  i.  46;  determines  not  to  lay 
the  Governors  of  the  Colonies'  pri- 
vate opinions  before  the  House,  54; 
introduces  into  Parliament  the  Boston 
Port  Bill,  61 ;  his  reception  of  the 
news  of  the  commencement  of  hosti- 
lities and  surrender  of  Cornwallis, 
103;  vainly  opposes  the  King's  reso- 
lute purpose  to  enforce  the  obedience 
of  the  Colonies,  366 ;  communicates  to 
Parliament  that  the  Spanish  ambas- 
sador had  quitted  London,  ii.  123;  re- 
tires from  office,  ii.  404. 

Northumberland,  county  of,  raises  three 
companies  for  the  protection  of  the 
frontiers  against  the  incursions  of  the 
Indians,  ii.  105. 


O. 


Odell,  the  Rev.  Mr.,  a  refugee  Episco- 
pal divine  from  New  Jersey,  author  of 
some  loyalist  poetry  of  the  revolution, 
ii.  149;  the  medium  of  communication 
between  Arnold  and  Andre,  170 ;  a 
contributor  to  Rivington's  Royal 
Gazette,  ib. 

Ogden,  James,  hanged  as  a  British  spy, 
ii.  325. 

"  Old  Friend,^''  General  Lee's  corre- 
spondent in  Philadelphia,  letters  of,  ii. 
119. 

Osborne,  Sir  George,  Colonel,  his  ex- 
amination before  the  Committee  of 
the  House  of  Commons  relative  to  the 
battle  of  Germantown,  i.  319. 


P. 


Paca  of  Maryland,  Chairman  of  the 
Congressional  Committee  on  General 
Arnold,  his  letter  to  the  Council  of 
Pennsylvania,  ii.  49. 

Paine  Thomas,  author  of  "  Common 
Sense,"  Washington's  opinion  of  this 
work,  i.  148;  change  in  the  people's 
mind  caused  by  "  Common  Sense," 
180 ;  his  appeal  to  the  Executive 
Council  of  Pennsylvania  for  pecuniary 
assistance,  ii.  154;  his  controversy 
with  M.  Gerard,  154  ;  elected  clerk 
to  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania, 
177;  his  letter  to  President  Reed  on 
public  affairs,  218  ;  his  financial  plans, 
219;  his  letter  to  Robert  Morris  pro- 
posing that  tenants  should  pay  into 
the  Treasury  one  quarter's  rent,  368; 
hired  as  a  political  writer  by  Morris 
and  Livingston,  393  ;  the  object  of  his 
letters  laudable,  ib. 

Palfrey,  Colonel,  appointed  one  of 
Washington's  aids,  i.  169;   goes  on 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


501 


board  Lord  Howe's  ship  to  negotiate 
an  exchange  of  prisoners,  210. 

Parsons,  General,  was  missing  after 
the  battle  of  Long  Island,  his  safe  re- 
turn to  Camp,  i.  225. 

"  Paxto7i  Boys,"  their  massacre  of  the 
Indians  at  Lancaster,  i.  34. 

Penn,  Governor,  his  letter  on  Colonial 
affairs,  i.  50  ;  to  Lord  Dartmouth,  67; 
his  refusal  to  call  the  Assembly,  67; 
convokes  it  on  the  rumour  of  Indian 
hostilities,  67;  taken  into  custody  by 
order  of  Congress,  sent  to  Virginia 
and  discharged  on  parole,  303. 

Penn  Family,  divested  of  their  rights 
as  Proprietaries  of  Pennsylvania,  the 
compensation  allowed,  ii.  168;  allow- 
ed also  an  annuity  from  Great  Britain, 
169. 

Penn,  John,  grandson  of  the  first  Pro- 
prietary, had  been  Deputy- Governor, 
ii.  164. 

Penn,  Richard,  another  of  the  family, 
the  bearer  of  the  last  petition  of  Con- 
gress to  the  King,  ii.  165  ;  his  exami- 
nation before  Parliament,  165. 

Penn,  Thomas,  son  of  William  Penn, 
residing  in  Great  Britain,  joint-owner 
whh  John  Penn,  ii.  165. 

Pennsylvania,  Assembly  of,  sends 
Franklin  to  London  as  agent  for  the 
Province,  i.  37;  resolves  that  a  Con- 
gress is  necessary,  71  ;  sends  seven 
of  its  number  to  attend  Congress,  72  ; 
adopts  all  the  measures  of  that  body, 
88  ;  refusal  of  to  repair  the  barracks, 
ib.;  reluctance  to  vote  supplies,  107; 
resolves  to  admit  seventeen  new  Re- 
presentatives, 165;  adjournment  of, 
187;  end  of  the  Charter  Government, 
188 ;  new  Constitution  proclaimed, 
meeting  of  the  new  Assembly,  ib. ; 
gives  General  Wayne  and  his  officers 
a  vote  of  thanks  for  the  storming  of 
Stoney  Point,  ii.  116;  its  vote  of 
thanks  to  President  Reed,  154  ;  mes- 
sages to,  by  President  Reed,  159; 
proclaims  Martial  Law,  dictatorial 
powers  conferred  on  the  Executive, 
208;  messages  to,  on  public  credit, 
&c.,  297;  adjournment  of,  leaving  an 
empty  treasury,  299 ;  report  of  the 
Committee  of,  exculpating  Generals 
Reed  and  Potter  regarding  the  mutiny 
of  the  Pennsylvania  Line,  336  ;  elects 
Mr.  Reed  to  represent  the  State  in 
Congress  after  his  return  from  Eng- 
land, 415. 

Pennsylvania,  its  politics  in  1776,  Con- 
stitution of,  very  defective,  ii.  19; 
amendment  of  the  Constitution,  46. 

Pennsylvania,  Colony  of,  its  advantages 
over  the  others,  i.  153. 

Pennsylvania,  Executive  Council  of, 
unanimously  elects  Mr.  Reed  to  the 
office  of  Chief  Justice,  i.  300;    Mr. 


Reed's  letter  to,  declining  the  office 
on  account  of  his  engagements  with 
W^ashington,  301  ;  issues  a  proclama- 
tion against  forestalling,  &c.,  ii.  142; 
proclamation  for  raising  money  and  a 
suspension  of  foreign  trade,  333  ;  list 
of  members  of,  475. 

Pennsylvania,  Militia  of,  impatience  to 
return  home,  i.  214;  number  of,  en- 
gaged in  the  battle  of  Long  Island, 
221  ;  disbanded  by  Washington  on 
account  of  the  want  of  provisions,  ii. 
244;  detained  at  Trenton,  247;  dis- 
missed, 248. 

Pennsylvania,  Troops  of,  their  letter  of 
thanks  to  President  Reed,  ii.  65. 

Pennsylvania  Line,  revolt  of,  ii.  312  ; 
its  causes,  313  ;  obeys  a  board  of  Ser- 
geants, 319  ;  permits  General  St. 
Clair  and  La  Fayette  to  visit  it,  but 
afterwards  orders  them  to  leave,  320  ; 
willing  to  be  led  against  the  enemy 
by  General  Wayne,  Colonels  Butler 
and  Stewart,  but  not  by  its  other  offi- 
cers, ib.  ;  divisions  and  jealousies 
amongst,  ib.  ;  negotiations  with,  328; 
settlement  of  the  revolt,  330. 

Peterborough,  Bishop  of,  opposed  to 
the  administration  of  Great  Britain  on 
Colonial  affairs,  i.  145. 

Pettit,  Charles,  a  member  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Assembly,  i.  182;  made 
Assistant  Quartermaster- General, 
364  ;  one  of  Mr.  Reed's  executors,  ii. 
416. 

Philadelphia,  military  movements  near, 
i.  314;  the  metropolis  of  the  States, 
ib. ;  in  possession  of  the  British,  ib. ; 
evacuated,  367  ;  public  feeling  of,  ii. 
38 ;  affairs  of,  in  1779,  143 ;  Grand 
Jury  of,  presents  the  wives  of  British 
emissaries,  147;  meeting  of  an  artil- 
lery company  of  militia  in,  ?7).  ;  its 
address  to  the  Committee  on  Provi- 
sions, 148  ;  second  town  meeting,  ib. ; 
ladies  of,  their  donation  to  the  sol- 
diers, 248;  Mrs.  Reed's  agency  in, 
ih. ;  subscriptions  of  the  ladies  of,  260  ; 
amount  of  subscriptions,  261  ;  number 
of  subscribers,  262;  excitement  in,  on 
the  news  of  the  defeat  of  the  Count 
de  Grasse,384  ;  betting  in,  ib. ;  names 
of  the  ladies  of,  who  collected  the 
contributions,  429  ;  names  of  the  lady 
contributors.  431,  et  seq. 

Phillips,  General,  his  junction  with 
Lord  Cornwallisin  Virginia,  ii.  361. 

Pickering,  Colonel,  made  Adjutant- 
General,  i.  299. 

Pierce,  Major,  is  bearer  of  a  letter  from 
Reed  to  Greene,  ii.  371. 

Pine  Street  Presbyterian  Church,  ex- 
tract from  the  minutes  of,  relative  to 
Mr.  Reed's  pew  in,  ii.  392. 

Piquet,    La    Mothe,    expected    from 


502 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


France  with  a  large  armament,  ii. 
385. 

Pitt  and  Fox,  contests  between,  cause 
great  violence  and  confusion  in  Lon- 
don, ii.  407. 

Post-office,  grievances  in,  i.  56  ;  the  in- 
solence of  its  officers,  57. 

Potter,  General,  referred  to,  i.  325  ; 
routed  by  the  enemy,  354 ;  his  descrip- 
tion of  the  condition  of  Penn's  Valley 
from  the  attacks  of  the  Indians,  ii.  70  ; 
letter  to  President  Reed  from  Penn's 
Valley,  84. 

Fowles  Hook,  the  surprisal  of  by  Henry 
Lee,  ii.  125  ;  description  ofits  capture, 
by  Levin  Handy,  ih. 

Prescott,  Colonel,  detached  to  oppose 
General  Howe  at  Frogs'  Neck,  i.  244. 

Princeton  College,  extract  from  the 
minutes  of,  appointing  Dr.  Wither- 
spoon  and  General  Reed  to  solicit 
benefactions  for,  ii.  398;  failure  of  the 
mission,  399. 

Privateersmen,  Washington's  opinion 
of,  i.  128. 

Prize  Essay,  by  Mr.  Reed,  i.  403. 

Proprietary  Bill,  a  favourite  one  of  Mr. 
Reed's,  urged  by  him  on  the  Assem- 
bly, ii.  164. 

Provisions,  price  of,  i.  331  ;  table  of 
prices  of,  in  Philadelphia,  ii.  144. 

Pulaski,  Count,  elected  to  the  com- 
mand of  the  light  horse,  i.  300  ;  his 
curious  and  characteristic  letter  to 
Colonel  Theodoric  Bland,  318. 

PuTXAM,  General,  christens  a  mortar 
by  the  name  of"  Congress,"  i.  133  ; 
was  to  have  had  the  command  at  the 
storming  of  Boston,  180;  Reed's  visit 
to,  275  ;  is  ordered  to  advance  and 
collect  recruits  at  Crosswicks,  287  ; 
Washington's  surprise  at  his  delay  at 
Crosswicks,  and  not  advancing  to 
Princeton,  292. 


Q. 

Quakers  of  Pennsylvania,  twenty-two 
in  the  Assembly  in  1764;  their  friend- 
ship for  the  Lidians,  i.  34  ;  their  private 
encouragement  to  the  opposers  of  the 
landing  of  tea ;  their  aversion  to  po- 
litical changes,  62;  comply  with  all 
the  measures  of  Congress,  88 ;  change 
of  feeling  amongst,  90. 

Quebec  Bill,  very  unpopular,  i.  75. 

Quick,  Colonel,  of  the  militia,  Wash- 
ington's queries  to  Reed,  in  what 
manner  his  regiment  left  the  rangers 
at  Princeton,  i.  293. 

QuiNCY,  .losiAH,  Jun.,  sent  on  a  mission 
to  London,  i.  84 ;  his  letter  to  Mr. 
Reed,  85 ;  his  patriotic  sentiments,  his 
death,  86. 


R. 


Ramsey,  Doctor,  referred  to  by  General 
Greene  in  his  letter  to  Mr.  Reed,  ii. 
378. 

Randolph,  frigate,  her  success,  i.  335. 

Rawle,  William,  his  description  of 
William  Bradford's  professional  ca- 
reer, ii.  132;   of  Joseph  Reed,  392. 

Rawdon,  Lord,  commands  the  British 
at  the  battle  of  Camden,  ii.  362. 

Red  Bajik,  Americans'  success  at,  i. 
135  ;  loss  of  the  British  there,  330  ; 
two  men  executed  as  spies  at,  334 ;  its 
evacuation,  337. 

Reed,  Andrew,  father  of  Joseph  Reed, 
the  subject  of  this  memoir,  born  at 
Trenton,  removes  to  Philadelphia,  re- 
turns to  Trenton,  one  of  the  trustees 
of  the  Arch  Street  church,  spares  no 
pains  or  expense  on  his  son's  education, 
i.  26;  his  death,  42. 

Reed.  De.-vnis  De  Berdt,  son  of  Joseph 
Reed,  his  death  at  sea,  ii.  416. 

Reed,  Esther,  died  unmarried  in  1847, 
ii.  481. 

Reed,  George  Washington,  born  in 
May,  1780,  graduated  in  Princeton  in 
1798,  enters  the  navy,  promoted  to  the 
command  of  the  "  Nautilus"  schooner, 
accompanies  General  Eaton's  detach- 
ment to  the  coast  of  Africa,  takes 
command  of  the  "Vixen,"  captured, 
ii.  231  ;  his  arrival  at  Jamaica,  his 
death,  232  ;  tombstone,  ?6. ;  Commo- 
dore Ridgeley's  letter  on,  233. 

Reed,  Martha,  died  unmarried  at  Bur- 
hngton,  1821,  ii.  416. 

Reed,  Mrs.  Esther,  wife  of  Gov.  Reed, 
her  letter  to  a  female  friend,  i.  359  ; 
on  the  Fort  Wilson  riot,  ii.  153  ;  her 
character,  253  ;  letters,  254,  255  ;  her 
letter  to  Washington  on  the  ladies' 
subscription  fund,  262;  to  Washing- 
ton, proposing  to  give  each  of  the 
soldiers  two  dollars  in  specie,  264  ;  to 
Washington,  complying  with  his  sug- 
gestion, 266 ;  letter  to  her  husband, 
267;  her  death  and  epitaph,  269. 

Rhal,  Colonel,  commands  the  Hessians 
at  Trenton,  i.  277;  mortally  wounded, 
ih. 

Rhode  Island,  arrival  of  the  French 
troops  at,  ii.  238. 

Richmond,  Dukeof,  extract  of  his  speech 
in  the  House  of  Lords,  ii.  76 ;  his  letter 
to  Mr.  Burke  on  the  prospect  of  him- 
self or  family  being  obliged  to  live  in 
France,  204. 

RiDGELY,  Charles  G.,  Commodore,  his 
letter  to  the  author  on  Captain  George 
Washington  Reed,  ii.  233. 

Rittenhouse,  David,  made  member  of 
Congress  in  place  of  Dr.  Franklin,  i. 
65 ;  appointed  one  of  the  commissioners 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


503 


to  settle  the  controversy  with  Virginia, 
ii.  133;  commissioner  on  the  funded 
loan,  281  ;  treasurer  of  Pennsylvania, 
282.    . 

Eiviii^ton' s  Gazette,  intercepted  letters 
of  Deane,  Duer,* Morris  and  others, 
published  in,  ii.  374. 

RoBERDEAU,  Daniel,  Colonel  of  the  2d 
Pennsylvania  battalion,  i.  105;  pre- 
sides at  a  town  meeting  in  the  State 
House  Yard,  ii.  144;  the  nature  of  his 
speech  there,  ib. 

Rockingham,  Marquis  of,  success  of  his 
party,  cause  of,  i.  45;  succeeds  Lord 
North  as  prime  minister,  ii.  379. 

Robertson,  General,  referred  to  by  Mr. 
De  Berdt,  i.  373;  his  arrival  in  New 
York  as  Governor  and  General,  cha- 
racterized by  General  Gates  as  an 
arch-fiend,  ii.  194. 

Roberts,  John,  his  trial  and  execution, 
ii.  30. 

Robin,  M.  L' Abbe,  his  travels  in  North 
America,  his  tolerance,  his  description 
of  the  country,  his  arrival  in  Philadel- 
phia, his  grotesque  impressions,  ii. 
307. 

Rodney,  George,  Sir,  disperses  the 
Spanish  marine,  ii.  196  ;  arrival  of, 
with  ten  sail  of  the  line,  at  Sandy 
Hook,  285 ;  defeats  the  Count  de 
Grasse  in  the  West  Indies,  384. 

Roebuck,  British  sloop  of  war,  action 
between  and  a  flotilla  of  gondolas, 
manned  by  Philadelphia  sailors,  i.  184. 

Ross,  James,  Colonel,  writes  to  General 
Sullivan  of  the  movements  of  the 
enemy,  i.  308, 

Root,  professionally  represents  Con- 
necticut in  the  Wyoming  controversy, 
ii.  388. 

Rush.  Jacob,  appointed  Judge  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  afterwards  President 
Judge  of  the  Common  Pleas  for  Phila- 
delphia County,  ii.  414. 

Rutledge,  Edward,  writes  to  General 
Sullivan  of  the  movements  of  the 
enemy,  i.  308. 

Rutledge,  John,  Governor  of  South 
Carolina,  his  character,  ii.  74. 


Sergeant,  Jonathan  Dickinson, 
made  Attorney-General,  i.  303  ;  his 
house  at  Princeton  burned  by  the 
British,  ii.  201 ;  died  of  yellow  fever 
in  1793,  201 ;  professionally  represent- 
ed Pennsylvania  at  Trenton  on  the 
Wyoming  controversy,  ii.  388. 

Sargent,  John,  a  merchant  in  London, 
made  member  of  Parliament  for  West - 
looe  in  Cornwall,  his  presentation  of  a 
gold  medal  for  the  best  essay  on  the 
union  of  the  Colonies,  Mr.  Reed  a 
competitor,  i.  40. 


Sayre,  Stephen,  one  of  Mr.  Reed's 
college  associates,  takes  an  active  part 
in  the  politicalsquabblesof  the  mother 
country,  i.  27;  elected  sherifl  of  Lon- 
don, a  companion  of  Wilkes,  corre- 
spondent of  Lord  Chatham  and  Charles 
Townshend,  committed  to  the  Tower, 
his  discharge,  his  action  against  Lord 
Rochford  lor  false  imprisonment,  the 
jury's  verdict  in  his  favour,  Horace 
VValpole's  grotesque  account  of,  ac- 
companies Arthur  Lee  to  Berlin,  re- 
turns to  America,  28;  his  residence  at 
Point  Breeze,  an  active  opponent  of 
Washington's  administration,  his  at- 
tacks on  Jay's  treaty,  his  death,  ib. 

Scammell,  Alexander,  acting  aid  to 
Washington  on  the  retreat  to  New 
York,  i.  228 ;  his  mistake,  229. 

Schuyler,  Philip,  General,  Washing- 
ton sends  to,  for  artillery,  i.  131;  is 
recommended  by  Reed  to  be  Quarter- 
master-General, 363;  chairman  of  a 
committee  of  Congress,  in  correspond- 
ence with  Arnold,  urges  Arnold's 
claims  to  the  command  at  West  Point, 
ii.  229;  had  no  suspicion  of  Arnold's 
infamy,  229;  letter  to  Arnold  found 
amongst  his  (Arnold's)  papers,  276  ; 
a  candidate  for  the  War  Department, 
375. 

Schuylkill,  defence  of,  i.  313. 

Scott,  Colonel,  made  brigadier  general, 
i.  296. 

Seabury,  the  Rev.  Mr.,  acts  as  guide  to 
General  Clinton,  ii.  170. 

Searle,  James,  sent  abroad  to  borrow 
money,  ii.  246 ;  spends  two  seasons  in 
Europe,  his  want  of  success,  286  ;  at- 
tempt to  recall,  293 ;  letters,  &.c.  re- 
lative to  his  mission,  450,  et  seq. 

Shee,  Colonel,  his  resignation,  i.  252. 

Shelburne,  Lord,  his  letter  to  Lord 
Chatham,  i.  61;  Mr.  Arthur  Lee's 
character  of,  ii.  407. 

Shield,  Mr.,  a  man  of  fortune,  intro- 
duced by  letter  to  Washington,  ii, 
248. 

Shippen,  Edward,  Chief  Justice  of 
Pemisylvania  in  1799,  ii.  53. 

Shippen,  Miss,  daughter  of  Edward 
Shippen,  afterwards  Mrs.  Arnold, 
Arnold's  letter  to,  ii.  53. 

Shuldam,  Admiral,  his  arrival  at  Boston, 
i.  141. 

SiDDONS,  Mrs.,  Mr.  Reed's  opinion  of 
her  acting,  ii.  412. 

Smallwood,  General,  advises  an  attack 
on  Wilmington,  i.  310;  Greene's  cha- 
racter of,  ii.  345. 

Smith,  Willia.m,  Rev.,  provost  of  the 
college,  addresses  a  public  meeting  in 
the  State  House  Yard,  i.  67;  obnoxious 
to  the  popular  party,  ii.  169;  turbulent 
and  active,  170;  the  personal  enemy 
Of  Mr.  Reed,  172. 


504 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


Smith,  Colonel,  commands  at  Fort  Mif- 
flin, wounded,  i.  336. 

Southern  States,  reverses  there,  fidelity 
much  shaken,  ii.  285 ;  their  want  of 
action,  352. 

Stain  declares  in  favour  of  the  United 
States, .ii.  123. 

Spares,  Jared,  his  letter  to  the  author, 
i.  125  ;  quoted,  311  et  seq. 

Stamp  Act,  repealed  in  1766,  i.  39. 

Steuben,  Baron,  his  instructions  to 
Captain  Archer  after  the  storming  of 
Stoney  Point,  ii.  115;  left  in  Virginia 
to  send  supplies  and  recruits  to  the 
Southern  army,  344 ;  undeservedly 
gets  unpopular  for  censuring  the  great 
in  Virginia,  364. 

Stewart,  Walter,  Major,  one  of 
General  Wayne's  confidential  officers, 
ii.  110. 

Stockton,  Richard,  Mr.  Reed's  pre- 
ceptor, i.  28;  his  letter  to  Mr.  Reed, 
30. 

St.  Clair,  Arthur,  acts  as  Adjutant- 
General  during  the  vacancy  of  that 
office,  i.  299  ;  cited,  339  ;  letters  to 
President  Reed,  ii.  60,  61  ;  on  the 
Fort  Wilson  riot,  153. 

Stoney  Point,  surprisal  of,  by  General 
Wayne,  ii.  113  ;  evacuated,  114. 

Stormont,  Lord,  leaves  Paris  in  conse- 
quence of  contempt  shown  him,  i. 
340. 

Story,  Enoch,  principal  conductor  of 
Rivington's  Gazette ;  his  incapacity, 
i.  92. 

Sullivan,  General,  ordered  to  Provi- 
dence, i.  180  ;  evacuates  Canada,  192  ; 
made  prisoner,  221  ;  permitted  to  visit 
Philadelphia  on  parole,  232  ;  at  the 
battle  of  Brandywine,  308  ;  at  the 
battle  of  Germantown,  319 ;  his  dis- 
astrous expedition  to  Rhode  Island, 
ii.  27  ;  commands  the  expedition 
against  the  Indians,  106  ;  destroys  the 
Indian  settlements,  107. 

Sullivan's  Island,  gallant  defence  of, 
against  Sir  Peter  Parker  and  Gene- 
ral Clinton,  i.  202. 

Sumter,  General,  referred  to  in 
Greene's  letter  to  President  Reed, 
ii.  352. 


Taylor,  Zachary,  General,  his  de- 
spatches from  Monterey  and  Buena 
Vista  compared  with  those  of  General 
Greene  from  the  South  during  the 
Revolutionary  War,  ii.  342. 

Tea,  its  destruction  in  Boston  Bay,  i. 
55  ;  the  great  quantities  of  smuggled, 
ib. ;  the  annual  consumption  of,  in 
Pennsylvania,  56. 

Temple,  Middle,  Mr.  Reed's  certificate 
of  membership  into,  i.  29. 


Temple,  Robert,  brings  a  letter  from 
Arthur  Lee  to  Mr.  Hancock,  i.  183  ; 
is  permitted  to  land,  217. 

Tender  Laws,  extract  from  Freeman's 
Journal  on,  ii.  289  ;  suspended,  290  ; 
their  re-enaction  in  the  most  stringent 
form,  291  ;  repealed,  299. 

Ternay,  Count  De,  at  Rhode  Island ; 
referred  to  by  General  Wayne,  ii.  285. 

Thayer,  Major,  commands  at  Fort 
Milflin,  i.  336  ;  abandons  the  fort,  ih. 

Thomas,  General,  his  intention  to  retire 
from  the  army,  i.  109 ;  Washington's 
letter  to,  on  the  duties  of  a  citizen  to 
his  country,  ib.  ;  his  intention  aban- 
doned ;  his  death.  111. 

Thomson,  Charles,  a  conspicuous 
politician  ;  calls  a  meeting  at  the  City 
Tavern,  i.  65  ;  his  letter  on  the  state 
of  parties,  152;  extract  of  his  letter  to 
Mr.  Drayton,  153  ;  his  letter  from 
Madrid  to  Mr.  Jay  on  Arnold's  trea- 
son, ii.  274  ;  Secretary  of  Congress  ; 
the  Abbe  Robin's  description  of,  307. 

Thompson,  General,  ordered  to  New 
York,  i.  153. 

Tilghman,  Colonel,  his  character,  i. 
231  ;  his  letter  to  Robert  Morris,  233. 

Tories,  effect  of  the  evacuation  of  Bos- 
ton on,  i.  180  ;  are  imprisoned  by  the 
Council  of  Safety,  267. 

Trade,  restrictions  on,  ii.  140. 

Treason  Trials  in  1778,  ii.  33  ;  reported 
in  Dallas'  Reports,  34  ;  great  excite- 
ment on  account  of,  34  ;  efforts  made 
to  save  Roberts  and  Carlisle,  ib. 

Trenton,  battle  of,  i.  277. 

Trenton,  militia  camp  at,  commanded 
by  President  Reed,  ii.  238. 

Trumbull,  John,  Governor  of  Con- 
necticut, anticipates  Washington's 
request,  and  votes  a  regiment,  in  con- 
junction with  his  Council  of  Safety,  i. 
146  ;  Washington's  letter  to,  270. 

Tryon,  Governor,  his  arrival  at  New 
York  with  the  fleet,  i.  191 ;  his  plot 
to  destroy  the  American  magazines 
and  artillery,  and  take  Washington 
prisoner  ;  the  plot  discovered,  and 
consequence,  192. 


V. 


"  Valerius, '''  his  assault  on  Mr.  Dickin- 
son ;  identity  not  ascertained  ;  ability 
of  his  writing,  ii.  382. 

Valley  Forge,  camp  at,  i.  354. 

Varnum,  General,  detached  to  New 
Jersey,  i.  334  ;  commands  at  Red 
Bank,  337 ;  and  at  Haddonfield,  340. 

Vaughan,  General,  of  the  British,  re- 
ferred to,  i.  270. 

Venzaga,  Luis,  Don,  Governor  of  New 
Orleans,  writes  to  General  Lee,  offer- 
ing him  all  the  assistance  in  his 
power,  i.  257. 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


505 


Virginia,  controversy  with  Pennsyl- 
vania, ii.  133  ;  appoints  Bishop  James 
Madison  and  Robert  Andrews  as 
Commissioners  to  settle  it,  ib. 

Virginia  Co7ivention  instructs  its  dele- 
gates in  Congress  to  declare  the  Colo- 
nies free  and  independent,  i.  187. 


W. 

Walpole,  Horace,  his  letter  to  Sir 
Horace  Mann  regarding  his  godson, 
General  Gates,  ii.  193. 

Ward,  General,  his  resignation,  i.  179. 

Warville,  Brissot  de,  his  sympathy 
for  Roberts  and  Carlisle  ;  opposed  to 
capital  punishment,  yet  afterwards 
voted  for  the  death  of  Louis  XVI. ; 
his  misrepresentations  on  Mr.  Reed 
refuted,  ii.  35. 

Washington,  George,  appointed  Com- 
mander-in-Chief, i.  105;  makes  Mr. 
Reed  his  Secretary,  ib.  ;  his  intimacy 
in  Mr.  Reed's  family,  107  ;  his  letter 
to  General  Thomas  on  the  duty  a  man 
owes  to  his  country,  109  ;  to  General 
Gage  on  the  treatment  of  prisoners, 
112,  114;  siege  of  Boston,  115;  anxi- 
ety to  attack  it,  121  ;  discouraged 
from  the  attempt  by  his  officers,  ib.  ; 
his  queries  to  Dr.  Franklin,  &c.,  on 
the  bombardment  of  Boston,  122  ; 
takes  possession  of  Cobble  Hill,  129 ; 
begins  the  bomb  battery  at  Letch- 
more  Point,  133  ;  his  description  of 
his  difficulties,  141  ;  burns  some 
houses  near  Bunker's  Hill,  144  ;  de- 
spatches General  Lee  to  New  York, 
ib. ;  takes  possession  of  Dorchester 
Heights,  168 ;  his  account  of  the  eva- 
cuation of  Boston,  177;  his  surmises 
of  the  intentions  of  the  enemy,  ib. ; 
his  letter  to  Governor  Livingston  de- 
manding militia,  193  ;  his  interview 
with  Colonel  Patterson  on  behalf  of 
General  Howe,  206  ;  order  on  the  sol- 
dier's dress,  209  ;  contradicts  the  re- 
port of  the  proposition  for  peace,  218  ; 
crosses  to  Brooklyn,  221  ;  agitation 
at  the  defeat  of  his  favourite  troops, 
223  ;  his  retreat,  226  ;  despatch  to 
Congress  after  the  retreat,  229 ;  his 
character  of  Colonel  Tilghman,  231  ; 
convokes  a  military  council,  234  ;  his 
disapproval  of  General  Sullivan's 
mission,  234  ;  vexation  at  the  conduct 
of  the  mihtia,  236  ;  letters  to  Congress 
on  the  disorganization  and  desertions 
of  the  army,  241 ;  extract  of  letter  to 
Governor  Livingston  about  Lord 
Howe,  248  ;  crosses  the  Hudson,  248  ; 
his  error  in  retaining  Fort  Washing- 
ton, 250  ;  confidence  in  General  Lee, 
251  ;  arrival  at  Fort  Lee,  252  ;  opens 
and  reads  Lee's  letter  to  Reed ;  the 


consequence,  258  ;  writes  to  Colonel 
Reed  on  the  subject  of  Lee's  letter, 
ib. ;  is  satisfied  of  Reed's  sentiments 
towards  him,  260,  261  ;  his  reasons 
for  defending  Fort  Washington,  263  ; 
retreats  through  New  Jersey,  264  ; 
at  Hackinsac,  265  ;  despatches  Gene- 
ral Mifflin  to  Philadelphia  and  Colonel 
Reed  to  Burlington,  ib.  ;  destroys  the 
boats,  and  takes  post  on  the  western 
bank  of  the  Delaware,  268;  despond- 
ing letter  to  his  brother,  ib. ;  extract 
of  his  letter  to  General  Gates,  270; 
his  plan  of  attack  at  Trenton,  ib.  ; 
writes  to  Robert  Morris,  ib. ;  extract 
of  his  letter  to  Congress,  273  ;  com- 
municates his  plan  of  attack  on  Tren- 
ton to  Colonel  Reed,  271  ;  his  letter 
to  Bristol,  stating  the  hour  of  attack 
on  Trenton,  274  ;  his  passage  of  the 
Delaware,  276  ;  secures  his  prisoners, 
and  recrosses  the  Delaware,  278  ;  his 
advance  on  Trenton,  281  ;  directs 
Colonel  Reed  to  reconnoitre,  282  ; 
despatches  Pennsylvania  militia  to 
sustain  General  Mercer,  288  ;  gains 
the  battle  of  Princeton,  and  informs 
Congress  of  his  success,  290 ;  his 
orders  to  General  Lincoln,  291  ;  en- 
camps at  Morristown,  292 ;  remon- 
strates with  General  Howe  on  the 
treatment  of  our  prisoners,  293 ;  his 
ignorance  of  Mercer's  death,  294 ; 
his  letter  to  Congress  recommending 
Cadwalader  and  Reed  as  Brigadier 
Generals,  295  ;  urges  Reed  to  take 
command  of  the  Light  Horse,  296 ; 
his  letter  to  Colonel  Moylan  on  this 
subject,  297  ;  takes  a  position  at  Cor- 
yell's Ferry,  304 ;  marches  through 
Philadelphia ;  his  motive,  ib.  ;  his 
position  on  the  Brandywine,  ib. ;  his 
orders  to  Colonel  Theodoric  Bland, 
309  ;  his  mysterious  movements,  312  ; 
his  despatch  to  Congress,  313  ;  crosses 
the  Schuylkill,  ib.  ;  reinforces  the 
forts  on  the  Delaware,  315  ;  opposed 
to  Conway's  being  made  a  Major 
General,  324 ;  draws  his  army  near 
Philadelphia,  334  ;  offers  a  reward  for 
the  best  substitute  for  shoes,  339 ; 
convokes  his  military  council,  340; 
the  cabal  against,  342  ;  his  favourites, 
343  ;  his  proclamation  on  the  thrash- 
ing of  grain,  355  ;  appeal  to  Congress 
on  the  distresses  of  the  army,  356  ; 
his  letter  to  a  friend,  365  ;  pursues  the 
retreating  enemy,  367 ;  again  crosses 
the  Delaware,  367  ;  his  answer  to  Mr. 
Duche,  381  ;  his  anxiety  to  get  rid  of 
the  British  officers  prisoners  in  Phila- 
delphia, ii.  27  ;  is  slandered  as  being 
cruel  to  his  slaves,  &c.,  38  ;  his  reply 
to  General  Lee  in  Dunlap's  Gazette, 
42  ;  denies  what  Arnold  attributed  to 
him  about  Reed,  54 ;   description  of 


506 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


Arnold's  treason,  57  ;    contemplated 
measures  against  the  Indians,  69  ;  his 
camp  at  Middlebrook,  72 ;  solicitude 
of  the  movements  of  the  enemy,  72  ; 
orders  the  troops  for  Wyoming,  81 ; 
recommends  General  Potter  to  com- 
mand the  expedition  against  the  In- 
dians, 85  ;  views  on  the  trial  of  Ar- 
nold,  93  ;    defence  of   the  frontiers 
against   the    Indians,   95  ;    his   letter 
on    the    Indians    to    the    Executive 
Council,    106  ;    reconnoitres    Stoney 
Point    in    person,    110  ;     his    direc- 
tions   to     General    Wayne    on    its 
attack,     ib.  ;     letter     to    President 
Reed  on  Lee's  attack  on,  123  ;   his 
letter  on  forestalling,  paper  currency, 
&c.,  141;  et  seq. ;  determines  to  make 
an  attack  on  New  York,  179  ■;  his  re- 
liance  on,    and    appeal   to   Pennsyl- 
vania for  fifteen  hundred  men,  ib. ;  his 
letter  to  President  Reed  on  Conti- 
nental rank,  184  ;  abandons  the  enter- 
prise against  New  York  for  want  of 
means,    189  ;   his  description  of  the 
situation  of  the  army  at  Morristown, 
ib.  ;  determines  to  maintain  a  defen- 
sive position,  197;  his  views  of  the 
state  of  affairs  in  Europe  and  Ame- 
rica,  204 ;    his    advice   to   President 
Reed  on  the  difficulties  of  his  situa- 
tion,  221  ;    reluctantly   disbands   the 
militia  after  abandoning  the  move- 
ment on  New  York,  244 ;  his  letter 
to  Mrs.  Reed  on  the  Ladies'  subscrip- 
tions, 263;  his  reply  to  Mrs.  Reed's 
proposal    to  give    the    soldiers    two 
dollars  each  in  specie,  265  ;  his  letter 
to  Mrs.  Francis  and  others,  who  suc- 
ceeded Mrs.   Reed  in    management 
of  the  Ladies'  subscriptions,  271  ;  to 
Mr.  Reed,  relative  to  Arnold,  277 ; 
his    favourable    opinion    of   General 
Schuyler,   278  ;   state    of  his  army, 
296  ;  threatens  New  York  along  with 
Rochambeau,  ib. ;  his  letter  to  Gou- 
verneur  Morris  on  the  inadequacy  of 
his  force  to  attack  New  York,  317  ; 
goes  to  Hartford  to  meet  Count  de 
Rochambeau   and   Admiral   Ternay, 
342  ;  surrender  of  Cornwallis  to,  377  ; 
spends   the   winter   in    Philadelphia, 
378  ;  passes  through  Philadelphia  on 
his  way  to  Annapolis,  where  he  in- 
tends to  leave  his  coat  and  cockade, 
401  ;  alarmed  at  the  order  of  the  Cin- 
cinnati, 409. 

Washington,  Mrs.,  disaffection  to- 
wards in  Philadelphia,  requested  not 
to  attend  a  ball,  complies  with  request 
and  leaves  the  city  for  the  camp,  ii. 
24,  25. 

Washington,  William,  Colonel,  de- 
feats a  party  of  Tories  at  Broad  River, 
ii.  346. 


Washington,  Samuel,  Commissioner 

on  Indian  affairs,  i.  353. 
Watts,  Stephen,  a  competitor  for  Mr. 

Sargent's  gold  medal,  i.  40. 
Wayne,     Anthony,     General,    com- 
mands at  the  battle  of  Brandywine,  i. 
307 ;  his  letters  to  Washington,  312, 
313;    surprised  at  Paoli  by  General 
Grey   and   his  men   massacred,    ib. ; 
commands  the  advance  guard  at  Ger- 
mantown,  319  ;  his  description  of  the 
battle,  320  ;  his  horse  shot  under  him 
and  himself  slightly  wounded,   321  ; 
his  letter  to  General  Gates,  342 ;  his 
congratulations  on  Mr.  Reed  being 
elected  President  of  the  Council,  ii. 
43 ;    his  appeal  to  the  Assembly  of 
Pennsylvania,  64  ;  his  plan  of  attack 
on   Stoney   Point,    111 ;    storms  the 
British  intrenchments  at  Stoney  Point 
and  is  wounded,  112;  his  official  de- 
spatch, ib. ;  humanity  to  the  prisoners, 
114;    congratulated    by   letter    from 
President    Reed,   115;    his   letter   to 
President  Reed  recommending  Lieu- 
tenants Knox  and  Gibbons,  116;  on 
the  distresses  of  the  Pennsylvania  di- 
vision, 270 ;    on  the  military  affairs, 
285  ;  recommends  a  foreign  loan,  286  ; 
advises  an  application  for  specie   to 
France,  ib.;  letters  on  the  distresses 
of  the  troops,  313,  315  ;  a  sort  of  pri- 
soner   to    his  revolted  troops,   319; 
writes  to  President  Reed  of  his  situa- 
tion, ib. ;  offers  one  hundred  guineas 
for  the  spies,  331 ;  detached  to  join 
Lafayette  in  Virginia,  his  laconic  let- 
ters to  President  Reed  on  his  depar- 
ture, 360,  361 ;  his  favourable  opinion 
of  the  French  troops,  365  ;  his  letter 
to  President  Reed  about  Cornwallis, 
&c.,  367 ;    has  two  skirmishes  with 
the   enemy   in   both   of  which  gains 
great  advantages,  379 ;    gains  much 
credit  while  in  command  in  Georgia, 
380. 
Webb,  Samuel  B.,  Colonel,  ordered  to 
meet  and  retard  the  enemy  at  Chest- 
nut Hill,  i.  350. 
Wedderburne,  Mr.,  Solicitor- General 
of  England,  his  attack  on  Dr.  Frank- 
lin, his  effigy  burned  in  Philadelphia, 
i.  59. 
Wentworth,  Governorof  New  Hamp- 
shire, one  of  the  most  temperate  of 
the  Governors  of  the  Colonies,  i.  53. 
West,  Benjamin,  referred  to,  ii.  235. 
Westmoreland,  County  of,  harassed  by 
the  Indians,  ii.  && ;  raises  two  addi- 
tional companies  for  the  war  against 
the  Indians,  105. 
Weymouth,   Lord,   his  resignation,  i. 

44. 
Wharton,  Thomas,  first  Governor  of 
Pennsylvania  under  the  new  Consti- 
tution, i.  245. 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


507 


Wharton,  Thomas,  Jr.,  elected  Presi- 
dent of  the  Executive  Council,  ii.  23. 

Whipple,  William,  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, one  of  the  Commissioners  on 
the  Wyoming  Controversy,  ii.  388. 

White,  Colonel,  ordered  with  a  squadron 
of  horse  to  the  enemy's  rear,  i.  368; 
referred  to  in  President  Reed's  letter 
to  Washington,  ii.  106. 

White,  Bishop,  his  character,  ii.  169, 
170 ;  extract  of  his  letter  to  President 
Reed,  170. 

White  Plains,  battle  of,  i.  246. 

Willing,  Thomas,  of  Philadelphia 
elected  one  of  the  Burgesses  in  1764, 
i.  36. 

Williams,  Otho  H.,  Colonel,  engaged 
in  the  battle  of  Long  Island,  i.  221 ; 
acts  as  Adjutant-General  at  the  battle 
of  Guilford  Court-House,  ii.  350. 

Wilkes,  John,  his  description  of  Lord 
Carhsle,  i.  422. 

Wilmington  evacuated  by  the  British, 
i.  331. 

Wilson,  James,  one  of  the  Signers,  a 
distinguished  lawyer,  his  residence. 
Fort  Wilson  Riot,  ii.  149 ;  profession- 
ally represents  Pennsylvania  at  Tren- 
i  ton  on  the  Wyoming  Controversy,  388. 
[  Withekspoon,  Dr.,  accompanies  Mr. 
j      Reed  to   England,   being   associated 


with  him  on  a  mission  to  procure  bene- 
factions on  behalf  of  Princeton  college, 
ii.  398. 

Woedtke,  Baron  de,  made  a  brigadier 
general  and  sent  to  Canada,  i.  175. 

Wolcott,  General,  one  of  the  com- 
missioners appointed  to  negotiate  with 
the  Indians,  ii.  407. 

WoosTER,  Colonel,  superseded  or  re- 
signed, i.  1G3  ;  his  incapacity  for  com- 
mand, 171. 

Wordsworth,  William,  extract  from 
his  pamphlet  on  the  convention  of 
Cintra,  i.  209. 

Wright,  James,  Sir,  Governor  of 
Georgia  in  1760,  his  political  foresight, 
i.  33. 

Wyoming  Controversy,  Commissioners 
appointed  by  Congress  to  meet  at 
Trenton  and  settle  the  question,  ii. 
388;  decided  in  favour  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, 391. 


Z. 


Zeigler,  Captain,  appointed  state  clo- 
thier, and  issuing  commissary  of  state 
stores,  waits  on  President  Reed  with 
estimates,  &c.,  ii.  315. 


THE  END. 


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